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In the sixty years since the publication of Jürgen Habermas' magnum opus, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, the public sphere now faces a new threat in the era of "post-truth" politics. The preponderance of lies, mis/disinformation, "fake news", "alternative facts", conspiracy theories, and the general breakdown of trust in established sources of knowledge and information has led to the fragmentation and deepening polarisation of the public sphere - a situation deliberately promoted by right wing populist forces intent on fighting the "culture wars". At the same time, the political space is being disrupted, in a different way, through new social movements and radical activism particularly around issues of climate change, inequality, racial injustice, and police violence. My aim is to show how these contemporary forms of dissent are engendering a new "structural" transformation of the public sphere. They create autonomous and critical spaces of collective engagement that call into question the legitimacy of dominant power structures. Understanding this process requires an alternative rendering of the relationship between truth and politics - something I develop through Michel Foucault's rethinking of the critical impulse of the Kantian Enlightenment and his later work on parrhesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of solo self-employment has led to the emergence of increasingly broad categories of workers in search of collective representation, who find no support either in trade unions or in employer organizations. Based on the case of Redacta, an informal group founded in Italy and composed of solo self-employed (SSE) workers in the publishing industry, the article contributes to the debate on Resource Mobilization Theory and New Social Movements by showing that, along with other resources typically available to social movements and activist groups, it is mainly through the combination of institutional and symbolic-performative resources that a process of grassroots organizing—that we call socio-emotional organizing —can be successfully triggered, especially in the case of particularly underrepresented groups of workers, such as the SSE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the author argues for the need to formulate a new version of critical theory. This would be a theory that, unlike the proposal developed by members of the Frankfurt School, builds its identity around the so-called substantive (material) rationality. According to the author of the paper, the usefulness of this new version of critical theory is revealed when it is applied to the phenomena occurring in the postmodern public sphere, especially in the context of the analysis of biopolitical identity movements. The article consists of three parts. The first briefly recalls the main critical arguments made by Frankfurters against instrumental rationality. The second attempts to define the concept of substantive rationality. The last - third - part of the article, the author begins with a definition of biopolitics, and then focuses his attention on a specific version of it, which are the aforementioned biopolitical identity movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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IntroductionThe prevalence of modern consumption in recent years is a significant phenomenon and an environmental factor that has influenced both society and politics. Although modern consumption has been somewhat addressed in sociological research in Iran, it seems there is no serious research about its impact on politics and power. In this respect, the current study adopted the perspective of political sociology in order to analyze the impact of modern consumption on the broader domains of politics and power in Iran. The purpose of the research was to examine the sociopolitical consequences of modern consumption in contemporary Iran, shedding light on the underlying logic of current sociopolitical developments. This approach could offer a series of analytical possibilities to understand the dynamics of transformation and change in Iran’s sociopolitical landscape today, and particularly to identify the latent potential for protest in Iranian society.Materials and MethodsThis study used Peter Wagner’s sociology of modernity and Jean Baudrillard’s ideas about consumer society as the theoretical framework. Moreover, it relied on the insights drawn from Pierre Guiraud’s semiotics as the method of analysis. The integration provided a theoretical foundation and an appropriate research method. The method of semiotics was used to explore the signs of modern consumption in contemporary Iran and its implications. In this context, the analysis situated the phenomenon of pretentious consumption in relation to the third wave of modernity.Results and DiscussionAccording to the findings, the prevalence of consumption, as a seemingly minor aspect of lifestyle and daily life in Iranian society, has led to the commodification of social relations and politics. This has contributed to reinforcing the welfare aspects of the state in Iran, thereby both weakening the possibility of authoritarianism and making the legitimacy of the political system increasingly dependent on consumption. While consolidating Iran’s position on the margins of the global division of labor, this phenomenon may also facilitate identity fragmentation, foster a sense of relative deprivation, and give rise to new variants within social movements. Therefore, despite the ongoing prevalence of modern consumption in Iran, not only does the prospect of development remain uncertain, but the deepening sense of relative deprivation—especially considering the identity-related impacts—may further increase the ruptures in Iran’s sociopolitical developments. In this context, the potential for protest in Iranian society is likely to persist.ConclusionTo manage the consequences of modern consumption, efforts should focus on making its costs real. The government should only support the necessary consumption of society, focusing on essential needs and basic goods. Moreover, eliminating visible and hidden subsidies can help realize the true costs of modern consumption. Additionally, revitalizing intellectual and cultural spaces—such as promoting free thought, establishing intellectual forums, and encouraging cultural activities—can be an effective way to manage the consequences of modern consumption in Iran. There is an inverse relationship between the growth of intellectual and cultural activities and the growth of commodification. Promoting intellectual and cultural activities can help slow down the pace of commodification. Another important step is to restore the dignity and status of traditional, yet qualified, intellectual and cultural authorities. Less influenced by commodification, these figures typically embody intellectual, cultural, and educational values, so they can help cultivate virtues in society. This in turn can counteract consumerism and commodification. The media, particularly radio and television, play an irreplaceable role in this effort. They should focus more on promoting values such as work, effort, and bio-culture, rather than purely bio-economic concerns. The government should also shift its position in Iran’s socioeconomic system as the dominant owner and exclusive holder of privileges. It is recommended that future research explore other aspects of modern consumption in Iran, particularly the underlying causes of its prevalence, as well as the potential political developments that could arise due to modern consumption.

