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Australia is a strong supporter of global nuclear (and conventional) arms control and non-proliferation measures and has contributed significantly to their development; but it sees the world, strategically, through the eyes of a nuclear weapon state which, it believes, applies its nuclear deterrence doctrine also to the defence of Australia. It is thus effectively locked into what is essentially a nuclear weapon state’s view of the future that pays lip-service to nuclear disarmament as a distant ideal. Australian defence strategists routinely emphasise the importance of the US nuclear guarantee. Australia is though only likely to be attacked with nuclear weapons in the event of a nuclear war in which the United States is already engaged. The concept of extended nuclear deterrence thus assumes an essentially circular character by purporting to protect Australia from the nuclear threat that Australia’s alliance with its provider invites. Meanwhile, Australia is one of the few countries in its own region that have yet to sign the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). This paper argues that—US hostility to the Treaty notwithstanding—Australian membership of the TPNW would be consistent with its generally positive disarmament record and compatible with its alliance commitments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marine sources contribute approximately 2% of global energy-related CO₂ emissions, with the shipping industry accounting for 87% of this total, making it the fifth-largest emitter globally. Environmental regulations by the International Maritime Organization (IMO), such as the MARPOL (International Convention for the Prevention of Pollution from Ships) treaty, have driven the exploration of alternative green energy solutions, including nuclear-powered ships. These ships offer advantages like long operational periods without refueling and increased cargo space, with around 200 reactors already in use on naval vessels worldwide. Among advanced reactor concepts, the molten salt reactor (MSR) is particularly suited for marine applications due to its inherent safety features, compact design, high energy density, and potential to mitigate nuclear waste and proliferation concerns. However, MSR systems face significant challenges, including tritium production, corrosion issues, and complex behavior of volatile fission products. Understanding the impact of marine-induced motion on the thermal–hydraulic behavior of MSRs is crucial, as it can lead to transient design basis accident scenarios. Furthermore, the adoption of MSR technology in the shipping industry requires overcoming regulatory hurdles and achieving global consensus on safety and environmental standards. This review assesses the current progress, challenges, and technological readiness of MSRs for marine applications, highlighting future research directions. The overall technology readiness level (TRL) of MSRs is currently at 3. Achieving TRL 6 is essential for progress, with individual components needing TRLs of 4–8 for a demonstration reactor. Community Readiness Levels (CRLs) must also be addressed, focusing on public acceptance, safety, sustainability, and alignment with decarbonization goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Incidents of nuclear and radiological smuggling in the Indian Ocean are a matter of concern. Attempts to smuggle nuclear material within India have also been reported as recently as 2021. Indian security agencies previously have also seized natural uranium in coastal states such as Gujarat, Maharashtra and Bengal indicating how vulnerable the Indian coast is to radiological and nuclear smuggling. The Nuclear Security Index has also consistently ranked India below China and Pakistan despite their poor record on nuclear non-proliferation. These facts highlight concerns regarding the possible misuse of nuclear and radiological material by criminal and terrorist networks. Since India is targeted by terrorist groups and lies in the vicinity of countries and routes that see frequent nuclear and radiological trafficking, there are inevitable implications for the Indian coastal security system. This article identifies and analyses these security implications and argues for a beefing up of India's coastal security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did the ROK-U.S. alliance go through a process of alleviation by finding consensus rather than dividing when facing conflict over missile guidelines? What underlying principles operated between the two countries? This study aims to address these questions. As a result of a literature review, an analysis of the process of moving from conflict to alleviation in the Missile Guidelines along the timeline from the Park Chung-hee administration to the Kim Dae-jung administration, the Lee Myung-bak administration, and finally the Moon Jae-in administration shows that the occurrence of a "policy tradeoff" led to the transition from conflict to de-escalation. Here, the author