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Christopher Nolan's Oppenheimer is in awe of physics and the power it can bestow. Its central character is both mythic and human, and the film critiques and constructs the mythology surrounding him. The film presents science and technology as the individualized work of masculine genius, though it is ultimately more interested in nuclear weapons as political objects than as technological ones. Its nuclear imaginaries contain personal anxieties and stunning spectacle but also forget the nuclear uncanny and the human scale of nuclear weapons.

137 Cs is a long-lived (30-year radioactive half-life) fission product dispersed globally by mid-20th century atmospheric nuclear weapons testing. Here we show that vegetation thousands of kilometers from testing sites continues to cycle 137 Cs because it mimics potassium, and consequently, bees magnify this radionuclide in honey. There were no atmospheric weapons tests in the eastern United States, but most honey here has detectable 137 Cs at >0.03 Bq kg -1 , and in the southeastern U.S., activities can be >500 times higher. By measuring honey, we show regional patterns in the biogeochemical cycling of 137 Cs and conclude that plants and animals receive disproportionally high exposure to ionizing radiation from 137 Cs in low potassium soils. In several cases, the presence of 137 Cs more than doubled the ionizing radiation from gamma and x-rays in the honey, indicating that despite its radioactive half-life, the environmental legacy of regional 137 Cs pollution can persist for more than six decades.

Thyroid doses were estimated for the subjects of a population-based case-control study of thyroid cancer in a population exposed to fallout after atmospheric nuclear weapons tests conducted in French Polynesia between 1966 and 1974. Thyroid doses due to (1) intake of I and of short-lived radioiodine isotopes (I, I, I) and Te, (2) external irradiation from gamma-emitting radionuclides deposited on the ground, and (3) ingestion of long-lived Cs with foodstuffs were reconstructed for each study subject. The dosimetry model that had been used in 2008 in Phase I of the study was substantially improved with (1) results of radiation monitoring of the environment and foodstuffs, which became available in 2013 for public access, and (2) historical data on population lifestyle related to the period of the tests, which were collected in 2016-2017 using focus-group discussions and key informant interviews. The mean thyroid dose among the study subjects was found to be around 5 mGy while the highest dose was estimated to be around 36 mGy. Doses from I intake ranged up to 27 mGy, while those from intake of short-lived iodine isotopes (I, I, I) and Te ranged up to 14 mGy. Thyroid doses from external exposure ranged up to 6 mGy, and those from internal exposure due to Cs ingestion did not exceed 1 mGy. Intake of I was found to be the main pathway for thyroid exposure accounting for 72% of the total dose. Results of this study are being used to evaluate the risk of thyroid cancer among the subjects of the epidemiologic study of thyroid cancer among French Polynesians.

For nearly half a century, the United States and the Soviet Union were locked in a fierce battle although no shots were actually fired. Starting in the 1940s, both started developing their arsenal of nuclear weapons, in preparation for an all-out nuclear war. The U.S. government primarily used a patch of land in Nye, NV, that was formerly a military base, to conduct their tests. It was flat with few animals nearby. It seemed far from civilization and wasn't adjacent to any water streams, which the government thought would minimize the spread of contamination that would be generated from the above-ground blasts. In other words, the site seemed to be perfect.

The atomic bomb attack on Hiroshima on August 6, 1945 is one of the most powerful global memories. While the literature on global memories has greatly expanded in recent decades, Hiroshima remains surprisingly understudied. In addressing this lacuna, this paper develops a new theoretical prism for the study of global memories. It argues that the Hiroshima memory cannot be understood in isolation, but rather as the hub in a broader memory complex. This complex is the result of symbolic dialogues that connect Hiroshima with such different events, situations, and memories as Nanjing, Pearl Harbor, the Cold War, and so on. The paper demonstrates how these dialogues have been forged, often in the context of substantial controversy. While distinctly sociological in orientation, the paper takes its main theoretical inspiration from cultural, literary, and history scholars such as Jan and Aleida Assmann, Sebastian Conrad, Astrid Erll, Ann Rigney, Michael Rothberg, Aby Warburg and Mikhael Bakhtin., (© 2019 London School of Economics and Political Science.)