The 1980s in Latin America were the time of return to democratic rule, but also of the emergence of new forms of organization and participation. The ways of political participation and subjectivation changed during this time. There is little research that has addressed the historical development of the ideas of the social movements that emerged during this period. In Argentina, the role that Ecumenism and Liberation Theology played in the conceptualization of social movements is often overlooked. We argue about the existence of a Christian political-ideological matrix, understood as a tradition of objectification of the social and political, underlying what has been called the social left. We deal with the development of concepts and nodal categories in Argentine Ecumenism, as they appear in Alternativa Latinoamericana magazine (1985-1990). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postmodern ve neoliberal anlayışlar moderniteye karşı açtıkları savaş sonucunda çoğulculuk ve görelilik iddiaları eşliğinde modernitenin uzun süre bastırmış olduğu mistik ve mitik algılama biçimlerinin geriye dönüşünü sağlamışlardır. 21. Yüzyılla birlikte neoliberal politikaların yarattığı hoşnutsuzluklar ve bu politikaları sürdüren küresel elitlere karşı artan tepkinin ise yeni sağ popülist hareketlerin yükselişlini beraberinde getirmiştir. Ancak, postmodern ve neoliberal hareketlerle yeni sağ popülist hareketler arasında, akıl ve modernite karşıtlığı bağlamında, bir karşıtlıktan çok bir devamlılık söz konusudur. Bu bağlamda neoliberal ve postmodern yaklaşımlar ve onlara tepki olarak ortaya çıkan yeni sağ popülist hareketler birbirinin devamı niteliğindedir. Postmodern ve neoliberal yaklaşımların eleştirel aklı tasfiye etme girişimi ve liderlik öğretileri yeni sağ popülist hareketler tarafından bir başka aşamaya taşınmıştır ve etno-dinsel hareketler 21. Yüzyıla damga vuran en önemli gelişmelerden biri olmuştur. Bu makale akıl karşıtlığının kökenlerini incelerken akıl karşıtlığının kuralsız/keyfi yönetimlere ve temel insan haklarının ihlaline yol açtığını göstermekte ve barış içinde birlikte yaşamak için akıldan vazgeçmek yerine aklı çoğaltmak gerektiğini öne sürmektedir.