introduces the concept of a "policy tradeoff," which in this study refers to the exchange of policies to maintain cooperative relations amid conflicting national principles. Through a case analysis, the author finds conflicting principles of "self-defense" in the ROK and "non-proliferation" in the United States. Consequently, the ROK aligned with the non-proliferation principle of the United States by pursuing denuclearization while the United States relaxed missile development restrictions in alignment with the ROK's self-defense principle. The purpose was to transition the phase of conflict between the two nations regarding the ROK's missile development to a phase of cooperation. Here, the ROK-U.S. Missile Guidelines underwent a gradual shift from conflict to cooperation based on the notion of a "policy tradeoff." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the adoption of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), the order founded on the treaty has evolved into an increasingly fragmented regime complex. Fragmentation has resulted from forum-shifting initiated both at the top and at the bottom of the nuclear hierarchy: both the United States, with varying partners, and coalitions of small-and medium-sized non-nuclear states have repeatedly moved rule-making on nuclear issues to fora outside the NPT, adding partly conflicting institutions to the complex. To understand this dynamic, I propose a sociological perspective that highlights states' positional struggles in a multidimensionally stratified international society. Drawing on Bourdieusian global fields theory, I argue that both dominant and weak states use forum-shifting to manipulate exchange rates between different (material, institutional and social) forms of capital they possess. Thus, they seek to protect their positions in global hierarchies within and beyond the nuclear field when they perceive these hierarchies as being challenged by material or institutional power shifts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This comprehensive review paper delves into the multifaceted aspects of nuclear safeguards, emphasizing their indispensable role in upholding global security and preventing the illicit use of nuclear materials. Offering a fresh perspective on the nuclear safeguard system, the paper conducts a thorough examination of nuclear material accounting, underscoring the pivotal role of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in implementing and verifying these safeguards. It provides valuable insights into the safeguarding technologies, including the utilization of sophisticated Non-Destructive Assay (NDA) equipment such as neutron counting and Gamma-ray spectroscopy, which are essential for accurately characterizing nuclear materials, elucidating the crucial role of these activities in ensuring the integrity and effectiveness of nuclear safeguards. Furthermore, the study sheds light on the complexities inherent in the nuclear fuel cycle, elucidating various stages ranging from uranium mining to waste disposal. Additionally, it discusses different fuel cycle options and their implications for non-proliferation efforts. This discussion sheds light on how safeguards are integrated into each stage of the fuel cycle to prevent the proliferation of nuclear materials. The paper delves into the Additional Protocol, emphasizing its significance in enhancing the effectiveness of nuclear safeguards by providing the IAEA with expanded inspection access and information regarding nuclear activities. This comprehensive analysis not only enhances understanding of the current safeguarding landscape but also underscores the significance of ongoing research and development in this vital realm of nuclear safety and security.

The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) mandates safeguards to ensure non-proliferation of nuclear materials. Among inspection techniques used to detect partial defects within spent nuclear fuel (SNF), gamma emission tomography (GET) has been reported to be reliable for detection of partial defects on a pin-by-pin level. Conventional GET, however, is limited by low detection efficiency due to the high density of nuclear fuel rods and self-absorption. This paper proposes a new type of GET named Spent Fuel Internal Tomography (SFIT), which can acquire sinograms at the guide tube. The proposed device consists of the housing, shielding, C-shaped collimator, reflector, and gadolinium aluminum gallium garnet (GAGG) scintillator. For accurate attenuation correction, the source-distinguishable range of the SFIT device was determined using MC simulation to the region away from the proposed device to the second layer. For enhanced inspection accuracy, a proposed specific source-discrimination algorithm was applied. With this, the SFIT device successfully distinguished all source locations. The comparison of images of the existing and proposed inspection methods showed that the proposed method, having successfully distinguished all sources, afforded a 150 % inspection accuracy improvement.

