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This article is an overview of the research and controversy initiated by Cheng's (Cognition, 23(2), 149-178, 1986) article hypothesizing a purely geometric module in spatial representation. Hundreds of experiments later, we know much more about spatial behavior across a very wide array of species, ages, and kinds of conditions, but there is still no consensus model of the phenomena. I argue for an adaptive combination approach that entails several principles: (1) a focus on ecological niches and the spatial information they offer; (2) an approach to development that is experience-expectant: (3) continued plasticity as environmental conditions change; (4) language as one of many cognitive tools that can support spatial behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this issue is to take stock of cognitive science of human variation in the field of spatial navigation, an important domain in which debates have often assumed an invariant human mind. Addressing the challenge of individual differences requires cognitive scientists to change their practices in several ways. First, we need to consider how to design measures and paradigms that have adequate psychometric characteristics. Second, using reliable, efficient, and valid measures, we need to examine how people vary from time to time, both in the short run due to emotions, such as stress or time pressure, and in the longer run, due to training or living in physical environments that require wayfinding skills. Third, we need to study people different from the traditional college participants, including variations in age, gender, education, culture, physical environment, and possible interactions among these variables. This issue assesses how human spatial navigation differs: within individuals across short‐term variations in mood or stress, and between individuals across variations in age, gender, education, culture, and physical environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Episodic memory binds together diverse elements of an event into a cohesive unit. This property enables the reconstruction of multidimensional experiences when triggered by a cue related to a past event via pattern completion processes. Such holistic retrieval is evident in young adults, as shown by dependency in the retrieval success for different associations from the same event [Horner, A. J., & Burgess, N. The associative structure of memory for multi-element events. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 142(4), 1370–1383. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0033626, 2013; Horner, A. J., & Burgess, N. (2014). Pattern completion in multielement event engrams. Current Biology, 24(9), 988–992. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cub.2014.03.012, 2014]. Aspects of episodic memory capacity are vulnerable to ageing processes, including reduced abilities to form linkages among aspects of an event through relational binding (Naveh-Benjamin, 2000). Here, we used dependency analyses to examine whether older adults retrieve events holistically, and whether the degree of holistic retrieval declines with old age. We found that both young and older adults retrieved events as an integrated unit, but older adults showed a lower magnitude of holistic retrieval compared to young adults. Holistic retrieval declined with advancing age, even after controlling for pairwise relational binding performance. These results suggest that a decline in holistic retrieval is an aspect of episodic memory decrements in cognitive ageing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this review, I summarize what we know about the development of sex‐related differences in spatial skills, their potential malleability, and their possible causes. Current evidence suggests that sex differences increase in size with age, at least for skills with assessments suitable for use across development. However, male advantages vary from nonexistent to substantial, depending on the skills assessed, task parameters, and culture. Training and practice can improve spatial skills, although interventions tested so far do not eliminate the male advantage (when there is one). The complex pattern of increases with age, task variation, and cultural variation challenges efforts to theorize about causation. Progress requires identifying the underlying cognitive and neural structure of the spatial domain, developing reliable and valid assessment tools suitable for use across wide age ranges, gathering large datasets from a variety of cultural settings, and identifying and investigating specific mechanisms for growth and change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Episodic memory relies on discriminating among similar elements of episodes. Mnemonic discrimination is relatively poor at age 4, and then improves markedly. We investigated whether motivation to encode items with fine-grain resolution would change this picture of development, using an engaging computer-administered memory task in which a bird ate items that made her healthier (gain frame), sicker (loss frame), or led to no change (control condition). Using gain-loss framing led to enhanced mnemonic discrimination in 4- and 5-year-olds, but did not affect older children or adults. Despite this differential improvement, age-related differences persisted. An additional finding was that loss-framing led to greater mnemonic discrimination than gain-framing across age groups. Motivation only partially accounts for the improvement in mnemonic discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of navigation is informed by ethological data from many species, laboratory investigation at behavioural and neurobiological levels, and computational modelling. However, the data are often species-specific, making it challenging to develop general models of how biology supports behaviour. Wiener et al. outlined a framework for organizing the results across taxa, called the 'navigation toolbox' (Wiener et al. In Animal thinking: contemporary issues in comparative cognition (eds R Menzel, J Fischer), pp. 51–76). This framework proposes that spatial cognition is a hierarchical process in which sensory inputs at the lowest level are successively combined into ever-more complex representations, culminating in a metric or quasi-metric internal model of the world (cognitive map). Some animals, notably humans, also use symbolic representations to produce an external representation, such as a verbal description, signpost or map that allows communication of spatial information or instructions between individuals. Recently, new discoveries have extended our understanding of how spatial representations are constructed, highlighting that the hierarchical relationships are bidirectional, with higher levels feeding back to influence lower levels. In the light of these new developments, we revisit the navigation toolbox, elaborate it and incorporate new findings. The toolbox provides a common framework within which the results from different taxa can be described and compared, yielding a more detailed, mechanistic and generalized understanding of navigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As babies rapidly acquire motor skills that give them increasingly independent and wide-ranging access to the environment over the first two years of human life, they decrease their reliance