Consumer research has focused on the various resources and tactics that help movements achieve a range of institutional and marketplace changes. Yet, little attention has been paid to the persistence of movement solidarity, in particular its regeneration, despite a range of threats to it. Our research unpacks mechanisms that help consumer movement solidarity to overcome threats. Drawing on a 6-year ethnographic study of consumer movements in Exarcheia, a neighborhood in central Athens, Greece, we find that consumer movement solidarity persists despite a cataclysmic economic crisis that undermines their prevalent ideology and the emotional fatigue, that is, common in such movements. Three key mechanisms serve to overcome these threats: performative staging of collectivism, temporal tactics, and the emplacement of counter-sites. Overall, our study contributes to consumer research by illuminating how threats to solidarity are overcome by specific internal mechanisms that enable the regeneration of consumer movement solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introductory article to the volume Che Lives! provides a general primer to Che Guevara's thinking and practice in world politics. Situating Che's historical significance as a radical agent and thinker in the 1960s, it canvasses the various politicised readings of his legacy, suggesting focusing on shared textual evidence and widely agreed thematic areas can limit this problem for analysis. The article argues that, despite some apparent changes to world order, that Che's thought remains highly relevant because the so-called 'philosophy of plunder' still dictates much of the global economy and relations between states just as it did in Che's time. Focusing on Che's dialectical method that brings together class exploitation and the operations of neo-imperialism, the chapter shows how Che is of continued relevance for contemporary social movements fighting for a just world. The article concludes with a chapter summary of each contribution to the volume. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Moment Journal: Journal of Cultural Studies is the property of Moment Journal: Journal of Cultural Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What is the influence of early life trajectories, filled with experiences, encounters and emotions, on young to-be activists? Based on qualitative research done for the project "ArtCitizenship -- youth and the arts of citizenship: creative practices, participatory culture and activism" (2019-2022), this article looks into individual trajectories, during childhood and youth, of 30 activists in Portugal. The collected data presents a set of "before activism" categories that reveal the importance of including early-life experiences to better understand future involvement with activism and social movements. One is not born an activist, actions for a given cause are a response to cumulative interactions and emotions felt from very early years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Socioloski Pregled is the property of Srpsko Sociolosko Drustvo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Critical criminology and political engagement: What role do political commitment and activism play in today's academic thinking and praxis? After a period in which academics tended to prefer an allegedly 'apolitical' position, this changes around 2020, when new social movements against mainly environmental destruction and institutional racism and sexism gain broad support in society. In this context, also academics increasingly demonstrate 'whose side they are on'. In this article we first examine the current role of critical criminology, and which are the key-developments in the political arena, and then we analyse what this means for the political engagement of academics, and indeed for the way we do research. In this context, we also point at some epistemological, methodological, and societal implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alain Touraine, the world-famous French sociologist, director and professor at the School for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences, founder of the Centre for the Analysis and Sociological Intervention in 1981, visiting professor at many universities outside France, and recipient of many national and international awards, died in Paris on June 9, 2023, at 3:30 A.M., at the age of 97. His daughter, Marisol Touraine, former French minister of social affairs, announced to the editorial staff for culture of the French television the exact time and date of her father's death. This information provoked the appearance of several in memoriam texts, rich in data on Touraine's biography and bibliography. I will also rely on these data, apart from other secondary and primary sources, in the process of reconstruction of the close relationship between Touraine's biography and his theoretical, empirical and practical political sociological work.

Dünyada giderek artan teknolojik gelişmeler, insan nüfusu, sanayileşme, hızlı üretim ve tüketim, çarpık kentleşme ve kontrolsüz üretim ve tüketim gibi unsurlar insan sağlığını tehdit eder boyutlarda çeşitli çevre sorunlarını gündeme getirmektedir. Dolayısıyla insan ve çevre sağlığının korunabilmesi, bilinçli üretim ve tüketimin gerçekleşmesi adına Sıfır Atık hareketi ortaya çıkmıştır. Bununla birlikte sosyal medya, yapısal özellikleri sayesinde çevre sorunlarına yönelik farklı ve yeni bir boyut kazandıran ortam konumuna gelmiştir. Bu araştırmada, Türkiye’de yeni benimsenen çevre(cilik) hareketi olarak nitelendirilebilecek sıfır atık hareketi kavramsal çerçevede ele alınarak, sosyal medya rolünün ve etkileşiminin incelenmesi amaçlanmıştır. Araştırma evrenini YouTube hesapları oluştururken, “T.C. Çevre, Şehircilik ve İklim Değişikliği Bakanlığı”nın Youtube hesabı amaca yönelik örneklem olarak seçilmiştir. Örneklem seçiminde Türkiye’de “Sıfır Atık” projesini başlatan ve en çok paylaşım yapılan kurumsal Youtube hesabı olması etkili olmuştur. Araştırmanın bulgularının elde edilebilmesi için harekete yönelik videolara MAXQDA 2020 programı aracılığıyla içerik analizi uygulanmış ve betimsel analizle birlikte veriler değerlendirilmiştir. Araştırma sonucuna bağlı olarak; YouTube, sıfır atık hareketini küresel ve yerel ölçekte gündeme getiren, zaman ve mekân sınırı olmaksızın kullanıcılar arasında etkileşimli olarak iletilerin hızlı ve kolay bir şekilde yayılmasına olanak sağlayan yeni bir sanal sosyal sorumluluk kamusal alanı oluşturmuştur.