The world is entering an era of nuclear disorder. Therefore, this article aims to examine the European engagement with nuclear weapon questions at the beginning of this disorder. The research questions are: in what ways does Europe engage with nuclear issues? And how to make sense of the divergence and ambivalent stances among European states on nuclear weapons? The review identified engagement regarding non-proliferation and divergence on disarmament at the EU level, but mostly disengagement with nuclear deterrence questions outside of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), apart from short-lived discussions on the so-called 'Eurodeterrent'. Regarding the former observation, it becomes increasingly hard to forge common positions on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament within an EU context. The latter observation is exemplified by recurring but ephemeral debates on a European nuclear deterrent. To understand the divergence and ambivalent stances, several factors are of importance, varying from the primacy of national interest to geography. Consequently, while the world is entering an era of nuclear disorder, Europeans should start a strategic dialogue on the necessity of nuclear weapons without undermining transatlantic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This policy paper explores the links between Small Modular Reactors (SMRs), non-proliferation and Sustainable development goals (SDGs) in the context of recent debates regarding advancing SDGs while trying to achieve the Net Zero aspirations. It highlights the role of nuclear energy in achieving United Nations' Sustainable Development Goals and how the fragility in both can significantly impact global security. It provides recommendations for different stakeholders, international organizations, researchers, and stakeholders involved in energy policy, non-proliferation efforts, and sustainable development. By investigating the nexus, it emphasizes the significance of achieving both sustainable energy goals and global security objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The German Biosecurity Programme was launched in 2013 with the aim to support partner countries overcome biological threats including natural outbreaks or the intentional misuse of highly pathogenic agents. As part of this programme, this paper describes the development and implementation of a multilateral biosafety and biosecurity training initiative, called ‘Global Partnership Initiated Biosecurity Academia for Controlling Health Threats’ (GIBACHT). To achieve its objectives, GIBACHT implemented a blended-learning approach with self-directed, distance-based learning phases and three training-of-trainer workshops. The programme follows Kirkpatrick’s model of learning to guarantee sustainable effects of improved knowledge and skills. One hundred nine fellows from 26 countries have been trained in seven cohorts. Many GIBACHT alumni have established additional biosafety/biosecurity trainings in their home countries. The knowledge exchange is strengthened by the implementation of a Moodle-based alumni network. GIBACHT has the potential to contribute to strengthening the capacities of partner countries in Africa, the Middle East, and South and Central Asia to respond and build resilience to biological threats.

This commentary offers an analysis of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), its strengths, weaknesses, relationship to other agreements as well as recent updates. Indicating the urgency in enacting nuclear disarmament, nuclear threats loom over two of the major conflicts we are facing today: the danger of nuclear proliferation in Iran as it enters ever more direct confrontation with a nuclear-armed Israel; and the collective careful dance along the fine line of support for Ukraine while not provoking a nuclear-armed Russia. We argue that framing the issue of the threat or use of nuclear weapons in humanitarian and environmental terms proved to be a motivating and compelling normative catalyst that drew both civil society and member states into the treaty-making process. We also argue that the nuclear taboo is eroding, and deterrence theory is highly flawed. This piece reflects on the outcomes of the First Meeting of States Parties in Vienna in 2022 and updates from the Second Meeting of States Parties in late 2023 in New York, which the authors attended, plus gives an update on the endeavors of the intersessional working groups.

L’explosion de la première bombe atomique, le 16/juillet 1945, prélude des bombardements atomiques d’Hiroshima et Nagasaki, en août 1945, a ouvert une ère nouvellement stratégique en relations internationales. Liée intimement à l’histoire de la guerre froide, la question nucléaire recèle une révolution à la fois technique et stratégique sans équivalent, par sa rapidité et ses conséquences. Les politiques et moyens mis en œuvre par la communauté internationale et certains Etats pour empêcher ou du moins limiter la prolifération, se sont vus contournés par des programmes nucléaires clandestins de grande envergure, enclenchés par d’autres Etats qui estiment en l’arme nucléaire, la garantie de leur survie. Certains Etats réfractaires pris au sens des rescapés des différents traités de non-prolifération au-delà de ceux ayant ouvertement renoncé à ces derniers, jugent la possession de cette arme indispensable, dans la mesure où ses recettes sont favorables aux jeux de dissuasion dans une optique foncièrement défensive d’autant plus qu’elle est restée un instrument de stratégie, de défense et d’affirmation de puissance dans l’invariant des rapports de forces en relations internationales.

