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This paper explores how advocates in Ontario have resisted neoliberal restructuring in education since the 2018 general election, which marked an intensification of market-oriented reforms. Shaped by the insights of 23 participants, this paper shows how resistance has been accessed through multiple entry points and has been spatially heterogeneous, replete with internal contradiction. It also highlights the cost of resistance for participants whose relationship to systems engender oppression and harm. Broadly, this paper calls for vulnerable reflection on fantasies of a "good life" shaped by a normative neoliberal order that interferes with collective flourishing. Through emergent strategy, which aligns action with a vision for social justice, this paper values the non-linear and manifold ways individuals are embedded in systems; the fractal nature of change, which takes place at all scales; and a love ethic, which sustains relational the spiritual growth necessary for solidarity.

This article examines a popularized term, the Global Education Reform Movement (GERM), and its underlying paradigm of neoliberalism. It elucidates neoliberalism's maddening effects on the education sector, especially public education. To analyze these effects, I draw from and adapt Michel Foucault's analytical approach to madness. My analysis focuses on the following maddening effects of neoliberalism on education: (1) it obstructs us from seeing inequalities; (2) it creates a desperate passion amid the rise of school choice; and (3) it eliminates reason and creates unreason in the school selection and admissions processes. My analysis is based on reflections on my decade-long research on school marketization and school choice in Canada. I conclude by suggesting that collective visions and concrete steps are needed to move toward equitable educational structures, discourses, and practices that resist or challenge the neoliberal education reform madness (NERM).

In this article, we draw on various critical perspectives to theorize neoliberal choice and examine how it has been deployed to market new educational reforms in Ontario. We begin by offering a contemporary framing of neoliberalism that looks at its core elements as well as its chameleon-like tendencies to draw on neoconservative elements as needed. We also furnish critiques of neoliberalism by engaging Adams et al.'s (2019) description of neoliberal "choice" as one component of a larger psychological exercise in support of capitalism. We then examine how the language of choice has been used to position three recent Ontario education reforms: (a) mandatory e-learning; (b) growth of international students; and (c) the revision of curricula according to economic ends. Finally, we argue that the implementation of these reforms ironically has produced less choice for stakeholders through austerity and standardization.

Privatization of public education in North America has long been influenced by two schools of conservative thought: neoliberalism, which seeks to create a marketplace for public services in which individuals choose the option they judge to be in their best interests and government's role is limited as much as possible to simply funding these choices; and neoconservatism, which believes that education should seek to uphold traditional religious and social values. These two strains are divided in terms of their view of how much control government should seek over education, but united in their agreement that funding should "follow the student" to the option of the parents' choice. Recently, far-right conservative groups in the U.S. and Canada have been inciting a moral panic over "gender ideology" in schools, and in particular transgender students. Under cover of this moral panic and the accompanying call to recognize "parent rights," the right is organizing to gain greater influence over public education through legislation and through the election of conservative candidates to school boards, even as it seeks greater privatization options for families who wish to opt out of public education. While this trend has been noticeable in Alberta for some time, it appears to be spreading to the rest of Canada as well.

In October 2022, New Brunswick Minister of Education and Early Childhood Development Dominic Cardy publicly resigned and widely disclosed his disappointment with Premier Blaine Higgs' leadership. Using Cardy's unprecedented public resignation letter as a primary source, this paper explores the inner workings of neoliberal governance and privatization in public education and critically analyzes data manipulation, governance shifts, and problematic conservative "hands-offism." Applying a rhizomatic methodological framing and theoretically drawing from Bourdieu and Passeron's (1977) conceptualization of symbolic violence and Gilmore's (2008) notion of "organized abandonment," we argue that neoliberal governance and privatization disproportionately affect vulnerable communities and weaken democratic processes. To understand these complexities, we utilize a rhizomatic analysis, simultaneously considering historical and geographical contexts, governance structures, and political narratives. We conclude that neoliberal governance and privatization are inherently symbolically violent, as they are used in tandem to perpetually defund and dismantle public institutions.