Copyright of Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In global societies whose issues have affected all aspects of private and public life, we are witnessing the spread of populist and specialist processes. On the one hand, we are witnessing growing universalism and homogeneity, and on the other, identity groups in the form of particularism and construct various forms of nationalism and a sense of religious, cultural, ethnic and political belonging. Providing an appropriate response to such a situation becomes even more important when we see the fragmentation of experience, fluidity and constant change, the importance of large financial, technological and media organizations instead of institutions, the end of the age of order, and we are at the beginning of the age of change and the rise of the risk society. Influenced by such a dual situation in which universalism (in the form of common moral-political values) and particularism (the independence of minorities and communities) are confronted with the question of how can we live and interact with each other? is very important. These responses, in the form of reviving the specific practices of the past, creating a world free of time and space constraints and preserving differences, and resorting to a kind of procedural democracy with the aim of accepting the rules of the game, ensuring respect for individual and collective freedoms and the institutionalization of tolerance are presented. The three central positions of the book are the subject, intercultural communication, and democracy. The starting point of the book is the personal subject, the path it takes, the intercultural connection and its goal, democracy. The main purpose of this article is to describe critique and evaluate the book Equality and Difference; can we live together?

Covid-19 pandemic has had a multidimensional impact, especially on the health and socio-economic of the community. However, the people of Ponteh Village are not too affected by the socio-economic impact. New social movements during the pandemic resulted in community readiness in the face of the second wave of the Covid-19 pandemic. Through qualitative approaches and case study methods, this article explains the various efforts made by citizens and new social movements during the Covid-19 pandemic. Data collection through participation observations, interviews, airy notes, and documentation studies. The results of this study show that the people of Madura have a social system in the form of family ties and social closeness to deal with difficult conditions. Community efforts in dealing with the pandemic, first, maximize local potential in the form of a collective economic orientation. Second, the people of Ponteh Village do the storage of agricultural commodities and control their sales of agricultural products. The study also showed three new social movements during the Covid-19 pandemic. First, the social movement of citizens who have social solidarity is expressed in the attitude of helping each other, please-help, cooperation, and caring for each other. Second, community leaders, namely kiai, have an important role in dealing with difficult conditions due to the impact of the pandemic, especially education about understanding health protocols. Third, the village government made several efforts beyond the assistance of the central government to deal with the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic. New social movements grew during the Covid-19 pandemic, resulting in a public readiness to deal with the second wave of pandemics.

During the mid-1960s, a part of the Belgian population grew weary of the government’s flawed and untransparent policies for environmental safeguarding and urban planning. They argued that the landscape was reduced to a source of economic profit and advocated for a landscape-sensitive approach to prevent further estrangement from the environment. Roger Raveel’s art wants audiences to experience their contemporary environment in a new way by envisioning modern objects integrated into his rural Heimat. Yet, when a river is threatened for economical gain, his art is used in a protest happening. Despite the media attention and the arguments for a landscape-sensitive alternative, the protest was ineffective and Raveel ultimately resorted to lobbying, illustrating Belgium’s faulty policies.