Ukraine, as a strategically located territory and an important player in the geopolitical interests of various power blocks, has become a key element of the European nuclear security system, so it is important to study the most important factors shaping the situation around nuclear weapons and take appropriate measures to avoid potential threats. The research aims to outline all aspects and factors of Ukraine’s nuclear security that directly affect the international security system, in particular, the European countries. The methodological basis of the study is a systematic analysis of information and regulatory sources, such as bilateral and multilateral international agreements, documents and materials of international organisations, documents of individual country authorities, speeches, and materials of print and electronic media. The article highlights the historical context, including the transfer of Ukrainian nuclear weapons materials to Russia following the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of nuclear weapons. The current stage of development of the international nuclear non-proliferation regime is analysed. Attention is paid to the evolution of the regime under the influence of the confrontation between the two superpowers and the doctrine of mutual deterrence. The situation with nuclear security in Ukraine and its impact on the Black Sea region is analysed. The consequences of military actions in Ukraine and factors that create new dimensions for nuclear security, in particular in the context of control over nuclear materials and the possibilities of their use, are considered. The results of the study of the problem are presented in the description of new threats and risks that require deepening cooperation of international partners and taking effective measures to ensure nuclear safety in the region. The study emphasises the need for joint efforts to counter new challenges and minimise nuclear safety risks. The practical significance of the study is determined by strategies for cooperation with international partners to achieve stability in the field of nuclear safety

Copyright of Journal of Defense Sciences / Savunma Bilmleri Dergisi is the property of Turkish Military Academy Defense Sciences Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this work was to determine what role NATO plays in the policy of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in the modern world. The research primarily examined the threats that come from weapons of mass destruction and how it affects global security. As for research methods, to get reliable information. The methods of policy analysis and document analysis were used to analyze and describe the challenges faced by NATO in the non-proliferation policy of weapons of mass destruction. In order to obtain reliable and objective information, a wide range of documents, strategies, and scientific papers were analyzed. The mentioned study showed us that NATO's policy of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction faces many challenges and threats from aggressive states, terrorists, extremists, criminal groups, aggressive religious actors, and in the overall context, asymmetric and symmetric threats. The role of NATO is very important in the security policy of the alliance and the policy of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in the world. NATO should be able to protect global security from weapons of mass destruction threats through pragmatic policy and dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this work was to determine what role NATO plays in the policy of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in the modern world. The research primarily examined the threats that come from weapons of mass destruction and how it affects global security. As for research methods, to get reliable information. The methods of policy analysis and document analysis were used to analyze and describe the challenges faced by NATO in the non-proliferation policy of weapons of mass destruction. In order to obtain reliable and objective information, a wide range of documents, strategies, and scientific papers were analyzed. The mentioned study showed us that NATO’s policy of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction faces many challenges and threats from aggressive states, terrorists, extremists, criminal groups, aggressive religious actors, and in the overall context, asymmetric and symmetric threats. The role of NATO is very important in the security policy of the alliance and the policy of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in the world. NATO should be able to protect global security from weapons of mass destruction threats through pragmatic policy and dialogue.

The study has reviewed a critical question of how great powers override non-proliferation priorities at times of strategic considerations by creating ease out of their international obligations. In 2008, the Bush Administration entered a strategic understanding with India to enhance cooperation in the nuclear field that paved the way for civilian nuclear trade with New Delhi and carefully crafted the power dynamics favouring India. This study finds out that the so-called ‘Non-proliferation Enhancement Act’ provided an undue advantage to India over Pakistan, thus forcing Islamabad to improve the effectiveness and outreach of her strategic assets to mitigate the apprehensive threshold. Although the nuclearisation of South Asia was implicated in the non-proliferation regime, it ensured strategic balance in the region and shall continue to do so in the national security calculations. The Indo-US nuclear cooperation continues to haunt the dynamics of nuclear parity that concurrently possess serious security implications for Pakistan by allowing India to manipulate the threshold. Therefore, this paper investigates the genesis of the Indo-US deal, the geostrategic and commercial interests of major powers underpinning this deal, implications for Pakistan, steps taken by Pakistan so far and the way forward. The study is deductive and has contested the assumption of the nuclear non-proliferation regime as a theoretical framework. Bibliography Entry Sargana, Tauqeer Hussain. 2023. "Strategic Considerations Overriding the Non-Proliferation Priorities: An Analysis of Indo-US Civil Nuclear Deal." Margalla Papers 27 (1): 40-52.