INTRODUCTION: In this article, we recount some aspects of the tremendous life of Don Shields. As a young Air Force pilot, Don Shields flew the B57 aircraft through the actual nuclear cloud during nuclear weapons blast explosions in Operation Dominic. The data he collected was of vital importance to our country's nuclear weapons program. Don Shields knew of the tremendous risk of radiation but served our country at the call of duty. After his military service, Don Shields served as the subject matter expert for the Apollo lunar module and worked directly with Commander Neil Armstrong and lunar module pilot Buzz Aldrin in training them on the module. During the Apollo 11 mission, Don Shields was being interviewed by Walter Cronkite on the epic Moon landing coverage. Unfortunately, later in life Don Shields suffered from cataracts and leukemia, both of which are known to be related to high radiation exposures. During his old age, Don Shields volunteered at the NASA Ames Museum and inspired generations of young individuals towards the space mission. Douglas DB, Cagle Y. The life of Don Shields: from atmospheric nuclear tests to the lunar module . Aerosp Med Hum Perform. 2020; 91(1):56-58.

Cohorts of atomic bomb survivors-including those exposed in utero-and children conceived after parental exposure were established to investigate late health effects of atomic bomb radiation and its transgenerational effects by the Atomic Bomb Casualty Commission (ABCC) in the 1950s. ABCC was reorganized to the Radiation Effects Research Foundation (RERF) in 1975, and all work has been continued at RERF. The Life Span Study, the cohort of survivors, consists of about 120,000 subjects and has been followed since 1950. Cohorts of in utero survivors and the survivors' children include about 3,600 and 77,000 subjects, respectively, and have been followed since 1945. Atomic bomb radiation dose was estimated for each subject based on location at the time of the bombing and shielding conditions from exposure, which were obtained through enormous efforts of investigators and cooperation of subjects. Outcomes include vital status, cause of death, and cancer incidence. In addition, sub-cohorts of these three cohorts were constructed to examine clinical features of late health effects, and the subjects have been invited to periodic health examinations at clinics of ABCC and RERF. They were also asked to donate biosamples for biomedical investigations. Epidemiological studies have observed increased radiation risks for malignant diseases among survivors, including those exposed in utero, and possible risks for some non-cancer diseases. In children of survivors, no increased risks due to parental exposure to radiation have been observed for malignancies or other diseases, but investigations are continuing, as these cohorts are still relatively young.

This is a historical account of how receptors for neurotransmitters and drugs got to be seen at the regional, cellular, and subcellular levels in brain, in the years going from the end of the World War II until the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Cold War (1945-1991). The realization in the US of the problem of mental health care, as a consequence of the results of medical evaluation for military service during the war, let the US Government to act creating among other things the National Institute for Mental Health (NIMH). Coincident with that, new drug treatments for these disorders were introduced. War science also created an important number of tools and instruments, such as the radioisotopes, that played a significant role in the development of our story. The scientific context was marked by the development of Biochemistry, Molecular Biology and the introduction in the early 80's of the DNA recombinant technologies. The concepts of chemical neurotransmission in the brain and of receptors for drugs and transmitters, although proposed before the war, where not generally accepted. Neurotransmitters were identified and the mechanisms of biosynthesis, storage, release and termination of action by mechanisms such as reuptake, elucidated. Furthermore, the synapse was seen with the electron microscope and more important for our account, neurons and their processes visualized in the brain first by fluorescence histochemistry, then using radioisotopes and autoradiography, and later by immunohistochemistry (IHC), originating the Chemical Neuroanatomy. The concept of chemical neurotransmission evolved from the amines, expanded to excitatory and inhibitory amino acids, then to neuropeptides and finally to gases and other "atypical" neurotransmitters. In addition, coexpression of more than one transmitter in a neuron, changed the initial ideas of neurotransmission. The concept of receptors for these and other messengers underwent a significant evolution from an abstract chemical concept to their physical reality as gene products. Important steps were the introduction in the 70's of radioligand binding techniques and the cloning of receptor genes in the 80's. Receptors were first visualized using radioligands and autoradiography, and analyzed with the newly developed computer-assisted image analysis systems. Using Positron Emission Tomography transmitters and receptors were visualized in living human brain. The cloning of receptor genes allowed the use of in situ hybridization histochemistry and immunohistochemistry to visualize with the light and electron microscopes the receptor mRNAs and proteins. The results showed the wide heterogeneity of receptors and the diversity of mode of signal transmission, synaptic and extra-synaptic, again radically modifying the early views of neurotransmission. During the entire period the interplay between basic science and Psychopharmacology and Psychiatry generated different transmitter or receptor-based theories of brain drug action. These concepts and technologies also changed the way new drugs were discovered and developed. At the end of the period, a number of declines in these theories, the use of certain tools and the ability to generate new diagnostics and treatments, the end of an era and the beginning of a new one in the research of how the brain functions., (Copyright © 2017 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