on habit systems for spatial localization, switching to their emerging inertial navigation system and to allocentric frameworks. Initial place learning is evident towards the end of the period. From 3 to 10 years, children calibrate their ability to encode various sources of spatial information (inertial information, geometric cues, beacons, proximal landmarks and distal landmarks) and begin to combine cues, both within and across systems. Geometric cues are important, but do not constitute an innate and encapsulated module. In addition, from 3 to 10 years, children build the capacity to think about frames of reference different from their current one (i.e. to perform perspective taking). By around 12 years, we see adult-level performance and adult patterns of individual differences on cognitive mapping tasks requiring the integration of vista views of space into environmental space. These lines of development are continuous rather than stage-like. Spatial development builds on important beginnings in the neural systems of newborns, but changes in experience-expectant ways with motor development, action in the world and success-failure feedback. Human systems for integrating and manipulating spatial information also benefit from symbolic capacities and technological inventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recalling a spatial layout from multiple orientations - spatial flexibility - is challenging, even when the global configuration can be viewed from a single vantage point, but more so when it must be viewed piecemeal. In the current study, we examined whether experiencing the transition between multiple viewpoints enhances spatial memory and flexible recall for a spatial configuration viewed simultaneously (Exp. 1) and sequentially (Exp. 2), whether the type of transition matters, and whether action provides an additional advantage over passive experience. In Experiment 1, participants viewed an array of dollhouse furniture from four viewpoints, but with all furniture simultaneously visible. In Experiment 2, participants viewed the same array piecemeal, from four partitioned viewpoints that allowed for viewing only a segment at a time. The transition between viewpoints involved rotation of the array or participant movement around it. Rotation and participant movement were passively experienced or actively generated. The control condition presented the dollhouse as a series of static views. Across both experiments, participant movement significantly enhanced spatial memory relative to array rotation or static views. However, in Exp. 2, there was a further advantage for actively walking around the array compared to being passively pushed. These findings suggest that movement around a stable environment is key to spatial memory and flexible recall, with action providing an additional boost to the integration of temporally segmented spatial events. Thus, spatial memory may be more flexible than prior data indicate, when studied under more natural acquisition conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proposal that humans can develop cognitive maps of their environment has a long and controversial history. We suggest an individual-differences approach to this question instead of a normative one. Specifically, there is evidence that some people derive flexible maplike representations from information acquired during navigation, whereas others store much less accurate information. Our research uses a virtual-reality paradigm in which two routes are learned and must be related to each other. It defines three groups: integrators, nonintegrators, and imprecise navigators. These groups show distinctive patterns of spatial skills and working memory, as well as personality. We contrast our approach with research challenging the cognitive-map hypothesis and offer directions for rapprochement between the two views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Four principles of cognitive science were used to make systematic revisions in middle school science instructional modules from two kinds of curriculum: one popular textbook series and one popular hands‐on series (two modules each). Schools were randomly assigned to 1 of the 3 arms (cognitive science modifications with professional development, active control with professional development, or business‐as‐usual). Two cohorts of students were followed in each arm for each setting. There were significant benefits of the cognitive science intervention, but the nature of effects varied for the two settings and curricula. For the text‐based curriculum, positive effects of cognitive science modifications were concentrated in classrooms with lower proportions of underrepresented minority students. For the hands‐on curriculum, there were positive effects that were not linked to school composition. Participation in the active control did not significantly improve student learning. Implications for policy and research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Episodic memory relies on memory for the relations among multiple elements of an event and the ability to discriminate among similar elements of episodes. The latter phenomenon, termed pattern separation, has been studied mainly in young and older adults with relatively little research on children. Building on prior work with young children, we created an engaging computer-administered relational memory task assessing what-where relations. We also modified the Mnemonic Similarity Task used to assess pattern discrimination in young and older adults for use with preschool children. Results showed that 4-year- olds performed significantly worse than 6-year- olds and adults on both tasks, whereas 6-year- olds and adults performed comparably, even though there were no ceiling effects. However, performance on the two tasks did not correlate, suggesting that two distinct mnemonic processes with different developmental trajectories may contribute to age-related changes in episodic memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Memorializes Jerome Kagan (1929–2021). Jerome Kagan was born on February 25, 1929, in Newark, NJ. Jerry’s initial search for stable constructs focused on the cognitive. In articles in the 1960s, he examined the extent to which children formed analytic concepts, and whether they acted reflectively or impulsively. Jerry published the Matching Familiar Figures Test (MFF) in 1965, which led to a spate of articles by Jerry and others on the uses of the MFF and on the dimension of reflection-impulsivity—groundbreaking work that can still inform research on what has more recently been termed executive function. In 1984, with his then-graduate student Cynthia Garcia-Coll, Jerry described a group of children who were vigilant when confronted with novelty, low on approach behavior and hesitant to speak in social situations. He suggested that this cluster of behaviors (and measured physiological reactivity) reflected a temperamental trait that they called behavioral inhibition. Jerry went on to study physiological reactions to threat among behaviorally inhibited children, their interactions with unfamiliar peers, and their developing personalities, with multiple longitudinal cohorts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Being able to estimate quantity is important in everyday life and for success in the STEM disciplines. However, people have difficulty reasoning