The US Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) has been an important document detailing the US administration's policy preferences since its first issuance in 1994. Biden administration released its NPR in October 2022, which identifies nuclear rivals and focus areas examining the role of nuclear weapons in overall US strategy. Using the historical research method and open-source information, the paper provides an overview of the US strategic calculus on nuclear weapons since 1945, focusing on post-Cold War developments and how its nuclear policy and strategy evolved. The paper argues that despite advocating for nuclear disarmament, US presidents stayed within lip service and kept enhancing the US nuclear stockpile. It also highlights that President Trump’s decisions adversely affected US nuclear weapons policy and global security and that President Biden’s NPR would follow the route rather than fulfil his campaign promises. The paper has three parts: the first deals with US nuclear policy during the Cold War; the second looks at the policy during the post-Cold War era from President Bush Senior to President Biden. The third and final part critically analyses the overall nuclear policy challenges faced by the Biden Administration and how it might address them. Bibliography Entry Zeb, Rizwan. 2023. "Biden Administration’s Nuclear Posture Review and American Nuclear Policy: A Critical Overview" Margalla Papers 27 (1): 53-66.

Even though oceans are pivotal for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, they constitute a blind spot in the global non-proliferation regime. This article analyses how regional security governance mechanisms may fill such gaps by bringing a maritime focus to non-proliferation studies. With three nuclear-weapons-free zones and one zone of peace surrounding or covering its maritime space, the South Atlantic serves as an illustrative case to understand the provision of security governance for the seas. The article identifies a range of legal, political, and practical challenges that can impede regional initiatives from achieving security sovereignty over maritime spaces. However, while non-proliferation might remain precarious, these mechanisms are not without success, as they serve to establish the opposition to nuclear weapons as a recognised norm, both at the UN level and among the Global South. The narrative of non-proliferation also allows regional states to justify the pursuit of security objectives. The article concludes by outlining the conditions for regional maritime governance to become more effective in terms of non-proliferation.

This Commentary provides a detailed analysis of the US-DPRK Peace Treaty, a proposed bilateral peace treaty between the United States and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (i.e., North Korea). The US-DPRK Peace Treaty was conceived as the first in a series of legal instruments to be executed in furtherance of the establishment of "peace as a system" on the Korean Peninsula. In this monograph, the authors envision that such a peace treaty would serve as a basis for peaceful co-existence between the two countries and, ultimately, a peaceful, non-volatile situation on the Korean Peninsula. The Commentary offers an in-depth explanation of each provision of the US-DPRK Peace Treaty, including the meaning, background, rationale and legal implications of individual provisions of the Peace Treaty. Additionally, it provides insight into relevant international law issues and the history of negotiations and engagement among interested parties in the context of the inter-Korean conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) has been an important document detailing the US administration's policy preferences since its first issuance in 1994. Biden administration released its NPR in October 2022, which identifies nuclear rivals and focus areas examining the role of nuclear weapons in overall US strategy. Using the historical research method and open-source information, the paper provides an overview of the US strategic calculus on nuclear weapons since 1945, focusing on post-Cold War developments and how its nuclear policy and strategy evolved. The paper argues that despite advocating for nuclear disarmament, US presidents stayed within lip service and kept enhancing the US nuclear stockpile. It also highlights that President Trump's decisions adversely affected US nuclear weapons policy and global security and that President Biden's NPR would follow the route rather than fulfil his campaign promises. The paper has three parts: the first deals with US