The onset of nuclear warfare in Hiroshima and Nagasaki had far-reaching implications for the world of medicine. The study of the A-bomb and its implications led to the launching of new fields and avenues of research, most notably in genetics and radiation studies. Far less understood and under-studied was the impact of nuclear research on psychiatric medicine. Psychological research, however, was a major focus of post-war military and civilian research into the bomb. This research and the perceived revolutionary impact of atomic energy and warfare on society, this paper argues, played an important role in the global development of post-war psychiatry. Focusing on psychiatrists in North America, Japan and the United Nations, this paper examines the reaction of the profession to the nuclear age from the early post-war period to the mid 1960s. The way psychiatric medicine related to atomic issues, I argue, shifted significantly between the immediate post-war period and the 1960s. While the early post-war psychiatrists sought to help society deal with and adjust to the new nuclear reality, later psychiatrists moved towards a more radical position that sought to resist the establishment's efforts to normalise the bomb and nuclear energy. This shift had important consequences for research into the psychological trauma suffered by victims of nuclear warfare, which, ultimately, together with other research into the impact of war and systematic violence, led to our current understanding of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD).

Radiobiology assesses the biological hazards of exposure to radioactive substances and nuclear radiation. This article explores the history of radiobiology in twentieth-century China by examining the overlapping of radium research and biophysics, from roughly the 1920s Nationalist period to the 1960s Communist period; from the foreign purchase of radium by the Rockefeller Foundation's China Medical Board during the Republican era, to the institutional establishment of radiobiology as a subset of biophysics in the People's Republic. Western historiography of radiobiology highlights the connection between the military development of nuclear weapons and the civilian use of radiation in biology, as well as the international export of radioisotopes and nuclear reactors. Considering the exclusion of China from Western atomic diplomacy, I argue that the study of the Chinese history of bomb-making and radiobiology is necessary not just to fill an existing knowledge gap, but more importantly to elucidate the influence of the Chinese nuclear weapons program and Cold War atomic politics on Chinese life-science enterprises. Through examining the formational history of the radiobiology program in China, I hope to shed light on the implications of the atomic age for Chinese biology in the twentieth century.

Following the atomic bomb attacks on Japan in 1945, scientists from the United States and Japan joined together to study the Hibakusha - the bomb affected people in what was advertised as a bipartisan and cooperative effort. In reality, despite the best efforts of some very dedicated and earnest scientists, the early years of the collaboration were characterized by political friction, censorship, controversy, tension, hostility, and racism. The 70-year history, scientific output and cultural impact of the Atomic Bomb Casualty Commission and the Radiation Effects Research Foundation are described in the context of the development of Occupied Japan.

Approximately one in two hundred persons in the Marshall Islands have active tuberculosis (TB). We examine the historical antecedents of this situation in order to assign ethical responsibility for the present situation. Examining the antecedents in terms of Galtung's dialectic of personal versus structural violence, we can identify instances in the history of the Marshall Islands when individual subjects made decisions (personal violence) with large-scale ecologic, social, and health consequences. The roles of medical experimenters, military commanders, captains of the weapons industry in particular, and industrial capitalism in general (as the cause of global warming) are examined. In that, together with Lewontin, we also identify industrial capitalism as the cause of tuberculosis, we note that the distinction between personal versus structural violence is difficult to maintain. By identifying the cause of the tuberculosis in the Marshall Islands, we also identify what needs be done to treat and prevent it.