about magnitudes outside of human perception (e.g., nanoseconds, geologic time). This study examines patterns of estimation errors across temporal and spatial magnitudes at large scales. We evaluated the effectiveness of hierarchical alignment in improving estimations, and transfer across dimensions. The activity was successful in increasing accuracy for temporal and spatial magnitudes, and learning transferred to the estimation of numeric magnitudes associated with events and objects. However, there were also a number of informative differences in performance on temporal, spatial, and numeric magnitude measures, suggesting that participants possess different categorical information for these scales. Educational implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spatial scaling, or an understanding of how distances in different-sized spaces relate to each other, is fundamental for many spatial tasks and relevant for success in numerous professions. Previous research has suggested that adults use mental transformation strategies to mentally scale spatial input, as indicated by linear increases in response times and accuracies with larger scaling magnitudes. However, prior research has not accounted for possible difficulties in encoding spatial information within smaller spaces. Thus, the present study used a discrimination task in which we systematically pitted absolute size of the spaces against scaling magnitude. Adults (N = 48) were presented with 2 pictures, side-by-side on a computer display, each of which contained a target. Adults were asked to decide whether the targets were in the same position or not, by pressing the respective computer key. In the constant-large condition, the constant space was kept large, whereas the size of the other space was variable and smaller. In the constant-small condition, the constant space was small, whereas the size of the other space was variable and larger. Irrespective of condition, adults' discrimination performance (d-primes) and response times were linear functions of scaling magnitude, supporting the notion that analog imagery strategies are used in spatial scaling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the existence of cognitive maps and on the cognitive processes that support effective navigation has often focused on functioning across individuals. However, there are pronounced individual differences in navigation proficiency, which need to be explained and which can illuminate our understanding of cognitive maps and effective navigation. Using a virtual environment involving 2 routes (Virtual Silcton, a desktop virtual environment; Weisberg, Schinazi, Newcombe, Shipley, & Epstein, 2014), we divided people into 3 groups based on their within-route and between-route pointing accuracy: integrators, non-integrators, and imprecise navigators. In Study 1, we found that imprecise navigators have lower spatial and verbal working memory, which may limit their ability to build accurate within-route representations. We also found that integrators maintain excellent memories of buildings as categorized by route membership, possibly supporting the idea of hierarchical representations of the environment. In Study 2, we assessed preferences regarding place and route learning using a virtual version of the rodent T-maze (Marchette, Bakker, & Shelton, 2011). Integrators found more goals overall, and although they did not have an overall preference for a place-based strategy, integrators who did choose a place-based strategy found more goals. The opposite was true for imprecise navigators. In Study 3, we added a monetary incentive for accuracy to evaluate whether increased motivation leads to fewer participants classified as imprecise, but found no significant change in the distribution of performance. These data have theoretical implications for the cognitive map hypothesis, and practical implications for improving navigational functioning. A one-size-fits-all approach may fit none. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Memory for spatial location is typically biased, with errors trending toward the center of a surrounding region. According to the category adjustment model ( CAM), this bias reflects the optimal, Bayesian combination of fine-grained and categorical representations of a location. However, there is disagreement about whether categories are malleable. For instance, can categories be redefined based on expert-level conceptual knowledge? Furthermore, if expert knowledge is used, does it dominate other information sources, or is it used adaptively so as to minimize overall error, as predicted by a Bayesian framework? We address these questions using images of geological interest. The participants were experts in structural geology, organic chemistry, or English literature. Our data indicate that expertise-based categories influence estimates of location memory-particularly when these categories better constrain errors than alternative ('novice') categories. Results are discussed with respect to the CAM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Proportional reasoning involves thinking about parts and wholes (i.e., about fractional quantities). Yet, research on proportional reasoning and fraction learning has proceeded separately. This study assessed proportional reasoning and formal fraction knowledge in 8- to 10-year-olds. Participants (N= 52) saw combinations of cherry juice and water in displays that highlighted either part–whole or part–part relations. Their task was to indicate on a continuous rating scale how much each mixture would taste of cherries. Ratings suggested the use of a proportional integration rule for both kinds of displays, although more robustly and accurately for part–whole displays. The findings indicate that children may be more likely to scale proportional components when being presented with part–whole as compared with part–part displays. Crucially, ratings for part–whole problems correlated with fraction knowledge, even after controlling for age, suggesting that a sense of spatial proportions is associated with an understanding of fractional quantities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There are many continuous quantitative dimensions in the physical world. Philosophical, psychological, and neural work has focused mostly on space and number. However, there are other important continuous dimensions (e.g., time and mass). Moreover, space can be broken down into more specific dimensions (e.g., length, area, and density) and number can be conceptualized discretely or continuously (i.e., natural vs real numbers). Variation on these quantitative dimensions is typically correlated, e.g., larger objects often weigh more than smaller ones. Number is a distinctive continuous dimension because the natural numbers (i.e., positive integers) are used to quantify collections of discrete objects. This aspect of number is emphasized by teaching of the count word sequence and arithmetic during the early school years. We review research on spatial and numerical estimation, and argue that a generalized magnitude system is the starting point for development in both domains. Development occurs along several lines: (1) changes in capacity, durability, and precision, (2) differentiation of the generalized magnitude system into separable dimensions, (3) formation of a discrete number system, i.e., the positive