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Este artigo examina a política nuclear das administrações de Richard Nixon e Gerald Ford, por meio da análise de fontes primárias e secundárias sobre principais fatores internacionais e domésticos que as influenciaram. Argumenta-se que as diretrizes de longo prazo da política nuclear americana foram desenvolvidas nesse período, entre 1969 e 1977. Essas diretrizes podem ser divididas em três pontos principais. O primeiro é a plurilateralização do regime de não-proliferação nuclear e restrição do fornecimento de tecnologia de dual. Isso significou encontrar alternativas para instituições multilaterais existentes, por meio de negociações bilaterais de desarmamento com a URSS e por meio da criação de arranjos plurilaterais, como o GSN. O segundo ponto foi o compartilhamento da gestão da ordem internacional com poderes regionais, de modo a criar equilíbrio de poder favorável aos EUA. A última diretriz foi o aumento da competitividade das empresas americanas via privatização do setor nuclear. Este último ponto foi viabilizado na administração da Ford, dado o fracasso da iniciativa inicial de Nixon, e levou à consolidação de estrutura burocrática capaz de evitar mudanças drásticas na política de seguridade nuclear.

Friendly relations between the United States and Costa Rica were strained during the early 1970s as the latter sought the recall of the US ambassador and CIA station chief amidst rumours of coup plots against influential social democratic president José Figueres. Figueres's efforts to normalise relations with the Soviet bloc while legalising the Communist Party at home provided the broader context. Secret US intelligence about a pact between Figueres, local communists, and the Soviet Union drove the conflict. Drawing on declassified US documents, this study seeks the right balance between Latin American agency and US hegemony during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With a historical approach, this paper examines the Nixon administration’s policy and stance towards the European Political Cooperation (the EPC). In December 1969, at The Hague Summit the leaders of the European Community expressed their determination for deepening European integration. The final communiqué of The Hague Summit stressed the European Community’s desire to achieve the EPC and to parallel the European Community’s increasing economic strength with a role to play in the world affairs. With this in mind, the paper will examine the impacts that Nixon administration’s attempts to rebalance U.S. foreign relations reflected in the opening to China and the détente with the Soviet Union had on the European political integration. Then, it will be argued that the Nixon administration’s shifting of foreign policy priorities can be seen as one of the driving forces of the EPC. The paper puts forth that a European Community, whose weight was increased first by its economic integration and then by its political cooperation, was seen by the Nixon administration as a challenge to the United States. It is concluded that after a long time of consistently supporting European integration as a means to secure peace and prosperity in Europe, the United States under the Nixon administration had to reconsider its foreign relations and rebalance its focus on the global chessboard. This rebalancing certainly impacted the EPC in particular and the European integration process in general.

First paragraphs: The food movement keeps returning to a hand­ful of themes: the industrialization of food, the promise and challenges of local food, the shenanigans of large corporate players and the like. Rare is a work like Chin Jou’s Supersizing Urban America, which explores a facet of food—one that has serious health consequences—in a potentially new and intriguing way by linking local food environments to a relatively obscure federal program. The majority of the book is a history of how fast food franchises came to dominate the urban landscape. Jou claims that as late as the 1960s, African Americans were eating better than whites (a claim with so many implications that it deserves a book in its own right). By the early 1970s, the Nixon Administration was looking for explic­itly capitalist—that is, decidedly noncommunist—strategies to revitalize urban neighborhoods torn apart by the violence of the ’60s. It focused on promoting black entrepreneurship.

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