In this paper I track the history of post-1945 human genetics and genomics emphasizing the importance of ideas about risk to the scientific study and medical management of human heredity. Drawing on my own scholarship as it is refracted through important new work by other scholars both junior and senior, I explore how radiation risk and then later disease risk mattered to the development of genetics and genomics, particularly in the United States. In this context I excavate one of the central ironies of post-war human genetics: while studies of DNA as the origin and cause of diseases have been lavishly supported by public institutions and private investment around the world, the day-to-day labor of intensive clinical innovation has played a far more important role in the actual human experience of genetic disease and genetic risk for affected families. This has implications for the archival record, where clinical interactions are less readily accessible to historians. This paper then suggests that modern genomics grew out of radiation risk; that it was and remains a risk assessment science; that it is temporally embedded as a form of both prediction and historical reconstruction; and that it has become a big business focused more on risk and prediction (which can be readily marketed) than on effective clinical intervention., (Copyright © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Analyses of the Life Span Study (LSS) of Japanese atomic bombing survivors have routinely incorporated corrections for additive classical measurement errors using regression calibration. Recently, several studies reported that the efficiency of the simulation-extrapolation method (SIMEX) is slightly more accurate than the simple regression calibration method (RCAL). In the present paper, the SIMEX and RCAL methods have been used to address errors in atomic bomb survivor dosimetry on solid cancer and leukaemia mortality risk estimates. For instance, it is shown that using the SIMEX method, the ERR/Gy is increased by an amount of about 29 % for all solid cancer deaths using a linear model compared to the RCAL method, and the corrected EAR 10(-4) person-years at 1 Gy (the linear terms) is decreased by about 8 %, while the corrected quadratic term (EAR 10(-4) person-years/Gy(2)) is increased by about 65 % for leukaemia deaths based on a linear-quadratic model. The results with SIMEX method are slightly higher than published values. The observed differences were probably due to the fact that with the RCAL method the dosimetric data were partially corrected, while all doses were considered with the SIMEX method. Therefore, one should be careful when comparing the estimated risks and it may be useful to use several correction techniques in order to obtain a range of corrected estimates, rather than to rely on a single technique. This work will enable to improve the risk estimates derived from LSS data, and help to make more reliable the development of radiation protection standards.

What follows is a recently found unpublished paper by Lloyd deMause. It was originally written in 1987 or 1988 and updated in 2002. The paper covers a lot of ground and touches on ideas and methods that deMause has written about elsewhere but there is some new material as well. It touches on many of the original concepts that that deMause has introduced over the last 45 years.

At the beginning of the 20th century the collective imagination was fascinated and terrified by the discovery of radium. A scientific imagery sprang up around radioactivity and was disseminated by public lectures and newspaper articles discussing the ambiguous power of this strange substance. It was claimed that radium could be used to treat cholera, typhus and tuberculosis, but at the same time there were warnings that it could be used for military purposes. The media and the scientists themselves employed a rich vocabulary influenced by religion, alchemy and magic. The ambivalent power of radioactive elements exerted a great influence on science fiction novelists. This paper will examine some significant works published in Europe, America and Russia during the first decades of the 20th century and their role in the creation of the complex imagery of radioactivity that seized the public imagination long before the invention of the atomic bomb.

Japan and the United States signed in 1968 a new atomic energy agreement through which US light-water nuclear reactors, including those of the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant of Tokyo Electric Power Company, were to be introduced into Japan. This paper studies the history of negotiations for the 1968 agreement using documents declassified in the 1990s in the US and Japan. After the success of the Chinese nuclear test in October 1964, the United States became seriously concerned about nuclear armament of other countries in Asia including Japan. Expecting that Japan would not have its own nuclear weapons, the US offered to help the country to demonstrate its superiority in some fields of science including peaceful nuclear energy to counter the psychological effect of the Chinese nuclear armament. Driven by his own political agenda, the newly appointed Prime Minister Eisaku Sato responded to the US expectation favorably. When he met in January 1965 with President Johnson, Sato made it clear that Japan would not pursue nuclear weapons. Although the US continued its support after this visit, it nevertheless gave priority to the control of nuclear technology in Japan through the bilateral peaceful nuclear agreement. This paper argues that the 1968 agreement implicitly meant a strategic measure to prevent Japan from going nuclear and also a tactic to persuade Japan to join the Nuclear Non -Proliferation Treaty.