nuclear policy during the Cold War; the second looks at the policy during the post-Cold War era from President Bush Senior to President Biden. The third and final part critically analyses the overall nuclear policy challenges faced by the Biden Administration and how it might address them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study has reviewed a critical question of how great powers override non-proliferation priorities at times of strategic considerations by creating ease out of their international obligations. In 2008, the Bush Administration entered a strategic understanding with India to enhance cooperation in the nuclear field that paved the way for civilian nuclear trade with New Delhi and carefully crafted the power dynamics favouring India. This study finds out that the so-called 'Non-proliferation Enhancement Act' provided an undue advantage to India over Pakistan, thus forcing Islamabad to improve the effectiveness and outreach of her strategic assets to mitigate the apprehensive threshold. Although the nuclearisation of South Asia was implicated in the non-proliferation regime, it ensured strategic balance in the region and shall continue to do so in the national security calculations. The Indo-US nuclear cooperation continues to haunt the dynamics of nuclear parity that concurrently possess serious security implications for Pakistan by allowing India to manipulate the threshold. Therefore, this paper investigates the genesis of the Indo-US deal, the geostrategic and commercial interests of major powers underpinning this deal, implications for Pakistan, steps taken by Pakistan so far and the way forward. The study is deductive and has contested the assumption of the nuclear non-proliferation regime as a theoretical framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Electrónica de Derecho Internacional Contemporáneo is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Carta Internacional is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyzes US-UK voting cohesion in the United Nations General Assembly in 2001 – 2019 based on the annual lists of important votes drawn up by the US Department of State. Voting cohesion in the UNGA demonstrates the level of support for US policies in this representative international forum. Since most UNGA resolutions are not binding, countries have more room for maneuver compared to voting in the UN Security Council. Washington pays close attention to other countries’ voting behavior in the UNGA, especially when it comes to Israel-related issues. Whereas the Anglo-American Special Relationship has been extensively studied with the focus on the military and political aspects, US-UK interaction in international organizations, especially in the UN, deserves greater attention. Both countries use their permanent membership of the Security Council to promote their interests. Nevertheless, US-UK voting cohesion in the UNGA has not attracted much attention yet, although it can help to objectively assess the interaction of these powers in the world arena. Four groups of important resolutions were identified for comparison: human rights, Israeli-Palestinian conflict, nuclear non-proliferation and international security, as well as sanctions and development. In 2001 – 2019 U.S.-UK voting cohesion on important resolutions was relatively high. Nevertheless, under Republicans George W. Bush and Donald Trump it was lower than during Barack Obama’s presidency. Despite the special relationship, the UK often aligns itself with the EU countries when voting in the UNGA. We paid special attention to resolutions on which the countries diverged, although Washington did not vote in complete isolation. U.S.-UK cohesion was higher on non-proliferation and human rights. At the same time, there were differences regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and development, especially in those cases when the US and the EU disagreed. Divergences were apparent when the US was prone to act unilaterally.

Nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament in the Middle East are a sine qua non for security and stability in the region. Addressing them is of paramount importance and urgency if further breakouts are to be prevented. This has to be done in a comprehensive manner without prejudice or preference. The renewed JCPOA negotiations should be a stepping stone in the direction of establishing a Nuclear Weapon Free Middle East. The said zone is a fundamental component of a new Middle East security architecture based on two essential pillars: disarmament and conflict resolution based on international law.

