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The planet Uranus was discovered in 1781 by William Herschel, as a byproduct of a systematic sky-survey of the brighter stars; and, once he had reported his observation (of what he thought be a comet), it then took about half a year before it gradually became evident that it must be a new planet. The discovery of Neptune in 1846 was a quite different kind of event: the words of the poet John Keats

This article discusses the rivalries involved with the discovery of the planet Neptune. The story of mathematical sleuthing and telescopic detection of the planet that Jean Joseph Le Verrier named Neptune is one of the most familiar and often told in the history of astronomy. Also familiar is the controversy set off when, soon after Galle announced the discovery, it emerged that a young and little-known English mathematician, John Couch Adams, had independently tackled the same problem and deduced much the same position--before Le Verrier had. Over the years, some historians have questioned this orthodoxy. Since the late 1960s Dennis Rawlins, an independent analyst based in Baltimore, has gone even further and suggested that 19th-century British astronomers consciously faked--or at least sexed up--the dossier. From our review of the original documents, we have concluded that Adams's British contemporaries gave him more credit than was due him, even though he had performed some remarkable calculations. INSET: Overview/Neptune Discovery.

It became possible to access the yearly studbooks of a major UK Thoroughbred studfarm. By comparing these with subsequent published records of horse-breeding, one could compare the coverings betwee...

The close collaboration between the two North-country astronomers Jeremiah Horrocks and William Crabtree gave them special insight into the new astronomy published by the recently-deceased Kepler, whereby Horrocks became the only person to apprehend that the Rudolphine tables were in fact predicting a Venus transit in 1639. This paper focuses especially upon William Crabtree's role and contribution. A comparison is made with an earlier, unsuccessful endeavour by these two concerning a possible transit of Mercury. Much of the record of their work was lost during the civil war. Finally, thanks to Christiaan Huygens, Horrock's manuscript was published by Johannes Hevelius in Danzig, in 1662.To search for other articles by the author(s) go to: http://adsabs.harvard.edu/abstract_service.html

In 1956, Thun developed a procedure of sowing according to the position of the Moon in front of the twelve zodiacal constellations. These constellations were classified into four groups according to the element (Earth, Water, Air and Fire) astrologically associated with them. Root, leaf, flower and fruit crops were found to show increased yields if sown when the Moon stood before Earth, Water, Air and Fire constellations, respectively. Thun's philosophy of sowing by this sidereal rhythm has become a major component of biodynamic planting calendars, even though the founder of biodynamic agriculture, Rudolf Steiner, had only mentioned positive effects of the Full Moon in an agricultural context. In 1990, Spiess published a three-year study claiming to find effects of other lunar rhythms but not those of the 27-day sidereal month. This paper reviews published confirmations of the ‘Thun effect’ and reanalyses data concerning planting times and crop yields from Spiess's study with radish and carrots, ...

It is here argued that Halley's comet had a more pivotal role than has hitherto been believed in triggering Newton's acceptance of the law of gravity, dispelling his belief in Descartes' theory of vortices. It is found that historians have been unduly prone to credit Newton with dynamical insights at an earlier date than is warranted by the historical documents. A more convincing account of the transition from the period of Newton's alchemical researches of the 1670s to that of his dynamical insights in the 1680s thereby becomes feasible. Acceptance of a principle of rectilinear inertia was a precondition for formulating the law.

Flamsteed (J.) a envoye a Newton (I.) des donnees concernant la position de la lune par rapport au soleil

Background This study is in response to the question of whether the moon can influence daily levels of stress. Method Four years of telephone-call frequency data were obtained from a single crisis-call centre. We used the method of lunar-day numbers 1 to 29 for analysis. We also tested the concept of 'strong moons' as occurring when the Sun was near to the lunar-node axis. Results An increase in calls was recorded from females and a decrease in calls by males during the new moon period, suggesting a sex difference in response, and there were proportionally more calls by males a fortnight later. A comparable swing in the male/female call-ratio on a weekly basis over Fridays and Saturdays was noted. Limitations of staffing at the call-centre prohibited comment on seasonal correlations. Conclusion Lunar-related studies of stress should endeavour to separate the data by sex or the effect can be lost. Distress-calls by women were more strongly linked to the lunar month than were those by men.

The ratio of the amount of sulphated to sialic acid mucin (Su/Si) in the mucous glands of the human tracheobronchial tree has been investigated in seven smokers and seven non-smokers. The two mucins were studied in histological sections stained by the high iron diamine/Alcian blue pH 2-5 sequence and assessed by a point-counting method. Su/Si was greater in the smokers than in the non-smokers, who were almost completely distinguished by this ratio. A decrease in the ratio with each generation of branching from the trachea down the inferior lingular bronchial segmental pathway was seen in both the smoking and non-smoking groups. Analysis of the logarithm of Su/Si showed the smoking group means to be 2-3 times that of the non-smokers at each generation, and over both groups the average decrease down successive generations was given by a factor of 0-9.

The percentage area of the bronchial glands taking up the Alcian blue (pH 2-6) stain for acid mucin was obtained from sections from the trachea and from each generation down the inferior lingular axial bronchial pathway in five non-smokers and five cigarette smokers. The mean percentage value for the smokers (59-5%) was significantly less than for the non-smokers (74-4%). The percentage increased between successive generations from the trachea by an average of 6-5. This gradient did not differ significantly between the smoking and non-smoking groups. It was not possible to attribute these differences to any specific mechanism because many interacting variables were involved which could not be measured. Nevertheless the percentage mucin retention or storage provides an introduction to consideration of these variables and their response to cigarette smoke.