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The study determined how spatiotemporal distribution of cortical activity to words in first and second language is affected by language, proficiency, and linguistic setting. Ten early bilinguals and 14 late adult bilinguals listened to pairs of words presented in Arabic (L1), Hebrew (L2), or in mixed pairs and indicated whether both words had the same meaning or not. Source current densities of event-related potentials were estimated. Activity to first words in the pair lateralized to right hemisphere, higher to L1 than L2 during early processing ( 300 ms). During early and late processing, activities were larger in mixed than monolinguistic settings among early bilinguals but lower in mixed than in monolinguistic settings among late bilinguals. Late processing in auditory regions was of larger magnitude in left than right hemispheres among both groups. Activity to second words in the pair was larger in mixed than in monolinguistic settings during both early and late processing among both groups. Early processing of second words in auditory regions lateralized to the right among early bilinguals and to the left among late bilinguals, whereas late processing did not differ between groups. Wernicke's area activity during late processing of L2 was larger on the right, while on the left no significant differences between languages were found. The results show that cortical language processing in bilinguals differs between early and late processing and these differences are modulated by linguistic proficiency and setting.

This study determined the effects of phonology and semantics on the distribution of cortical activity to the second of a pair of words in first and second language (mixed pairs). The effects of relative proficiency in the two languages and linguistic setting (monolinguistic or mixed) are reported in a companion paper. Ten early bilinguals and 14 late bilinguals listened to mixed pairs of words in Arabic (L1) and Hebrew (L2) and indicated whether both words in the pair had the same or different meanings. The spatio-temporal distribution of current densities of event-related potentials were estimated for each language and according to semantic and phonologic relationship (same or different) compared with the first word in the pair. During early processing ( 300 ms) were enhanced by semantic incongruence between the two words, particularly in temporal areas and in left hemisphere Broca's and Wernicke's areas. The latter differences were greater when words were in L2. Surprisingly, no significant effects of relative proficiency on processing the second word in the pair were found. These results indicate that the distribution of brain activity to the second of two words presented bilingually is affected differently during early and late processing by both semantic and phonologic priming by- and incongruence with the immediately preceding word.

Objective: To define brain activity corresponding to an auditory illusion of 3 and 6 Hz binaural beats in 250 Hz or 1000 Hz base frequencies, and compare it to the sound onset response. Methods: Event-Related Potentials (ERPs) were recorded in response to unmodulated tones of 250 or 1000 Hz to one ear and 3 or 6 Hz higher to the other, creating an illusion of amplitude modulations (beats) of 3 Hz and 6 Hz, in base frequencies of 250 Hz and 1000 Hz. Tones were 2000 ms in duration and presented with approximately 1 s intervals. Latency, amplitude and source current density estimates of ERP components to tone onset and subsequent beats-evoked oscillations were determined and compared across beat frequencies with both base frequencies. Results: All stimuli evoked tone-onset P50, N100 and P200 components followed by oscillations corresponding to the beat frequency, and a subsequent tone-offset complex. Beats-evoked oscillations were higher in amplitude with the low base frequency and to the low beat frequency. Sources of the beats-evoked oscillations across all stimulus conditions located mostly to left lateral and inferior temporal lobe areas in all stimulus conditions. Onset-evoked components were not different across stimulus conditions; P50 had significantly different sources than the beats-evoked oscillations; and N100 and P200 sources located to the same temporal lobe regions as beats-evoked oscillations, but were bilateral and also included frontal and parietal contributions. Conclusions: Neural activity with slightly different volley frequencies from left and right ear converges and interacts in the central auditory brainstem pathways to generate beats of neural activity to modulate activities in the left temporal lobe, giving rise to the illusion of binaural beats. Cortical potentials recorded to binaural beats are distinct from onset responses. Significance: Brain activity corresponding to an auditory illusion of low frequency beats can be recorded from the scalp. © 2009 International Federation of Clinical Neurophysiology.