The objective of this article is to carry out, from different explanatory paradigms, a comparative analysis of the impact of social movements in Mexico on the crisis and reconfiguration of the State and its derivations in the political system, both in its authoritarian facet and in its plural and democratic perspective. This is based on two types of movements: student movements and armed movements with different types of demands. We start from two types of movements: student movements and armed movements with different types of demands. For this purpose, the following are taken as subjects of study: the armed movements of Guerrero in the 1970s and the student movement of 1968, where their impact in the face of an authoritarian regime is deepened. At the same time, the self-defense movements in Michoacán are also analyzed as prototypes of social movements in a completely different framework in time and circumstance, but which have equally impacted the dynamics governing the State and the political system of our country. It is a comparative and transversal analysis of interpretative cut based on documentary sources related to the reconfiguration of the contemporary Mexican State. The resulting information was interpreted with the computer support of ATLAS ti, version 8. The findings of this research show that in the five cases transformations in the political dynamics of the State and in the way they were processed within the Mexican political system can be appreciated, which evidenced that social movements in Mexico have indeed served as a catalyst in the processes of political change that have gradually dismantled authoritarian schemes of political power, but also denote an institutional weakness to assimilate them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to discuss the new social movements in Brazil that defend democratic agendas and citizen participation as an expression of the new relations between civil society and the State, which have been built since the 1980s and are instituted in the Federal Constitution of 1988. We also explore the changes in these relations that have taken place as a result of the neoliberal project and counter-reforms in the decades following the Constitution. The research is bibliographical, with a literature review intentionally chosen to meet the research objectives. It is concluded that, since the 1990s, many social movements have become non-governmental organizations that partner with the State to enact social policies and as representatives in Social Policy or Rights Councils, reducing their role as contenders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humanistyka i Przyrodoznawstwo is the property of University of Warmia & Mazury in Olsztyn and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Pasado y Memoria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study identifies a period around the change of government in 2009 (Heisei 21) as a major milestone in Japanese political and sports history. Japanese sports policy during this period did not necessarily support the promotion of community sports clubs (CSC). On the contrary, the abolition of such sports club projects was an issue at the time. NPOs offering intermediary support for community sports clubs encouraged the practice of “resistance” against this trend in an attempt to seek “hegemony.” They also advocated “political engagement” with the goal of participation in policy making. This study examines this “resistance” and “hegemony” of supporting NPOs and the practice of “political engagement” based on the “new social movement” and “radical democracy” theories as analytical frameworks. The policy issues analyzed were: (1) the Review of the “Basic Plan for the Promotion of Sports”; (2) Evaluation of the Abolition of Project Sorting, and; (3) The Concept of Top Athlete Training Centers under the “The Strategy for a Sports Nation”. “Resistance” as referred to in this paper is that defined by Alain Touraine, and “political” is the term defined by Carl Schmitt. The policy issues of community sports clubs in (1) to (3) above stimulated the creation of new projects for the various practices of the supporting NPOs. However, all of those projects emphasized rather hostile hegemony toward the policy authorities, with no direct “resistance” demanding the improvement of the announced content. The supporting NPOs recognized that such “resistance” had the general characteristic of “loss of the core” without connection to the policy authorities. This allowed the supporting NPOs to develop, while intending to play the role of an “external core”, and various practices as “political engagement”, aimed at participation in policy making. In this context, the hegemony manifested here can be understood based on the complementarity of self-reflectively controlling a pair of our tendencies: seeing anything external as foes; and anything internal as friends. Such understanding is also considered to be an important constitutive requirement for political engagement. 　　 