For decades, there has been a well-coordinated effort to unmake public education in Canada and around the globe. Neoliberal reformers have undermined public education through increased privatization, marketization, and managerialism. Government austerity measures have shaped policy that falsely necessitates, validates, and legitimizes the privatization of public education. All of these forces that fuel the neoliberal reform movement diminish the collective aims, benefits, and responsibility of/for public education. Instead, the movement encourages systems that ration education. The moves to emulate business models in education systems exacerbate inequities and run counter to the purpose of public education. Indeed, attempts to marketize, commodify, privatize, and dismantle public education are well-organized and coordinated. Yet, in Canada, provincial and territorial fragmentation has veiled the well-organized rhetoric and tactics of neoliberal education reforms. As a result, community and political responses have often been confined within borders. The reformers have been centrally organized, but the resistance has not. Recognizing that provincial and territorial borders can act as barriers to collective advocacy, this special issue is intended to share activities, research, and writing from across Canada about the tactics and impacts of privatization, to recognize the efforts being made to organize a collective response to privatization efforts, and to encourage national conversations beyond borders.

The paper examines how new age pedagogies and neoliberal policies consciously work towards "naturalizing" English language's hegemony in institutions of Higher Education (IHE) in India. An ethnographic study the paper foregrounds the precarious positioning of non-English Indian languages "vis-à-vis" the pervading discourses of internationalization and education as job/skill oriented. Hegemony of English in the present is coupled with a restructuring of language departments as well as fleeting market demands for human capital. The paper also brings into question the role of the Internet and related technologies in reorganizing the linguistic dynamics of HE. Instead of democratizing, the Internet produces new monopolies in knowledge production, controls knowledge traffic from global North to South and further legitimizes the language hegemony. The paper argues that, in the last two decades, the neoliberal rupture has been leading HE institutions to a death of vernaculars within their physical, cultural and academic spaces.

Tensions exist between providing inclusive education in mainstream classrooms and market-driven neoliberal values such as academic success and school ranking. These values impinge on teachers' responsibilities to teach students with disabilities. Schools are ranked based on students' performance in national examinations and schools sometimes use unscrupulous methods to achieve good results. In a culture that ranks schools based on test results, the schools themselves find it hard to embrace the idea of inclusion and some will use a variety of means to exclude students with disabilities to maintain their high rating. In this article we explore how some key tenets of neoliberalism in inclusive education, such as testing mechanisms to leverage accountability and improvement, inter-school competition, marketisation of education and parental choice, among others, affect the provision of education to students with disabilities in Kenya. We highlight how neoliberalism has affected inclusive education in Kenya and explain how hegemonic neoliberal culture has changed the way schools operate and how teachers teach. We also show how neoliberal culture in schools helps exclude students who are different from the norm.

This study investigates the impact of social media discourses, espoused by neoliberal and consumerist ideologies, on a language teacher educator's (LTE) identity negotiation. Through a collaborative case study, it examines Hassan's (the second author) experiences with social media in the Iranian English language teaching (ELT) context over three years. The data consist of extensive email discussions and four online meetings between the authors over one year. The analysis of Hassan's narratives reveals dominant social media discourses emphasizing sameness, omniscience, and commercialized luxurious lifestyles. These discourses often equate social media visibility with professional qualifications, pressuring Hassan to conform to trends that conflict with his sense of professionalism and authenticity. Hassan's emotional struggles and identity tensions led to critical reflection and ongoing negotiation of his professional identity. The findings underscore the need for professional development programs that support LTEs in navigating the pressures of self-branding while maintaining their professionalism. Additionally, the study calls for further research into the long-term effects of social media on professional identity and well-being across diverse cultural and institutional contexts.

Universities are generally understood as organizations that extend knowledge based on codified bodies of work developed from systematic research and scholarship. This article examines the emergence of an organizational form that increasingly competes in contemporary higher education: the therapeutic university. A recent phenomenon, the therapeutic university is predicated on emotion in which the goal is to make the experience as a student as comfortable as possible. The article discusses organizational morphology of the therapeutic university by identifying practices within it. The practices establish a contest between a rational-universalistic orientation of the university on the one hand and an emotion-particularistic orientation on the other. The article provides an explanation for why this organizational form arose and what it purports to accomplish. Its operations are ensnared by major paradox: as its identity implies, the therapeutic university postures to do good, but its practices, it is argued, debilitate students and higher learning. The mandate that the broader society gives to higher education is thereby susceptible to lost confidence. The article concludes by discussing a way in which universities may be inoculated from the conditions that support their present-day therapeutic proclivities.