Introduction Spatio-temporal distributions of cortical activity to audio-visual presentations of meaningless vowel-consonant-vowels and the effects of audio-visual congruence/incongruence, with emphasis on the McGurk effect, were studied. The McGurk effect occurs when a clearly audible syllable with one consonant, is presented simultaneously with a visual presentation of a face articulating a syllable with a different consonant and the resulting percept is a syllable with a consonant other than the auditorily presented one. Methods Twenty subjects listened to pairs of audio-visually congruent or incongruent utterances and indicated whether pair members were the same or not. Source current densities of event-related potentials to the first utterance in the pair were estimated and effects of stimulus–response combinations, brain area, hemisphere, and clarity of visual articulation were assessed. Results Auditory cortex, superior parietal cortex, and middle temporal cortex were the most consistently involved areas across experimental conditions. Early (

Objective To indicate whether the double peaked N 1 to gaps in continuous white noise is a composite of onset and offset responses to transients or whether it reflects higher processing such as change or mismatch detection and to assess the role of attention in this process. Methods Evoked potentials were recorded to two binaural stimulus types: (1) gaps of different durations randomly distributed in continuous white noise; and (2) click pairs at intervals identical to those between gap onsets and offsets in the continuous noise stimulus. Potentials to these stimuli were recorded while subjects read a text and while detecting gaps in noise or click pairs. Results Potentials were detected to all click pairs and to gaps of 5 ms or longer, corresponding to the subjects' psychoacoustic gap detection threshold. With long gap durations of 200–800 ms, distinct potentials to gap onset and gap offset were observed. The waveforms to all click pairs and to offsets of long gaps were similar and single-peaked, while potentials to gaps of 10 ms and longer, and potentials to onsets of long gaps were double-peaked, consisting of two N 1 negativities, 60 ms apart, irrespective of gap duration. The first (N 1a ), was more frontal in its distribution and similar to that of clicks. The second (N 1b ) peak's distribution was more central/temporal and its source locations and time course of activity were distinct. No effects of attention on any of the varieties and constituents of N 1 were observed. Conclusions Comparing potentials to gap onsets, to click pairs and to gap offsets, suggests that potentials to gap onsets involve not only sound onset/offset responses (N 1 , N 1a ) but also the subsequent pre-attentive perception of the cessation of an ongoing sound (N 1b ). We propose that N 1b is distinct from change or mismatch detection and is associated with termination of an ongoing continuous stimulus. We propose to call it the N(egation)-process. Significance A constituent of the N 1 complex is shown to be associated with the pre-attentive perception of termination of an ongoing stimulus and to have distinct scalp distribution and intracranial sources.

Evoked potentials to two stimulus types were compared: (1) binaural continuous white noise with randomly distributed gaps of different durations and (2) click pairs presented with intervals identical to the gap durations. Potentials were detected in response to gaps of 5 ms or longer, corresponding to the subjects' psychoacoustic gap detection threshold. The waveforms to all click pairs and to gap offsets were similar and single-peaked, while response to gap onset included two N1 negativities about 60 ms apart, regardless of gap duration. The first peak (N1a) was more frontal in its distribution and similar to that of clicks. The second (N1b) peak's scalp distribution was more central/temporal. The differences between waveforms to click pairs and gap offsets, compared with gap onsets, suggest that potentials to gap onsets involve more than just onset/offset responses (N1, N1a) but also the subsequent perception of the cessation of an ongoing sound (N1b). In previous studies, two processes were defined: (1) M-process to deviation from the preceding auditory pattern and (2) C-process in response to acoustic change within an ongoing stream. We propose that N1b is different from these processes because it relates to the negation of an ongoing stimulus, and we thus call it an N-process.

Objective : The purpose of this study was to define early brain activity associated with fusion of speech elements to form an auditory object in the middle-latency range preceding the F-Complex. Methods : Stimuli were binaural formant transition and base, that were presented separately or fused to form the vowel-consonant-vowel sequence /ada/. Eleven right-handed, adult, native Hebrew speakers listened to 2/s presentations, and the brain potentials from C z during the 250 msec following transition onset (in the responses to transition and to the fused word) or following the time it would have been presented (in the response to base alone) were recorded. The net-fusion response was extracted by subtracting the sum of potentials to the base and the formant transition from the potentials to the fused sound. Results : Auditory middle-latency components, comprising of 9 peaks and troughs were recorded in response to the base, to the formant transition and to the fused /ada/. In general, the responses to the fused object were significantly smaller in peak amplitude and in total activity (area under the curve) resulting in the difference waveform of the net-fusion response that also included 9 peaks, but with opposite polarities. Conclusions : The early middle-latency components to fusion indicate that the fusion of speech elements to a word involves inhibition, occlusion or both. The results are in line with the uniqueness of speech perception and the early role of the auditory cortex in speech analysis.