Therefore, the supporting NPOs can be said to have been playing the role of a “bridge” connecting the starting point, i.e., the evaluation of “abolition”, which was resistance against the external, with the later promotion of a self-reflective approach within the community sports clubs. Furthermore, it was clarified that hegemony is inherent in sports as a cultural constituent that cannot be subsumed into politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to the common wisdom that traces the origin of environmental movements to the urban middle class, the existing empirical findings imply that such an account of environmentalism fails to provide a further approach. Environmental movements may emerge from non-urban settings or within different social classes and groups beyond the middle class. Since the state's marginalizing structure and capital provoke environmental damage in peripheral regions, the social groups living there have been also put in jeopardy. In this respect, it is not coincidence that these peripheral settings are at the core of a variety of environmental movements, which are intricately linked to life and politics. This article, by reviewing the empirical research on environmental movements in Iran, shows that the majority of existing studies focus on the large cities in Iran. As they fall into the mainstream approach to environmental movements, their outcomes remain limited in understanding the inquiries on environmentalism in the periphery of Iran. Even if few studies provide some pertinent results to this research, they lack a conceptual framework to describe environmentalism in the periphery, which is at the hub of this paper. Through the consolidated reading of "center-periphery," "subaltern environmentalism," and "new social movement" theories, some key notions such as "internal colonialism," "subaltern environmentalism," "econationalism," "internal mode of action," and "external mode of action" are then introduced and articulated in a speculative manner, drawing on Althusser's "overdetermination" approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As one of the developing countries, Turkey's demand for energy is increasing. This demand has led Turkey to the use of renewable energy sources after the 2000s. In this context, HEPPs (Hydro-electric Power Plants) have come to the fore in energy production. However, the widespread use of HEPPs has led to an increase in environmental problems. The problems experienced were protested by various social segments and created social opposition in the process. As a result of these protests and social opposition, an anti-HEPP social movement emerged in the context of environmentalism, which is a social movement in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the Gezi Park social movement, which started in Istanbul in 2013 and spread all over Turkey in a short time, in the context of class dynamics. In this context, firstly, the adequacy of examining the Gezi Park movement within the scope of new social movements will Gezi Park analysis as an example of social movement be emphasized. Secondly, the study will attempt to establish an alternative critical approach based on class. With this approach, class dynamics of the Gezi Park movement will be sought under the titles of historicity, antagonism, and holism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to analyze autonomous nationalism as a new social movement. This current of nationalism, which emerged at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries, is characterized by a radical rejection of liberal democracy, as well as the ideology of the New Left. As a result of the analysis of the published content, it was possible to conclude that autonomous nationalism is a formula of nationalism as a movement of resistance to the establishment, adapted to the conditions of the 21st century. Economic conditions also influence the success of this social nationalism, which is inspired by the political thought of Otto Strasser. Autonomous nationalism is a novelty on the Polish far right also because of its rejection of Catholicism, as well as the formula of cultural nationalism associated with the national-Catholic current. Instead, a commitment to the ethnic concept of the nation as a 'community of blood' is noticeable in the movement under study. This goes hand in hand with the new neopaganism popular in the milieu. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As occupations of squares in Spain spread across Europe, the Spanish Indignados gave rise to a transnational movement of ordinary citizens united in their anger against the banks, corruption, the electoral system, the global financial system, and the press. In this article, we reflect upon the legacies of the Spanish and Greek Indignados and show how their collective self-understanding—that is, a sense of a "us"—is formed and articulated very differently in Spain and Greece through square politics. We argue that it is the dramaturgy of political protest that fundamentally constructs and shapes the collective self-understanding of the Indignados in Spain and Greece. We will see that while in Spain there is a clearer sense of a shared political project and a shared identity, in Greece social movement actors were divided by their particular agendas and sectarian identities, which resulted in different articulations of their collective identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 3 February 1989, leaders of the British Columbia labour movement, members of the environmental movement, and representatives from the Nuu-chah-nulth-aht Tribal Council (ntc) gathered to meet at Tin Wis, the ntc meeting space, in Tofino, BC, to discuss an alliance around environmental issues on the West Coast of Vancouver Island. This article takes this meeting, and subsequent alliance, as a way to explore the impact, potential, and contested meanings of alliances forged among workers, environmentalists, and First Nations in British Columbia in the late 20th century and beyond. In this way, the article examines from a historical perspective what sociologists have framed as the period of new social movements. Le 3 février 1989, des dirigeants du mouvement syndical de la Colombie-Britannique, des membres du mouvement écologiste et des représentants du Nuu-chah-nulth-aht Tribal Council (ntc) se sont réunis pour se rencontrer à Tin Wis , l'espace de réunion du ntc , à Tofino, pour discuter d'une alliance autour des questions environnementales sur la côte ouest de l'Île de Vancouver. Cet article prend cette rencontre, et l'alliance subséquente, comme un moyen d'explorer l'impact, le potentiel et les significations contestées des alliances forgées entre les travailleurs, les écologistes et les Premières Nations en Colombie-Britannique à la fin du 20e siècle et au-delà. De cette manière, l'article examine d'un point de vue historique ce que les sociologues ont défini comme la période de nouveaux mouvements sociaux. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute Journal is the property of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute Journal is the property of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social movements are of critical importance in bringing about social change nay development. Social movements are large groupings of individuals or organizations that focus on specific political or social issues. Deprived groups consisting of peasants, tribals, Dalits, backward classes, youth, and women have been organizing themselves to fight against inequalities, discrimination, and deprivation. The United States has a long tradition of social movements that have sparked major changes in bringing about social change and development. The movements have been of various types as labor, civil rights, Black nationalism, anti-globalization, environmental, etc. The French Revolution in the 18th century can be termed as a radical movement which brought about social change and development not only in France but also in Europe and in other nations. In the 19th century Europe, labor movements were based on Marxism, that is, based on the class struggle. Unification of Germany in 1990 and the collapse of Soviet Union are the two important events in Europe which brought about development in Europe. India too has witnessed several movements as Backward Classes, Nationalist, Dalits, Caste, Youth, Tribal, Farmers', Environmental, and Women's movements. The social movements as collectivities attempting to change the social order cannot be analyzed simply in terms of success or failure. Some have succeeded to reach the desired goals and others have failed. Failure may come as a result of ruthless suppression of the movement or through widespread apathy. A movement may wither away because very few take it seriously, and it does not develop enough power to force its program on society. Success is most apparent when a movement manages to have its power legitimized as authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Gejayan Calling Movement 2019 becomes an interesting phenomenon of the development of new student social movements in Indonesia. Using social media platforms (#tranding topics) as a means of mass mobilization, this action succeeded in managed around 15,000 protesters. This article aims to elaborate the 2019 Gejayan Menanggil Movement in more detail, covering the background of the action, the means of mass mobilization, the consolidation process, and the issues raised. The research method uses a qualitative approach with data collection techniques through virtual observations on social media, data searches on the Drone Emprit website, and in-depth interviews with members of HMI DIPO, HMI MPO, IMM, GMNI, and ARB (Aliansi Rakyat Bergerak). The collected data were analyzed using NVivo Plus software. The results show that the Gejayan Calling Movement has become the starting point for changes in social movements in Indonesia, where the foundations built are no longer based on material resistance, but are more based on issues of humanity, injustice, politics, the environment and women. Therefore, the ideology of the movements has also changed from a class resistance to an identity resistance. Gerakan Gejayan Memanggil 2019 menjadi salah satu fenomena menarik dari perkembangan gerakan sosial baru mahasiswa di Indonesia. Melalui platform media sosial (tranding topic) sebagai alat mobilisasi massa, aksi ini telah melibatkan 15.000 (lima belas ribu) demonstran. Artikel ini bermaksud untuk mengelaborasi Gerakan Gejayan Memanggil 2019 secara lebih mendalam, meliputi latar belakang aksi, sarana mobilisasi massa, proses konsolidasi, dan isu yang diangkat. Metode penelitian menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui observasi virtual di sosial media, penelusuran data di situs internet Drone Emprit, dan wawancara mendalam terhadap anggota HMI DIPO, HMI MPO, IMM, GMNI, dan ARB (Aliansi Rakyat Bergerak). Data yang terkumpul dianalisis dengan menggunakan software NVivo Plus. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Gerakan Gejayan Memanggil ini telah menjadi titik tolak perubahan gerakan sosial di Indonesia, dimana pondasi yang dibangun tidak lagi berbasis pada perlawanan yang bersifat material, tetapi lebih berbasiskan pada isu-isu kemanusiaan, ketidakadilan, politik, lingkungan dan perempuan. Oleh sebab itu, ideologi yang berkembang berubah dari hal yang bersifat perlawanan kelas menjadi perlawanan identitas.

This paper explores the “new social movement” features of the Argentinean, Chilean, and Uruguayan student movements of the late 1800s and early 1900s. In doing so, it wrestles with two questions. First, why do such features, widely associated with post-industrial societies, appear at this relatively early stage of capitalist development? Second, what does their presence at that time suggest about the explanatory power of new social movement theory? The paper agrees with new social movement theorists’ contention that capitalism shapes the character of social movements but argues that the focus of the analysis should not be on development stages but rather on the impact of rapid global market integration processes, which have occurred at different times since the rise of capitalism. Such an approach illuminates why capitalist development may yield similar collective action patterns across different historical periods.

Copyright of Içtimaiyat is the property of Ictimaiyat and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Esboços: Historias em Contextos Globias is the property of Esbocos: historias em contextos globais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)