This paper explores transnational circulation during the early 1970s of lifelong education and recurrent education as 'policy repertoires' addressing redistribution of participation in organised (adult) learning throughout life. Focused on a re-reading of UNESCO's 1972 report on lifelong education, the paper offers a critical analysis of the Faure Commission's 'position-taking' with regard to its understanding of recurrent education as a policy repertoire. Frequently cited differences between the Commission's policy recommendations for lifelong education and its position-taking regarding recurrent education are shown to have fragile empirical foundations. This paper argues that Faure's report explicitly appropriated and openly incorporated arguments favouring recurrent education in its own policy recommendations for lifelong education. Mainstream interpretations of the Faure report are subsequently subjected to a critical analysis of putative neoliberal tendencies articulated by the Faure Commission's own report. Key areas for further social-historical research regarding policy repertoires in the 1970s are identified.

Globally, enduring skepticism around professionalism in education systems has questioned the efficiency in which teachers meet students' educational needs and their authority to do so. Presently, efforts toward professionalization in teacher education (TE) are threatened by neoliberal reforms promoting alternative pathways into teaching and performance-based accountability mechanisms to monitor teachers and schools. In the face of public mistrust and external threats, this conceptual paper aims to envision the future of TE in light of the complexities inherent to the notion of professionalism. To this end, two competing ideals of teaching, which represent co-existing conceptions of professional work in education are examined: The teacher as an expert clinician ideal entrenched in expertise-driven professionalism and the teacher as a democratic pedagogue grounded in democratic professionalism. I offer ways in which these competing discourses could be fused to set the discussion about professionalism in teaching and its implications for TE on firmer grounds.

This article examines the trajectory of global human rights expansion, with a specific focus on the advancement of girls' and women's education. By adopting a generational lens and using a reflective standpoint, I unpack the role of gender-specific social capital in fostering agency and empowerment among girls, particularly within the Global South. Building upon Porter's "Girls' education, development and social change": 'Seeding, Strengthening and Linking' ("Global Fund for Women") (2016), I propose a civic pedagogical PCCS (Place-based education initiatives, Cost-efficient and ecologically sound innovations, Collective intelligence building, Shared knowledge inquiry) model as a response to humanitarian crises, ideological disparities, and armed conflicts. Additionally, I draw upon the Indian concept of "jugaad" to comprehend the social, spatial, and economic negotiations in the Global South, enabling strategic resourcefulness. Furthermore, I introduce a Dalitbahujan feminist lens to emphasise the significance of girls' education in the current decade and beyond. By reexamining Porter's narratives and considering global circumstances, I focus on the dynamics of gender-oriented social capital. This article enriches the discussion on girls' education within the frameworks of 21st-century ideologies of neoliberalism, philanthrocapitalism, and neo-capitalism, highlighting the crucial role of collaborative efforts.

Our critical historiography of e-learning policy in Ontario, Canada, traces the policy's trajectory through three settlements (2006-2022) and shows how successive governments have mobilized neoliberal discourses of personalization, access, and choice to justify new arrangements with private actors, within a broader sociopolitical context that includes increased privatization and commodification of public institutions, cuts to public spending, and imagines individuals as rational subjects driven to maximize their economic potential. This context exacerbates challenges students marginalized by schooling already face. Findings from our critical discourse analyses of government documents and news media reports also demonstrate that online learning in Ontario is neither personalized nor customizable but instead is centralized, standardized and, by design, operates independent of rather than interdependent with community. Further, our findings highlight the interdependence of schools -- online and in-person -- with social processes that create and perpetuate inequality, including gendered and racialized poverty, locally and abroad.

Assessment has become a routine feature of school life, internationally. Little is known, however, about the consequences for young people of assessment and grading in physical education (PE) -- a subject often associated with physical recreation. This paper explores young Norwegian's perceptions of assessment and grading in PE from a sociological perspective. In doing so, it contemplates the penetration of neo-liberal discourses as part of wider processes of globalization and Europeanization in school PE in Norway. The study utilizes data generated by 31 focus groups involving 148 youngsters from the 10th grade (15-16-year-olds) in eight purposively sampled secondary schools in Norway. Norwegian PE teachers continue to use tests in order to set grades in PE. The upshot is that students' enjoyment of and engagement in PE, as well as their self-identities and self-esteem, can be compromised by apprehension towards assessment and grading. These processes seem likely to undermine or even erode the potential sociopsychological benefits of PE for some young people by reinforcing the impression that the subject is fast becoming just one more outcome-oriented subject on an academic treadmill. In this regard, the ascendancy of neo-liberalism -- associated with the twin challenges of globalization and European integration -- appears to merely reinforce the hegemony of competitive individualism within PE in Norway, as elsewhere.