Objectives. Short latency visual evoked potentials (SVEP), in response to high-intensity flashes from light emitting diodes (LED), were used to detect subclinical effects along the visual pathway in four groups of subjects with different levels of exposure to gasoline, all within legally acceptable limits. Methods. Potentials and exposure levels were obtained from 31 subjects with different occupational exposure levels to gasoline fumes, as well as from 17 non-exposed control subjects. SVEP were recorded from four electrode sites (infra-orbital, C z , P z , O z ), in response to flashes presented to each eye in turn from goggle-mounted LEDs. SVEP components were defined after digital filtering, which eliminated the high-frequency oscillatory potentials and accentuated five major components: a periocular P 30 , attributed to the retina; a fronto-central N 50 , attributed to the optic nerve; centro-parietal P 65 and N 85 , attributed to the optic tracts and radiation; and an occipital, cortical P 105 . Results. The latencies of successive SVEP components of the exposed subjects showed a significant latency prolongation compared to controls, beginning with activity attributed to the optic nerve and increasing cumulatively with the later components. Retinal components were not affected by the exposure to organic solvents. Among the exposed groups, differences in latency prolongation corresponded to occupational exposure. Conclusion. The low-frequency components of SVEP were reliably measured and proved to be sensitive to subclinical effects of organic solvents on conduction along the visual pathway. These components are likely to be sensitive to other subcortical visual pathway lesions, but their clinical promise needs further verification.

This study determined the effects of phonology and semantics on the distribution of cortical activity to the second of a pair of words in first and second language (mixed pairs). The effects of relative proficiency in the two languages and linguistic setting (monolinguistic or mixed) are reported in a companion paper. Ten early bilinguals and 14 late bilinguals listened to mixed pairs of words in Arabic (L1) and Hebrew (L2) and indicated whether both words in the pair had the same or different meanings. The spatio‐temporal distribution of current densities of event‐related potentials were estimated for each language and according to semantic and phonologic relationship (same or different) compared with the first word in the pair. During early processing (300 ms) were enhanced by semantic incongruence between the two words, particularly in temporal areas and in left hemisphere Broca's and Wernicke's areas. The latter differences were greater when words were in L2. Surprisingly, no significant effects of relative proficiency on processing the second word in the pair were found. These results indicate that the distribution of brain activity to the second of two words presented bilingually is affected differently during early and late processing by both semantic and phonologic priming by‐ and incongruence with the immediately preceding word. Hum Brain Mapp 34:2882–2898, 2013. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

The study determined how spatiotemporal distribution of cortical activity to words in first and second language is affected by language, proficiency, and linguistic setting. Ten early bilinguals and 14 late adult bilinguals listened to pairs of words presented in Arabic (L1), Hebrew (L2), or in mixed pairs and indicated whether both words had the same meaning or not. Source current densities of event‐related potentials were estimated. Activity to first words in the pair lateralized to right hemisphere, higher to L1 than L2 during early processing (300 ms). During early and late processing, activities were larger in mixed than monolinguistic settings among early bilinguals but lower in mixed than in monolinguistic settings among late bilinguals. Late processing in auditory regions was of larger magnitude in left than right hemispheres among both groups. Activity to second words in the pair was larger in mixed than in monolinguistic settings during both early and late processing among both groups. Early processing of second words in auditory regions lateralized to the right among early bilinguals and to the left among late bilinguals, whereas late processing did not differ between groups. Wernicke's area activity during late processing of L2 was larger on the right, while on the left no significant differences between languages were found. The results show that cortical language processing in bilinguals differs between early and late processing and these differences are modulated by linguistic proficiency and setting. Hum Brain Mapp 34:2863–2881, 2013. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