Beginning in 1948, the Soviet Union initiated a program for production of nuclear materials for a weapons program. The first facility for production of plutonium was constructed in the central portion of the country east of the southern Ural Mountains, about halfway between the major industrial cities of Ekaterinburg and Chelyabinsk. The facility, now known as the Mayak Production Association, and its associated town, now known as Ozersk, were built to irradiate uranium in reactors, separate the resulting plutonium in reprocessing plants, and prepare plutonium metal in the metallurgical plant. The rush to production, coupled with inexperience in handling radioactive materials, led to large radiation exposures, not only to the workers in the facilities, but also to the surrounding public. Fuel processing started with no controls on releases, and fuel dissolution and accidents in reactors resulted in release of ~37 PBq of I between 1948 and 1967. Designed disposals of low- and intermediate-level liquid radioactive wastes, and accidental releases via cooling water from tank farms of high-level liquid radioactive wastes into the small Techa River, caused significant contamination and exposures to residents of numerous small riverside villages downstream of the site. Discovery of the magnitude of the aquatic contamination in late 1951 caused revisions to the waste handling regimes, but not before over 200 PBq of radionuclides (with large contributions of Sr and Cs) were released. Liquid wastes were diverted to tiny Lake Karachay (which today holds over 4 EBq); cooling water was stopped in the tank farms. In 1957, one of the tanks in the tank farm overheated and exploded; over 70 PBq, disproportionately Sr, was blown over a large area to the northeast of the site. A large area was contaminated and many villages evacuated. This area today is known as the East Urals Radioactive Trace (EURT). Each of these releases was significant; together they have created a unique group of cohorts with their chronic, low dose-rate radiation exposure. The 26,000 workers at Mayak were highly exposed to external gamma and inhaled plutonium. A cohort of individuals raised as children in Ozersk is under evaluation for their exposures to radioiodine. The Techa River Cohort consists of over 30,000 people who were born before the start of exposure in 1949 and lived along the Techa River. The Techa River Offspring Cohort consists of ~21,000 persons born to one or more exposed parents of this group, many who also lived along the contaminated river. The EURT Cohort consists of ~18,000 people who were evacuated from the EURT soon after the 1957 explosion and another 8,000 who remained. These groups together are the focus of dose reconstruction and epidemiological studies funded by the United States, Russia, and the European Union to address the question, "Are doses delivered at low dose rates as effective in producing health effects as the same doses delivered at high dose rates?"Introduction of Joint U.S. and Russian Studies of Population Exposures (Video 2:13, http://links.lww.com/HP/A28).

Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker spanned a spectrum from physics to politics, with philosophy in-between. This chapter surveys the most controversial part of his career, including his work on nuclear weapons and participation in cultural propaganda during the Second World War, his subsequent active political engagement during the postwar Federal German Republic, in particular the role of nuclear weapons, and his participation in myths surrounding Hitler's Bomb".

Purpose: To clarify the factors and reasons for the differences in the outcomes of rescue and relief efforts in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, mainly focusing on the numbers of rescue/relief staffs and casualties in the period within 72 hours of the atomic bombings in August 1945., Methods: By retrieving the data and information from the records and reports concerning the disasters in the two cities, together with other publications as to the damages by the atomic bombings and subsequent rescue-relief activities, and restoration activities., Results and Conclusions: It seems that there was less damage in Nagasaki, where a stronger atomic bomb was used than in Hiroshima. There were crucial geographic factors that led to the different effects in terms of the numbers of victims; however, systematic organization and mobilization of rescue and relief staffs, maintenance of functional transportation, and advanced medical knowledge and public warning with regard to disaster all may have contributed to a lower death toll and increase in survivors in Nagasaki.

Professor Sir Joseph Rotblat made significant contributions to nuclear physics and worked on the development of the atomic bomb. He walked out of the Manhattan Project after working there for less than a year, the only scientist to do so. Rotblat gave a comprehensive account of his time at Los Alamos. His Archive is now becoming available and papers contained therein are inconsistent with some aspects of his account. The reasons as to how such anomalies and contradictions could occur are considered.