Arts integration in core learning domains has long been acknowledged as an engaging and effective pedagogical approach. Creative activities encourage students to take risks, make mistakes, and consider alternative perspectives, promoting curiosity and developing problem-solving capacity. Arts integration is valuable in classrooms also for sensitively addressing complex issues related to identity, race, and culture. Yet, despite the numerous academic and social benefits of the arts, contemporary neoliberal constraints are gradually diminishing funding for arts-based practices in Australia. Using an interpretive, contextualized qualitative methodology based on Indigenous Storywork (Archibald, 2008), we present research findings showcasing examples provided by Indigenous experts on the potential of arts-based practices in schools. Our Indigenous Storywork demonstrates how, through an arts-based approach, a more profound appreciation of Indigenous culture and history can create an inclusive learning environment that considers local protocols and values.

The advent of Career Enrolment Data (CED) in Higher Education is an important development for graduate employability practitioners and other stakeholders seeking to understand, analyse and enhance students' career readiness. CED, collected annually from all students in participating universities, requires students to self-report on their own career readiness, and is described as having 'the potential to be a component of a standardised measure of learning gain in relation to student employability' (Cobb, 2019, p.23). Reflections are offered by two graduate employability practitioners currently tasked with introducing CED to educators and recommending its use to support careers-focused components of their curricula. Drawing on different disciplinary backgrounds to inform their approaches, both practitioners are keen to explore opportunities to capitalise on the strengths of data insights. However, they advocate for a carefully nuanced and contextualised approach, openly acknowledging relevant limitations and risks when presenting the data to educators and other stakeholders. Drawing on one author's background in psychology, it considers the process of self-reporting on which the data wholly relies, noting potential influences and biases that may be relevant. The second author offers a sociological perspective, using the concept of neoliberalism as a framework for engaging with concerns about an employability agenda driven by corporate and economic interests, and a culture of auditing sometimes associated with hardship for academics and a detrimental effect on pedagogy. While it should be noted that experts in CED such as Gilworth and Cobb take care to acknowledge limitations and risks (Cobb, 2019; Gilworth, 2023) this reflective account grapples with the challenge of ensuring that these important nuances are not lost as the context shifts from theory to practice.

The many universities across the world that promote internationalisation together with global citizenship education overtly or covertly orient their students around particular global citizenship values. Neoliberal and liberal humanist perspectives on global citizenship have historically dominated global citizenship education. The neoliberal 'global competitiveness' model promotes the values Achievement and Power, and the humanist 'global rights and responsibilities' model promotes the values Benevolence and Universalism. The critical perspective has emerged to challenge these dominant approaches. Inter alia, the critical perspective has argued against the prescription of certain values (or homogeneity of values) and for value pluralism that is open-ended. We investigated the extent to which these different perspectives on global citizenship values correspond with patterns in the value priorities among students from across the world. With data from the World Values Survey, we tested for homogeneity of values among students and assessed whether either global rights and responsibilities or global competitiveness values are dominant. There is no clear evidence of students' values converging as either global rights and responsibilities or global competitiveness. These findings suggest that a critical perspective on global citizenship education, which acknowledges value pluralism, is better suited to work with differences in student value priorities by creating opportunities in dialogical non-prescriptive ways for the conceptualisation of multiple global citizen selves.

A 1998 report from the Boyer Commission called "Reinventing Undergraduate Education: A Blueprint for America's Research Universities" issued a series of directives, suggestions, and critiques concerning the then-current state of undergraduate education at research universities. The document caused a minor media firestorm in the higher education and national outlets. This paper will analyze the report, the media responses to the report, and the academic articles inspired by it through the lens of the neoliberal economic models influencing higher education, encapsulated in the titular quote from the report regarding deficits in undergraduate education. We argue that neoliberal concepts infiltrated the discourse surrounding undergraduate education and provide the underpinnings for a value-added perspective on undergraduate education. We describe the historical circumstances influencing the report, conduct a poststructural analysis of the report using the lens of neoliberalism, and reflect upon the impact of the report for contemporary student affairs practitioners and faculty collaboration.