The purpose of this study was to compare cortical brain responses evoked by amplitude modulated acoustic beats of 3 and 6 Hz in tones of 250 and 1000 Hz with those evoked by their binaural beats counterparts in unmodulated tones to indicate whether the cortical processes involved differ. Event-related potentials (ERPs) were recorded to 3- and 6-Hz acoustic and binaural beats in 2000 ms duration 250 and 1000 Hz tones presented with approximately 1 s intervals. Latency, amplitude and source current density estimates of ERP components to beats-evoked oscillations were determined and compared across beat types, beat frequencies and base (carrier) frequencies. All stimuli evoked tone-onset components followed by oscillations corresponding to the beat frequency, and a subsequent tone-offset complex. Beats-evoked oscillations were higher in amplitude in response to acoustic than to binaural beats, to 250 than to 1000 Hz base frequency and to 3 Hz than to 6 Hz beat frequency. Sources of the beats-evoked oscillations across all stimulus conditions located mostly to left temporal lobe areas. Differences between estimated sources of potentials to acoustic and binaural beats were not significant. The perceptions of binaural beats involve cortical activity that is not different than acoustic beats in distribution and in the effects of beat- and base frequency, indicating similar cortical processing. © 2010 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Objective: To define cortical brain responses to large and small frequency changes (increase and decrease) of high- and low-frequency tones. Methods: Event-Related Potentials (ERPs) were recorded in response to a 10% or a 50% frequency increase from 250 or 4000 Hz tones that were approximately 3 s in duration and presented at 500-ms intervals. Frequency increase was followed after 1 s by a decrease back to base frequency. Frequency changes occurred at least 1 s before or after tone onset or offset, respectively. Subjects were not attending to the stimuli. Latency, amplitude and source current density estimates of ERPs were compared across frequency changes. Results: All frequency changes evoked components P50, N100, and P200. N100 and P200 had double peaks at bilateral and right temporal sites, respectively. These components were followed by a slow negativity (SN). The constituents of N100 were predominantly localized to temporo-parietal auditory areas. The potentials and their intracranial distributions were affected by both base frequency (larger potentials to low frequency) and direction of change (larger potentials to increase than decrease), as well as by change magnitude (larger potentials to larger change). The differences between frequency increase and decrease depended on base frequency (smaller difference to high frequency) and were localized to frontal areas. Conclusions: Brain activity varies according to frequency change direction and magnitude as well as base frequency. Significance: The effects of base frequency and direction of change may reflect brain networks involved in more complex processing such as speech that are differentially sensitive to frequency modulations of high (consonant discrimination) and low (vowels and prosody) frequencies. © 2008 International Federation of Clinical Neurophysiology.

Objective To study the effects of duration and intensity of noise that precedes gaps in noise on the N-Complex (N 1a and N 1b ) of Event-Related Potentials (ERPs) to the gaps. Methods ERPs were recorded from 13 normal subjects in response to 20ms gaps in 2–4.5s segments of binaural white noise. Within each segment, the gaps appeared after 500, 1500, 2500 or 4000ms of noise. Noise intensity was either 75, 60 or 45dBnHL. Analysis included waveform peak measurements and intracranial source current density estimations, as well as statistical assessment of the effects of pre-gap noise duration and intensity on N 1a and N 1b and their estimated intracranial source activity. Results The N-Complex was detected at about 100ms under all stimulus conditions. Latencies of N 1a (at ∼90ms) and N 1b (at ∼150ms) were significantly affected by duration of the preceding noise. Both their amplitudes and the latency of N 1b were affected by the preceding noise intensity. Source current density was most prominent, under all stimulus conditions, in the vicinity of the temporo-parietal junction, with the first peak (N 1a ) lateralized to the left hemisphere and the second peak (N 1b ) – to the right. Additional sources with lower current density were more anterior, with a single peak spanning the duration of the N-Complex. Conclusions The N 1a and N 1b of the N-Complex of the ERPs to gaps in noise are affected by both duration and intensity of the pre-gap noise. The minimum noise duration required for the appearance of a double-peaked N-Complex is just under 500ms, depending on noise intensity. N 1a and N 1b of the N-Complex are generated predominantly in opposite temporo-parietal brain areas: N 1a on the left and N 1b on the right. Significance Duration and intensity interact to define the dual peaked N-Complex, signaling the cessation of an ongoing sound.