integers, (4) mapping the positive integers onto the continuous number line, and (5) acquiring abstract knowledge of the relations between pairs of systems. We discuss implications of this approach for teaching various topics in mathematics, including scaling, measurement, proportional reasoning, and fractions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diagrams and pictorial representations are common in children's lives and require abstraction away from visual perception. In three experiments, we investigated 4- to 8-year-olds’ comprehension of such representations. In Experiment 1 (N = 80), children were shown photographs of geometric objects and asked to choose the corresponding line drawing from among sets of four, or vice versa. Results showed considerable developmental progression, especially around age 6. Experiment 2 (N = 16) ruled out that 4-year-olds’ difficulties were due to problems with the visual matching task itself. Experiment 3 (N = 32) showed comparable performance for matching diagrams to 3D objects rather than to photographs. Findings suggest increasing understanding of diagrammatic representations around the time of school entry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Children's beliefs about the contribution of effort and ability to success and failure shape their decisions to persist or give up on challenging tasks, with consequences for their academic success. But how do children learn about the concept of "challenge"? Prior work has shown that parents' verbal responses to success and failure shape children's motivational beliefs. In this study, we explore another type of talk—parent and child talk about difficulty—which could contribute to children's motivational beliefs. We performed secondary analyses of two observational studies of parent–child interactions in the United States (Boston and Philadelphia) from age 3 to fourth grade (Study 1, 51% girls, 65.5% White, at least 43.2% below Federal poverty line) and at first grade (Study 2, 54% girls, 72% White, family income-to-needs ratio M [SD] = 4.41 [2.95]) to identify talk about difficulty, characterize the content of those statements, and assess whether task context, child and parent gender, child age, and other parent motivational talk were associated with the quantity of child and parent difficulty talk. We found that many families did discuss difficulty, with variation among families. Parents and children tended to use general statements to talk about difficulty (e.g., "That was hard!"), and task context affected child and parent difficulty talk. In the NICHD-SECCYD dataset, mothers' highlighting how task features contributed to task difficulty was positively correlated with their process praise, suggesting that this talk could be motivationally relevant. Public Significance Statement: By examining parent–child interactions, we found that preschool and elementary-school-aged children and their parents talk about how "easy" and "hard" tasks are to complete. This type of talk varied across families and contexts, and occurred most often during goal-directed, challenging tasks. Further understanding when families talk about task difficulty and what messages they communicate is important to know how parents can best support children's approach toward mastering challenging tasks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has indicated a close link between spatial and mathematical thinking. However, what shared processes account for this link? In this study, we focused on the spatial skill of map reading and the mathematical skill of proportional reasoning and investigated whether scaling, or the ability to relate information in different-sized representations, is a shared process. Scaling was experimentally manipulated in both tasks. In the map task, 4- and 5-year-olds ( N = 50) were asked to point to the same position shown on a map in a larger referent space on a touch screen. The sizes of the maps were varied systematically, such that some trials required scaling and some did not (i.e., the map had the same size as the referent space). In the proportional reasoning task, children were presented with different relative amounts of juice and water and were asked to estimate each mixture on a rating scale. Again, some trials required scaling, but others could be solved by directly mapping the proportional components onto the rating scale. Children’s absolute errors in locating targets in the map task were closely related to their performance in the proportional reasoning task even after controlling for age and verbal intelligence. Crucially, this was only true for trials that required scaling, whereas performance on nonscaled trials was not related. These results shed light on the mechanisms involved in the close connection between spatial and mathematical thinking early in life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is evidence suggesting that children’s play with spatial toys (e.g., puzzles and blocks) correlates with spatial development. Females play less with spatial toys than do males, which arguably accounts for males’ spatial advantages; children with high socioeconomic status (SES) also show an advantage, though SES-related differences in spatial play have been less studied than gender-related differences. Using a large, nationally representative sample from the standardization study of the Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence–Fourth Edition, and controlling for other cognitive abilities, we observed a specific relation between parent-reported frequency of spatial play and Block Design scores that was invariant across gender and SES. Reported spatial play was higher for boys than for girls, but controlling for spatial play did not eliminate boys’ relative advantage on this subtest. SES groups did not differ in reported frequency of spatial play. Future research should consider quality as well as quantity of play, and should explore underlying mechanisms to evaluate causality. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Memories for spatial locations often show systematic errors toward the central value of the surrounding region. The Category Adjustment (CA) model suggests that this bias is due to a Bayesian combination of categorical and metric information, which offers an optimal solution under conditions of uncertainty (Huttenlocher, Hedges, & Duncan, 1991). A fundamental assumption of this model is that representations of locations are unbiased but uncertain; during cohibination, greater metric uncertainty results in relatively greater emphasis on categorical information, ultimately leading to increased bias (but also minimizing error across multiple estimates). Sampaio and Wang (2009) have demonstrated that metric information is not lost during this combination process, supporting the CA model's assumption that underlying spatial representations are undistorted. Here, we examine the 2nd half of the CA model's central assumption: that increasing metric uncertainty drives the combination process. Participants recognized point locations within visually complex images in a 4-choice task. Our results indicate that individuals recognized the correct location over other, biased alternatives, confirming that metric information is unbiased at the time of retrieval. In addition, we found that, when participants make errors, they are more likely to select locations that are biased toward