Radioactive iodine (RAI, (131)I) has been used as a therapeutic agent for differentiated thyroid cancer (DTC) with over 50 years of history. Recently, it is now attracting attention in medical fields as one of the molecular targeting therapies, which is known as targeted radionuclide therapy. Radioactive iodine therapy (RIT) for DTC, however, is now at stake in Japan, because Japan is confronting several problems, including the recent occurrence of the Great East Japan Disaster (GEJD) in March 2011. RIT for DTC is strictly limited in Japan and requires hospitalization. Because of strict regulations, severe lack of medical facilities for RIT has become one of the most important medical problems, which results in prolonged waiting time for Japanese patients with DTC, including those with distant metastasis, who wish to receive RIT immediately. This situation is also due to various other factors, such as prolonged economic recession, super-aging society, and subsequent rapidly changing medical environment. In addition, due to the experience of atomic bombings in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Japanese people have strong feeling of "radiophobia". There is fear that GEJD and related radiation contamination may worsen this feeling, which might be reflected in more severe regulation of RIT. To overcome these difficulties, it is essential to collect and disclose all information about the circumstances around this therapy in Japan. In this review, we would like to look at this therapy through several lenses, including historical, cultural, medical, and socio-economic points of view. We believe that clarifying the problems is sure to lead to the resolution of this complicated situation. We have also included several recommendations for future improvements.

A comparative study of Japanese and Japanese-American survivors of the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945 suggests that there is much to be gained by looking at the history of the Bomb as a cross-cultural history. Issues of science and gender in survivors' experiences and memories illuminate three key features of the trans-Pacific history: a Japanese female author's literary responses to the Bomb, the Japan-U.S. relationship after the war that shaped Japan's antinuclear movement, and Japanese-American survivors' effort to gain governmental recognition and medical care in the U.S. within the context of the Asian American movement. Using variety of sources--literature, popular political discourse, congressional hearings, and oral histories--this article shows the volatile diffusion of political and cultural ideas revealed by a trans-Pacific perspective., (Copyright © 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

H. J. Muller (1890-1967) was unusual as a scientist because he spoke out on numerous occasions about the uses and abuses of genetics in society. In this article, I follow Muller's efforts to do so and the consequences that they had on his career, his productivity as a research scientist, and his reputation. The shifting sites of Muller's work--which ranged from Columbia University to Texas, from Berlin to Moscow and Leningrad, from Madrid to Edinburgh, and from Amherst to Indiana University--made his activism unusual. Muller paid a price for his activism, and his reputation today is still marred by what most historians would consider risky judgments and reversals of position about genetics and society. My analysis is not a defense but rather an evaluation of the circumstances that led him to these positions and an analysis of the consequences of challenging society when scientists believe their science is being ignored or abused.

The atomic bombs in Hiroshima and Nagasaki led to two different types of radiation exposure; one was direct and brief and the other was indirect and persistent. The latter (so-called exposure to residual radiation) resulted from the presence of neutron activation products in the soil, or from fission products present in the fallout. Compared with the doses from direct exposures, estimations of individual doses from residual radiation have been much more complicated, and estimates vary widely among researchers. The present report bases its conclusions on radiation doses recorded in tooth enamel from survivors in Hiroshima. Those survivors were present at distances of about 3 km or greater from the hypocenter at the time of the explosion, and have DS02 estimated doses (direct exposure doses) of less than 5 mGy (and are regarded as control subjects). Individual doses were estimated by measuring CO(2)(-) radicals in tooth enamel with the electron spin resonance (ESR; or electron paramagnetic resonance, EPR) method. The results from 56 molars donated by 49 survivors provided estimated doses which vary from -200 mGy to 500 mGy, and the median dose was 17 mGy (25% and 75% quartiles are -54 mGy and 137 mGy, respectively) for the buccal parts and 13 mGy (25% and 75% quartiles: -49 mGy and 87 mGy, respectively) for the lingual parts of the molars. Three molars had ESR-estimated doses of 300 to 400 mGy for both the buccal and lingual parts, which indicates possible exposures to excess doses of penetrating radiation, although the origin of such radiation remains to be determined. The results did not support claims that a large fraction of distally-exposed survivors received large doses (e.g. 1 Gy) of external penetrating radiation resulting from residual radiation.