Member-states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) support the norms of nuclear disarmament and nuclear security through diplomatic efforts at the global level and regional efforts to promote nuclear safety and security. This is demonstrated in how ASEAN helped push for negotiation of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) and its eventual passage, as well as ongoing efforts to promote regional cooperation in advancing nuclear security and nuclear safety. Regional frameworks and mechanisms like the ASEAN Network of Regulatory Bodies on Atomic Energy (ASEANTOM), the ASEAN Regional Forum, and the East Asia Summit provide the platforms for ASEAN to advance its diplomacy in promoting the norms of nuclear governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper considers a way to bring nuclear power into the category of "green" energy technologies; thus advertising its critical role in achieving the sustainable development goals adopted by the UN in 2015, and presents an option of nuclear power development based on a new technological platform (NTP) with two pillars: closed nuclear fuel cycle (CNFC), and fast reactors (FR). Provisions are formulated to break through the skepticism of nuclear power opponents. The "PRORYV" (the Russian equivalent for "break-through") project is focused on proving the industrial feasibility of the closed fuel cycle on-site of the NPP with fast reactor, thus giving the technological opportunity to establish nuclear energy systems environmentally friendly and free from the risk of proliferation of nuclear weapons. Such a nuclear energy system could contribute significantly in combating both looming energy crises and climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though oceans are pivotal for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, they constitute a blind spot in the global non-proliferation regime. This article analyses how regional security governance mechanisms may fill such gaps by bringing a maritime focus to non-proliferation studies. With three nuclear-weapons-free zones and one zone of peace surrounding or covering its maritime space, the South Atlantic serves as an illustrative case to understand the provision of security governance for the seas. The article identifies a range of legal, political, and practical challenges that can impede regional initiatives from achieving security sovereignty over maritime spaces. However, while non-proliferation might remain precarious, these mechanisms are not without success, as they serve to establish the opposition to nuclear weapons as a recognised norm, both at the UN level and among the Global South. The narrative of non-proliferation also allows regional states to justify the pursuit of security objectives. The article concludes by outlining the conditions for regional maritime governance to become more effective in terms of non-proliferation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, there has been an intense public debate about whether and, if so, to what extent investments in nuclear energy should be part of strategies to mitigate climate change. Here, we address this question from an ethical perspective, evaluating different strategies of energy system development in terms of three ethical criteria, which will differentially appeal to proponents of different normative ethical frameworks. Starting from a standard analysis of climate change as arising from an intergenerational collective action problem, we evaluate whether contributions from nuclear energy will, on expectation, increase the likelihood of successfully phasing out fossil fuels in time to avert dangerous global warming. For many socio-economic and geographic contexts, our review of the energy system modeling literature suggests the answer to this question is “yes.” We conclude that, from the point of view of climate change mitigation, investments in nuclear energy as part of a broader energy portfolio will be ethically required to minimize the risks of decarbonization failure, and thus the tail risks of catastrophic global warming. Finally, using a sensitivity analysis, we consider which other aspects of nuclear energy deployment, apart from climate change, have the potential to overturn the ultimate ethical verdict on investments in nuclear energy. Out of several potential considerations (e.g., nuclear waste, accidents, safety), we suggest that its potential interplay — whether beneficial or adverse — with the proliferation of nuclear weapons is the most plausible candidate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India has been a long-time supporter of nuclear disarmament. Much before other countries supported these measures, India had proposed universal nuclear disarmament, a nuclear test ban treaty as well as a freeze on the production of fissile material. Opinion is however divided on India's approach and rationale behind pursuing disarmament. Some call it utopian while others describe it as a pragmatic approach that suited India's national security needs at that time. India has always had a peculiar relationship with the nuclear non-proliferation regimes. India stressed disarmament as a solution for nuclear proliferation and has viewed nuclear disarmament as enhancing its security interests. This article divides India's advocacy of global nuclear disarmament into six phases beginning from India's independence in 1947 to the current period when two parallel tracks have emerged in India's nuclear diplomacy—one track has continued with its traditional advocacy of universal nuclear disarmament, while the second track where it has engaged with the prevailing non-proliferation regime. India's nuclear disarmament diplomacy has moved away from moral and ethical considerations to highlighting national security considerations. It is no longer anchored on the 'disarmament or no disarmament' question as the traditional disarmament advocacy of India often posed. Instead, the current Indian diplomacy is focused on the emerging rules and frameworks of governance in international security matters and how India can be part of it—multilaterally or through coalition of like-minded partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]