the category prototype. In Experiment 2, we demonstrate that categorically biased locations are most likely to be chosen under conditions of uncertainty. Indeed, under these conditions, categorically biased locations were chosen more frequently than the correct location. These results suggest that systematic errors are the result of combination across multiple levels of spatial representations that are undistorted but somewhat uncertain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrain slope can be used to encode the location of a goal. However, this directional information may be encoded using a conceptual north (i.e., invariantly with respect to the environment), or in an observer-relative fashion (i.e., varying depending on the direction one faces when learning the goal). This study examines which representation is used, whether the sensory modality in which slope is encoded (visual, kinaesthetic, or both) influences representations, and whether use of slope varies for men and women. In a square room, with a sloped floor explicitly pointed out as the only useful cue, participants encoded the corner in which a goal was hidden. Without direct sensory access to slope cues, participants used a dial to point to the goal. For each trial, the goal was hidden uphill or downhill, and the participants were informed whether they faced uphill or downhill when pointing. In support of observer-relative representations, participants pointed more accurately and quickly when facing concordantly with the hiding position. There was no effect of sensory modality, providing support for functional equivalence. Sex did not interact with the findings on modality or reference frame, but spatial measures correlated with success on the slope task differently for each sex. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Episodic memory involves binding together what-where-when associations. In three experiments, we tested the development of memory for such contextual associations in a naturalistic setting. Children searched for toys in two rooms with two different experimenters; each room contained two identical sets of four containers, but arranged differently. A distinct toy was hidden in a distinct container in each room. In Experiment 1, which involved children between 15 and 26 months who were prompted with a very explicit cue (a part of the hidden toy), we found a marked shift in performance with age: while 15- to 20-month-olds concentrated their searches on the two containers that sometimes contained toys, they did not distinguish between them according to context, but 21-26-month-olds did. However, surprisingly, without toy cues, even the youngest children showed a fragile ability to disambiguate the two containers by room context. In Experiment 2, we tested 34- to 40-month-olds and 64- to 72-month-olds without toy cues. The 5-year-olds were nearly perfect, and the 3-year-olds showed a significant preference for the correct container given only the context. In Experiment 3, we filled in the age range, and also investigated the effects of the use of labels (i.e. names of experimenters and rooms) and of familiarization time, in groups of 34- to 40-month-olds, 42- to 48-month-olds, and 50- to 56-month-olds. Neither labels nor familiarization time had an effect. Across experiments, there was regular age-related improvement in context-based memory. Overall, the results suggest that children's episodic memory may undergo an early qualitative change, yet to be precisely characterized, and that continuing increments in the use of contextual cues occur throughout the preschool period. A video abstract of this article can be viewed at [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite some gains, women continue to be underrepresented in many science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) fields. Using a national longitudinal dataset of 690 participants born in 1991, we tested whether spatial skills, measured in middle childhood, would help explain this gender gap. We modeled the relation between 4th‐grade spatial skills and STEM majors while simultaneously accounting for competing cognitive and motivational mechanisms. Strong spatial skills in 4th grade directly increased the likelihood of choosing STEM college majors, above and beyond math achievement and motivation, verbal achievement and motivation, and family background. Additionally, 4th‐grade spatial skills indirectly predicted STEM major choice via math achievement and motivation in the intervening years. Further, our findings suggest that gender differences in 4th‐grade spatial skills contribute to women's underrepresentation in STEM majors. Research Highlights: Using a national longitudinal dataset, we found 4th‐grade spatial skills directly predicted STEM college major choice after accounting for multiple cognitive and motivational mechanisms.Strong spatial skills in 4th grade also elevated STEM major choice via enhanced math achievement and motivation in the intervening years.Gender differences in 4th‐grade spatial skills contributed to women's underrepresentation in STEM college majors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spatial scaling is an important prerequisite for many spatial tasks and involves an understanding of how distances in different-sized spaces correspond. Previous studies have found evidence for such an understanding in preschoolers; however, the mental processes involved remain unclear. In the present study, we investigated whether children and adults use mental transformations to scale distances in space. Adults and 4- and 5-year-old children (N = 60) were asked to use maps to locate target objects in a larger referent space on a touch screen. The size of the referent space was held constant, but the sizes of the maps were varied systematically, resulting in 7 scaling factors. A linear increase in response times and errors with increasing scaling factor suggested that participants of every age group mentally transformed the size of the map to compare it to the referent, providing evidence for an analog imagery strategy in children's and adults' spatial scaling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Magnitude estimation refers to judging amount along any one of several continuous dimensions, including length, distance, number, time, perimeter, area, volume, weight, mass, speed and more. These dimensions are formally distinct but they are often correlated in the real world, e.g. when we see more objects, they typically take up more total volume than do fewer objects and weigh more in total. Research suggests several conclusions about the origins and development of magnitude estimation. First, a generalized magnitude system provides a strong starting point for development, and this system is later differentiated into its separable dimensions, e.g., number and length. Second, early magnitude estimation is imprecise and relative, with later change towards increasing precision and the ability to estimate without a perceptually available standard. Third, early magnitude estimation is later supplemented with instruction in formal systems (e.g., measurement devices). [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The aim of research in cognitive development is to understand the origins of human knowledge and to provide an account of cognitive change. Theorizing regarding these issues is rooted in the nativist-empiricist debate. This article traces changing views in that debate, from the beginnings of psychology, through the cognitive revolution, Piaget, and alternatives to Piaget, including nativism, Vygotskyan theory, and information-processing work. The last section presents current theorizing and outlines various modern versions of nativism, constructivism, and empiricism. WIREs Cogn Sci 2013, 4:479-491. doi: 10.1002/wcs.1245 For further resources related to this article, please visit the WIREs website. Conflict of interest: The author has declared no conflicts of interest for this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights: [•] We examine location memory biases in a 3D, vista-level campus environment. [•] We use a novel extension of the location memory paradigm for testing in 3D space. [•] Participants’ memory for locations was biased toward central (prototypical) values. [•] Bias was greater with longer retention intervals. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Research on spatial navigation is essential to understanding how mobile species adapt to their environments. Such research increasingly uses virtual environments (VEs) because, although VE has drawbacks, it allows for standardization of procedures, precision in measuring behaviors, ease in introducing variation, and cross-investigator comparability. Developmental researchers have used a wide range of VE testing methods, including desktop computers, gaming consoles, virtual reality, and phone applications. We survey the paradigms to guide researchers' choices, organizing them by their characteristics using a framework proposed by Girard (2022) in which navigation is reactive or deliberative, and may be tied to sensory input or not. This organization highlights what representations each paradigm indicates. VE tools have enriched our picture of the development of navigation, but much research remains to be done, e.g., determining retest reliability, comparing performance on different paradigms, validating performance against real-world behavior and open sharing. Reliable and valid assessments available on open-science repositories are essential for work on the development of navigation, its neural bases, and its implications for other cognitive domains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Spatial scaling is an integral aspect of many spatial tasks that involve symbol-to-referent correspondences (e.g., map reading, drawing). In this study, we asked 3–6-year-olds and adults to locate objects in a two-dimensional spatial layout using information from a second spatial representation (map). We examined how scaling factor and reference features, such as the shape of the layout or the presence of landmarks, affect performance. Results showed that spatial scaling on this simple task undergoes considerable development, especially between 3 and 5 years of age. Furthermore, the youngest children showed large individual variability and profited from landmark information. Accuracy differed between scaled and un-scaled items, but not between items using different scaling factors (1:2 vs. 1:4), suggesting that participants encoded relative rather than absolute distances. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Visualizations are an increasingly important part of scientific education and discovery. However, users often do not gain knowledge from them in a complete or efficient way. This article aims to direct research on visualizations in science education in productive directions by reviewing the evidence for widespread assumptions that learning styles, sex differences, developmental stages, and spatial language determine the impact of visualizations on science learning. First, we examine the assumption that people differ in their verbal versus visual learning style. Due to the lack of rigorous evaluation, there is no current support for this distinction. Future research should distinguish between two different kinds of visual learning style. Second, we consider the belief that there are large and intractable sex differences in spatial ability resultant from immutable biological reasons. Although there are some spatial sex differences (in some types of spatial tests although not all), there is actually only very mixed support for biological causation. Most important, there is conclusive evidence that spatial skills can be improved through training and education. Third, we explore educators' use of Piaget's ideas about spatial development to draw conclusions about ‘developmental appropriateness’. However, recent research on spatial development has focused on identifying sequences that begin with early starting points of skill, and spatial education is possible in some form at all ages. Fourth, although spatial language does not determine spatial thought, it does frame attention in a way that can have impact on learning and understanding. We examine the empirical support for each assumption and its relevance to future research on visualizations in science education. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

- Piaget's theory is no longer the dominant approach to cognitive development. Instead, many leading theorists now embrace some version of nativism. There are several alternatives to nativism, however. This article argues that neoconstructivism is an umbrella term that covers these alternatives. It delineates the essential elements of this style of thinking and outlines some key differences among neoconstructivist theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of spatial representation generally focus on flat environments and visual input. However, the world is not flat, and slopes are part of most natural environments. In a series of 4 experiments, we examined whether humans can use a slope as a source of allocentric, directional information for reorientation. A target was hidden in a corner of a square, featureless enclosure tilted at a 50 angle. Finding it required using the vestibular, kinesthetic, and visual cues associated with the slope gradient. In Experiment I, the overall sample performed above chance, showing that slope is sufficient for reorientation in a real environment. However, a sex difference emerged; men outperformed women by 1.4 SDs because they were more likely to use a slope-based strategy. In Experiment 2, attention was drawn to the slope, and participants were prompted to rely on it to solve the task; however, men still outperformed women, indicating a greater ability to use slope. In Experiment 3, we excluded the possibility that women's disadvantage was due to wearing heeled footwear. In Experiment 4, women required more time than men to identify the uphill direction of the slope gradient; this suggests that, in a bottom-up fashion, a perceptual or attentional difficulty underlies women's disadvantage in the ability to use slope and their decreased reliance on this cue. Overall, a bi-coordinate representation was used to find the goal: The target was encoded primarily with respect to the vertical axis and secondarily with respect to the orthogonal axis of the slope. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the many excellent papers that I accepted for publication, Terlecki, et al. was one of the best. In exploring gender differences in spatial cognition, Terlecki et al. presented a methodologically and analytically rigorous study that provides both theoretical and applied insights. Findings suggest that even if the often observed gender differences in spatial ability-in which men outperform women-are biologically based, experience with spatial tasks leads to notable improvements among both men and women. The results have practical importance: women who report the most impoverished history of spatial experience are those for whom exposure to spatial tasks has the least impact initially, but additional exposure eventually produces the most rapidly improving results. Hence, one should not give up on training too easily; early discouraging performance is not predictive of eventual outcome, as long as the training persists. These results suggest viewing any genetic contributions to differences as calling for enriching, and not depressing, the environments of those who are most affected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is frequently claimed that the human mind is organized in a modular fashion, a hypothesis linked historically, though not inevitably, to the claim that many aspects of the human mind are innately specified. A specific instance of this line of thought is the proposal of an innately specified geometric module for human reorientation. From a massive modularity position, the reorientation module would be one of a large number that organized the mind. From the core knowledge position, the reorientation module is one of five innate and encapsulated modules that can later be supplemented by use of human language. In this paper, we marshall five lines of evidence that cast doubt on the geometric module hypothesis, unfolded in a series of reasons: (1) Language does not play a necessary role in the integration of feature and geometric cues, although it can be helpful. (2) A model of reorientation requires flexibility to explain variable phenomena. (3) Experience matters over short and long periods. (4) Features are used for true reorientation. (5) The nature of geometric information is not as yet clearly specified. In the final section, we review recent theoretical approaches to the known reorientation phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies have used spatial reorientation task paradigms to identify underlying cognitive mechanisms of navigation in children, adults, and a range of animal species. Despite broad interest in this task across disciplines, little is known about the brain bases of reorientation. We used functional magnetic resonance imaging to examine neural activity in adults during a virtual reality version of the reorientation task. Three environments that varied in the cues provided were studied: a rectangular room with 4 identical gray walls (Geometry), a square room with 3 gray walls and 1 red wall (Feature), and a rectangular room with 3 gray walls and 1 red wall (Feature + Geometry). Multiple areas within the medial temporal lobe (MTL) showed increased activation when a feature was present compared with when reorientation was based only on geometric cues. In contrast, reliance on geometric cues significantly activated a number of non-MTL structures, including the prefrontal cortex and inferior temporal gyrus. These results provide neural evidence for processing differences between the 2 types of cue as well as insight into developmental and comparative aspects of reorientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Retention of source information is enhanced by focus on speakers’ feelings about statements even though recognition is reduced for both adults and children. However, does any focus on another person lead to enhanced source monitoring, or is a particular kind of focus required? Does other-focus enhance source monitoring, or does self-focus detract from it? In Experiment 1, 4- and 6-year-olds watched two speakers make statements in a no-focus control or with focus directed on how they (or a speaker) felt about the statements or on perceptual features about themselves (or the speaker). Source monitoring decisions were enhanced by other-focus in both the perceptual and emotional conditions. However, the effect was larger for the emotional condition, and source monitoring exceeded no-focus controls only for this condition. Experiment 2 showed no effect of other-focus versus self-focus on source monitoring when questions were semantic. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Proponents of a geometric module have argued that instances of young children’s use of features as well as geometry to reorient can be explained by a two-stage process. In this model, only the first stage is a true reorientation, accomplished by using geometric information alone; features are considered in a second stage using association ( Lee, Shusterman & Spelke, 2006 ). This account is contradicted by the data from two experiments. Experiment 1a sets the stage for Experiment 1b by showing that young children use geometric information to reorient in a complex geometric figure without a single principal axis of symmetry (an octagon). In such a figure, there are two sets of geometrically congruent corners, with four corners in each set. The addition of a colored wall leads to the existence of three geometrically congruent but, crucially, all unmarked corners; using the colored wall to distinguish among them could not be done associatively. In Experiment 1b, both 3- and 5-year-old children showed true non-associative reorientation using features by performing at above-chance levels on all-white trials. Experiment 2 used a paradigm without distinctive geometry, modeled on Lee et al. (2006) , involving an equilateral triangle of hiding places located within a circular enclosure, but with a large stable feature rather than a small moveable one. Four-year-olds (the age group studied by Lee et al.) used features at above-chance levels. Thus, features can be used to reorient, in a way not dependent on association, in contradiction to the two-stage version of the modular view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Improving mathematics and science education in the United States has been a matter of national concern for over half a century. Psychology has a vital role to play in this enterprise. In this article, the authors review the kinds of contributions that psychology can make in four areas: (a) early understanding of mathematics, (b) understanding of science, (c) social and motivational aspects of involvement in mathematics and science, and (d) assessment of learning in mathematics and science. They also examine challenges to psychology's playing a central and constructive role and make recommendations for overcoming those challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is ongoing debate in spatial cognition about the mechanisms by which organisms are able to reorient, or reestablish a position, in the world after losing their bearing. The traditional view is that there is an encapsulated reorientation module that can only process environmental geometry such as distances or angles (Cheng, 1986). Recently, this view has been challenged on the grounds that the reorientation mechanism is only able to accept geometric information and may instead depend on a more general ability to use relative cues. J. Huttenlocher and S. F. Lourenco (2007) demonstrated that toddlers are successfully able to reorient with continuous cues but show remarkable deficits using categorical cues that are similar in perceptual complexity for