To indicate whether the double peaked N(1) to gaps in continuous white noise is a composite of onset and offset responses to transients or whether it reflects higher processing such as change or mismatch detection and to assess the role of attention in this process.Evoked potentials were recorded to two binaural stimulus types: (1) gaps of different durations randomly distributed in continuous white noise; and (2) click pairs at intervals identical to those between gap onsets and offsets in the continuous noise stimulus. Potentials to these stimuli were recorded while subjects read a text and while detecting gaps in noise or click pairs.Potentials were detected to all click pairs and to gaps of 5 ms or longer, corresponding to the subjects' psychoacoustic gap detection threshold. With long gap durations of 200-800 ms, distinct potentials to gap onset and gap offset were observed. The waveforms to all click pairs and to offsets of long gaps were similar and single-peaked, while potentials to gaps of 10 ms and longer, and potentials to onsets of long gaps were double-peaked, consisting of two N(1) negativities, 60 ms apart, irrespective of gap duration. The first (N(1a)), was more frontal in its distribution and similar to that of clicks. The second (N(1b)) peak's distribution was more central/temporal and its source locations and time course of activity were distinct. No effects of attention on any of the varieties and constituents of N(1) were observed.Comparing potentials to gap onsets, to click pairs and to gap offsets, suggests that potentials to gap onsets involve not only sound onset/offset responses (N(1), N(1a)) but also the subsequent pre-attentive perception of the cessation of an ongoing sound (N(1b)). We propose that N(1b) is distinct from change or mismatch detection and is associated with termination of an ongoing continuous stimulus. We propose to call it the N(egation)-process.A constituent of the N(1) complex is shown to be associated with the pre-attentive perception of termination of an ongoing stimulus and to have distinct scalp distribution and intracranial sources.

Echo suppression in the human auditory cortex was studied with auditory middle latency evoked potentials (AMEP) using virtual reality acoustic stimuli, including distance and elevation cues, presented by earphones. The purpose of the study was to assess the effect of proximity of the source sound and echo on the degree of echo suppression. Sixteen subjects were presented with source-echo pairs in which the preceding source sound was always at the vertex, and the echo varied among ten positions on the coronal plane. Positions varied in elevation, distance and time lag between source and echo. The psychoacoustic location judgment of the fused source-echo pair was closer to the source sound (more echo suppression) the nearer the echo drew to the source in its elevation and time. The equivalent dipole magnitudes of the cortical components of AMEP were significantly reduced (more suppression) with shorter echo lags and when echo elevation was similar to that of the source sound. The distances used in this study did not significantly affect echo suppression. These results indicate that echo suppression in the auditory cortex is more pronounced the closer are the primary sound and echo in locational attributes and timing. As source sound and echo draw apart, echo suppression in the cortex decreases and the perceived localization of the fused source-echo is more biased toward the echo. Language: en

Visual event-related potentials were measured in lead-exposed and control subjects, while they were performing a target detection as well as a memory scanning task. Blood lead and urinary delta-aminolevulinic acid (delta-ALA) were determined in samples taken on the same day. Lead exposure did not affect the memory scanning P300 latency, but it did delay the target detection P300 latency in a dose-dependent fashion. The P300 amplitude of lead-exposed subjects was significantly reduced for both tasks, but not in a dose-dependent fashion. The target detection, but not the memory scanning, P300 latency correlated with urinary delta-ALA. No correlation of P300 with age was found, even though the subjects ranged from 20 to 60 years of age. The difference in the effect of lead exposure on the target detection and memory scanning P300 adds to the evidence that the P300 for the two tasks arises from different generators. The absence of a correlation of the measured P300 latency for each task with age in the present study raises the possibility that this extensively reported observation might, in part, be due to inappropriately matched younger and older subjects. This study indicates that evaluation of subjects exposed to toxic substances can increase our basic understanding of evoked potentials, as well as providing evidence of their toxic manifestations.