This paper seeks to contextualize the profound impact of neoliberal policies on the teaching profession. Employing an intrinsic case study design, this investigation delves into the intricate dynamics experienced by educators in five different Basic High Schools (BHSs) located in Ankara, Türkiye. A comprehensive understanding was gained through semi-structured interviews with 21 teachers and three school counselors at BHSs, supplemented by observations of various processes at the research sites. The qualitative data were content analyzed by coding meaningful segments, generating initial themes related to teachers' classroom and school practices and their engagement with the curriculum, as well as their perceptions of working conditions. After consulting two professors for feedback, the final coding identified two main themes: 'teacher responsibilities' and 'teachers' working conditions.' The study uncovers that the core of teacher responsibilities revolved around preparing students for university entrance examinations, emphasizing the cultivation of test-taking skills. Despite this primary objective, BHS teachers had to implement the national formal curricula, resulting in extended working hours and responsibility overload. Paradoxically, these educators find themselves in a predicament of being inadequately compensated and grappling with issues related to employment rights. In essence, the convergence of extensive workload, insufficient remuneration, and problems regarding employee rights cause the deskilling of teachers and hinders BHS teachers' ability to fulfill their vital roles as transformative and reflective educators. [This article includes an extended summary in Turkish.]

This article explores the rise of digitalisation in Australian higher education and its impact on learning and teaching, administration, and regulatory obligations. This digitalisation can be epitomised by the prevalence of learning management systems (LMS) which have reshaped the conduct and configuration of education. As universities have embraced the LMS, as forced by the pandemic, the confluence of disruptive digitalisation combined with globalisation, regulatory reforms, and shifts in government funding models have seen the Australian higher education sector in constant evolution. This article contextualises the impacts of digitalisation using the lens of neoliberalism and globalisation, with past, current, and future state considerations in the sector. It includes a case study from a large metropolitan Australian university with a signature pedagogy of industry-partnered and flexible learning to consider how Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) in Australia must continue to evolve in identity and provision of learning to serve social interests for the future in digitalised contexts.

With the rise of neoliberal reforms and efforts to privatize education, there is a growing need to examine how actors and groups from the public and private sectors influence educational policy change together. In this article, we advance a critical approach to understanding the changing discursive space of educational politics by following discourses through an expansive policy network that goes beyond its traditional boundaries. Specifically, we draw on argumentative discourse analysis (ADA), which allows for the analysis of how and why various actors and groups come together to assign certain meanings to educational phenomena or problems, leading to policy responses or changes. Rooted in Foucault's notions of discourse and power, ADA offers a unique approach to discourse analysis that can illuminate policy change through discourse coalitions. Three case studies from educational policy scholarship are discussed to illustrate the value and utility of ADA in future critical education policy studies.

Drawing on perspectives from top state-regional universities' authorities (known as "rectors") and public statistics on higher education, we discuss the sources of regional inequality in the Chilean university system. While there is scarce research on regional inequality for Chilean higher education, it is a well-recognized concern within global debates. In this study, the testimonies of rectors link perceptions of regional inequality to the historic, political, and managerial dimensions that have determined their institutions' development. As the problem of regional inequality stems from a tradition of political centralization, the neoliberal transformations, imposed since 1981, were singled out by the rectors for institutionalizing patterns of marketization that reinforced "inequalities of origin" for state-regional universities. Since the 2000s, trends of massification, regulation, and student protests reshaped higher education, leading to sectorial reform in 2018. However, competitive disadvantages are seen to continue to hinder the public role of state-regional universities. Institutional development strategies emerged, under the direction of rectors, to compensate for such inequalities, differentiating between winners and losers of neoliberal higher education. This article characterizes the modes of reproduction and overcoming of regional inequalities among state universities under neoliberal policy.

The article reports the results of an interview-based study exploring how internationally educated Ph.D. degree holders re-integrate into research environment in Kazakhstan and how the process of reintegration varies depending on the country of study. We found that returnees from non-Western countries experience greater challenges than returnees from the Western contexts. Applying the concept of "legibility" we reveal that the variation in the experiences is the result of operation of a legibility sorting mechanism used by the state in valuation of the quality of doctoral education of two formerly colonial academic systems -- the post-Soviet and the Western one, which compete as they exert neo-colonial claims on the academic system in Kazakhstan. The state uses foreign degree recognition mechanism as a heterogeneity producing system signaling the stakeholders the desired perception of the value of the different degrees. The differentiation in the experiences results from the sorting.

Corporate norms and values, characterised by an enterprise ethos, became the new parameters that defined the academic environment. Academics are increasingly becoming concerned about the commodification of higher education and its impact on academic quality and the standards of quality graduates. The voices of South African academics and their experiences within the neoliberal university governance remain underexplored in the current literature. This study aimed to enhance understanding and contribute to knowledge by exploring lecturers' experiences within a corporatised academic work environment. This study took place across public and private higher education institutions in South Africa. A cross-sectional, qualitative, interpretative phenomenological research design was employed. Data was collected by means of semi-structured interviews with a diverse sample of 20 lecturers. The data analysis followed the principles of interpretative phenomenological analysis. The findings of the study identified three key areas that triggered feelings of frustration with management: (1) participants experienced a lack of management's understanding of governing academic work environments, (2) an erosion of their collegial culture, and (3) a lack of transparent communication. Contribution: A key contribution of this study, which set it apart from other studies, was lecturers' perceptions that their professional identity, collegiality, autonomy, and academic freedom were in crisis.