reorientation. Here, the authors show the same pattern of results with mice (Mus musculus). These findings provide evidence that there is a homologous reorientation mechanism between mice and humans. Thus, future researchers can examine the genetic basis of this important cognitive ability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Proponents of a geometric module claim that human adults accomplish spatial reorientation in a fundamentally different way than young children and nonhuman animals do. However, reporting two experiments that used a conflict paradigm, this article shows striking similarities between human adults and young children, as well as nonhuman animals. Specifically, Experiment 1 demonstrates that adults favor geometric information in a small room and rely on features in a larger room, whereas Experiment 2 demonstrates that experience in a larger room produces dominance of features over geometric cues in a small room—the first human case of reliance on features that contradict geometric information. Thus, use of features during reorientation depends on the size of the environment and learning history. These results clearly undermine the modularity claim and the view that feature use during reorientation is purely associative, and we discuss the findings within an adaptive-combination view, according to which a weighting system determines use of feature or geometric cues during reorientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study addressed questions about improvement in mental rotation skills: (1) whether growth trajectories differ for men and women with higher or lower spatial experience, (2) whether videogame training has effects on performance and leads to transfer, (3) whether effects of repeated testing or training effects are durable and (4) whether transfer is durable. Undergraduates participated in repeated testing on the MRT or played the videogame Tetris. Analyses showed large improvements in mental rotation with both repeated testing and training; these gains were maintained several months later. MRT scores of men and women did not converge, but men showed faster initial growth and women showed more improvement later. Videogame training showed greater initial growth than repeated testing alone, but final performance did not differ. Effects of videogame training transferred to other spatial tasks exceeding the effects of repeated testing, and this transfer advantage was still evident after several months. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When mobile organisms are spatially disoriented, for instance by rapid repetitive movement, they must re-establish orientation. Past research has shown that the geometry of enclosing spaces is consistently used for reorientation by a wide variety of species, but that non-geometric features are not always used. Based on these findings, some investigators have postulated a species-universal ‘geometric module’ that is transcended by the acquisition of spatial language at 6 years. This conclusion has been challenged, however, by findings that children as young as 18 months actually do use features to reorient in larger enclosures than those used in the original experiments. The reason for the room size effect is explored here in five experiments. Collectively, the data on age at which features are first used point to the importance of both restriction of movement in the small space and the fact that features are closer in the small space. In addition, success is seen at younger ages when the target object is adjacent to the feature. These results favor an adaptive combination model of spatial reorientation over a ‘module-plus-language’ view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Being able to reorient to the spatial environment after disorientation is a basic adaptive challenge. There is clear evidence that reorientation uses geometric information about the shape of the surrounding space. However, there has been controversy concerning whether use of geometry is a modular function, and whether use of features is dependent on human language. A key argument for the role of language comes from shadowing findings where adults engaged in a linguistic task during reorientation ignored a colored wall feature and only used geometric information to reorient [Hermer-Vazquez, L., Spelke, E., & Katsnelson, A. (1999). Sources of flexibility in human cognition: Dual task studies of space and language. Cognitive Psychology, 39, 3–36]. We report three studies showing: (a) that the results of Hermer–Vazques et al. [Hermer-Vazquez, L., Spelke, E., & Katsnelson, A. (1999). Sources of flexibility in human cognition: Dual task studies of space and language. Cognitive Psychology, 39, 3–36] are obtained in incidental learning but not with explicit instructions, (b) that a spatial task impedes use of features at least as much as a verbal shadowing task, and (c) that neither secondary task impedes use of features in a room larger than that used by Hermer–Vazquez et al. These results suggest that language is not necessary for successful use of features in reorientation. In fact, whether or not there is an encapsulated geometric module is currently unsettled. The current findings support an alternative to modularity; the adaptive combination view hypothesizes that geometric and featural information are utilized in varying degrees, dependent upon the certainty and variance with which the two kinds of information are encoded, along with their salience and perceived usefulness. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

People show biases or distortions in their geographical judgments, such as mistakenly judging Rome to be south of Chicago (the Chicago-Rome illusion). These errors may derive from either perceptual heuristics or categorical organization. However, previous work on geographic knowledge has generally examined people's judgments of real-world locations for which learning history is unknown. This article reports experiments on the learning of hypothetical geographical spaces, in which participants acquired information in a fashion designed to control real-world factors, such as variable travel experiences or stereotypes about other countries, as well as to mimic initial encounters with locations through reading or conventional school-based geography education. Five experiments combine to suggest that biases in judgment based on learning of this kind are different in key regards from those seen with real-world geography and may be based more on the use of perceptual heuristics than on categorical organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research was an investigation of children's performance on a task that requires memory binding. In Experiments 1 and 2, 4-year-olds, 6-year-olds, and adults viewed complex pictures and were tested on memory for isolated parts in the pictures and on the part combinations (combination condition). The results suggested improvement in memory for the combinations between the ages of 4 and 6 years but not in memory for the isolated parts. In Experiments 2 and 3, the authors also examined the developmental relationship between performance in the combination condition and free recall of a naturalistic event, finding preliminary evidence that performance on a memory task that requires binding is positively related to performance in episodic memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]