Nuclear weapons testing conducted at Bikini and Enewetak Atolls during 1946-1958 resulted in exposures of the resident population of the present-day Republic of the Marshall Islands to radioactive fallout. This paper summarizes the results of a thorough and systematic reconstruction of radiation doses to that population, by year, age at exposure, and atoll of residence, and the related cancer risks. Detailed methods and results are presented in a series of companion papers in this volume. From our analysis, we concluded that 20 of the 66 nuclear tests conducted in or near the Marshall Islands resulted in measurable fallout deposition on one or more of the inhabited atolls of the Marshall Islands. In this work, we estimated deposition densities (kBq m(-2)) of all important dose-contributing radionuclides at each of the 32 atolls and separate reef islands of the Marshall Islands. Quantitative deposition estimates were made for 63 radionuclides from each test at each atoll. Those estimates along with reported measurements of exposure rates at various times after fallout were used to estimate radiation absorbed doses to the red bone marrow, thyroid gland, stomach wall, and colon wall of atoll residents from both external and internal exposure. Annual doses were estimated for six age groups ranging from newborns to adults. We found that the total deposition of 137Cs, external dose, internal organ doses, and cancer risks followed the same geographic pattern with the large population of the southern atolls receiving the lowest doses. Permanent residents of the southern atolls who were of adult age at the beginning of the testing period received external doses ranging from 5 to 12 mGy on average; the external doses to adults at the mid-latitude atolls ranged from 22 to 59 mGy on average, while the residents of the northern atolls received external doses in the hundreds to over 1,000 mGy. Internal doses varied significantly by age at exposure, location, and organ. Except for internal doses to the thyroid gland, external exposure was generally the major contributor to organ doses, particularly for red bone marrow and stomach wall. Internal doses to the stomach wall and red bone marrow were similar in magnitude, about 1 mGy to 7 mGy for permanent residents of the southern and mid-latitude atolls. However, adult residents of Utrik and Rongelap Island, which are part of the northern atolls, received much higher internal doses because of intakes of short-lived radionuclides leading to doses from 20 mGy to more than 500 mGy to red bone marrow and stomach wall. In general, internal doses to the colon wall were four to ten times greater than those to the red bone marrow and internal doses to the thyroid gland were 20 to 30 times greater than to the red bone marrow. Adult internal thyroid doses for the Utrik community and for the Rongelap Island community were about 760 mGy and 7,600 mGy, respectively. The highest doses were to the thyroid glands of young children exposed on Rongelap at the time of the Castle Bravo test of 1 March 1954 and were about three times higher than for adults. Internal doses from chronic intakes, related to residual activities of long-lived radionuclides in the environment, were, in general, low in comparison with acute exposure resulting from the intakes of radionuclides immediately or soon after the deposition of fallout. The annual doses and the population sizes at each atoll in each year were used to develop estimates of cancer risks for the permanent residents of all atolls that were inhabited during the testing period as well as for the Marshallese population groups that were relocated prior to the testing or after it had begun. About 170 excess cancers (radiation-related cases) are projected to occur among more than 25,000 Marshallese, half of whom were born before 1948. All but about 65 of those cancers are estimated to have already been expressed. The 170 excess cancers are in comparison to about 10,600 cancers that would spontaneously arise, unrelated to radioactive fallout, among the same cohort of Marshallese people.

Deposition densities (Bq m(-2)) of all important dose-contributing radionuclides occurring in nuclear weapons testing fallout from tests conducted at Bikini and Enewetak Atolls (1946-1958) have been estimated on a test-specific basis for 32 atolls and separate reef islands of the Marshall Islands. A complete review of various historical and contemporary data, as well as meteorological analysis, was used to make judgments regarding which tests deposited fallout in the Marshall Islands and to estimate fallout deposition density. Our analysis suggested that only 20 of the 66 nuclear tests conducted in or near the Marshall Islands resulted in substantial fallout deposition on any of the 23 inhabited atolls. This analysis was confirmed by the fact that the sum of our estimates of 137Cs deposition from these 20 tests at each atoll is in good agreement with the total 137Cs deposited as estimated from contemporary soil sample analyses. The monitoring data and meteorological analyses were used to quantitatively estimate the deposition density of 63 activation and fission products for each nuclear test, plus the cumulative deposition of 239+240Pu at each atoll. Estimates of the degree of fractionation of fallout from each test at each atoll, as well as of the fallout transit times from the test sites to the atolls were used in this analysis. The estimates of radionuclide deposition density, fractionation, and transit times reported here are the most complete available anywhere and are suitable for estimations of both external and internal dose to representative persons as described in companion papers.