This paper uses critical policy analysis to investigate how the concept of equity has been co-opted to promote a neoliberal agenda in education reforms in Manitoba. Early provincial reform documents contained a narrow definition of equity focused primarily on closing achievement gaps between Indigenous and non-Indigenous students. These reform documents were rejected by the public, in part due to concerns about equity. The Manitoba Education Action Plan was introduced in 2022, which more explicitly focused on achieving equity as part of the education reform process. However, the framing of equity in the Action Plan was narrow, emphasizing individualism rather than a more systemic pursuit of equity. While some recommended actions in the Action Plan have promoted a more inclusive and culturally responsive education system, other actions have advanced a neoliberal agenda focused on work-readiness and accountability, while actions to remove barriers to education have been undertaken with limited urgency.

In 2021, the government of Manitoba made their plans to reform public education overt with Bill 64. Although the legislation was withdrawn as a result of immense opposition from critically engaged Manitobans, the government did not abandon its neoliberal reform plans. Instead, the spectre of Bill 64 now lingers through a variety of new educational initiatives. In response, People for Public Education is working to keep the fight against the privatization of public education alive. Through consciousness raising and by constructing hopeful and imaginative visions of the future, this nascent community advocacy group strives to protect public education from the deleterious effects of neoliberalism. In this article, I reflexively interrogate and critically analyze the emergence, evolving objectives, values, and actions of People for Public Education for the purpose of inspiring future resistance against neoliberal education reforms.

The increase in borderless digital-based business competition shows how language education is impacted by neoliberalism in this global era. We explore how linguistic technopreneurship (LT) roles is increasingly constructed as a form of linguistic entrepreneurship to exploit language-related resources to enhance one's socioeconomic value strategically. This research aims to critically examine the influence of LT toward business success digitalization for Small Medium Enterprises in West Java and it's implication for Language Education. The research also focusing on the creation of novelty, namely linguistic technopreneurship (LT), which is a refinement of entrepreneurial linguistics (EL). LT is expected to be able to explain how linguistic entrepreneurship can be indexed from two different aspects, namely how to package language education and digital business success. We then discuss under what conditions the notion of linguistic technopreneurship can be applied to digital platform-based business settings and what kind of contradictions this gives rise to. The method used is quantitative, and it involves carrying out SEM analysis. A non-probability sampling technique was used to obtain a minimum of 250 Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises and Industry owners who run their businesses through digital platforms in West Java province, which is the province with the most significant number of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises and Industries in Indonesia. The research results show that LT significantly influences the success of business success and impact the language education practice. It can be concluded that language education is an added value for a person and influences socioeconomic success.

This case study uses the theory of academic capitalism (TAC) to explore how a public university known primarily for undergraduate education is incorporating market-oriented practices and structures, and how those changes could impact its curriculum and enrollment profile. Through initiatives to establish an engineering college, expand graduate education, and expand international student recruitment, the university's initiatives bring it closer to its research-oriented sister institution, one with a much different curriculum and enrollment profile. The findings extend the scope of TAC beyond the limited set of institutional types and issues explored in most existing research. The findings also provide insight for policymakers and higher education administrators into how public institutions oriented toward undergraduate education may change in the face of declining state financing and increasing reliance on tuition revenue.

This paper explores how faculty in Kazakhstan perceive the current and potential effects of the Russia-Ukraine war and sanctions on internationalization and international mobility in higher education in the Central Asian country. The purpose of the study was to provide some initial insights into the perceived effects of the conflict on international mobility and higher education in the country, which has the longest border with Russia. The study uses grounded theory as an approach to research design. The data was collected via semi-structured interviews whereby the participants were selected from among faculty of Kazakhstani universities using a combination of snowball and maximal-variation sampling approaches. The results of the analysis revealed that the participants interpret the impacts of the conflict predominantly in neoliberal terms with only some faculty members noting potential effects in terms of academic colonialism. Identified themes are best interpreted in terms of the conceptual construct of capital. We suggest a combination of several capital theories as a potential theoretical framework for understanding perceptions of the effects of war on internationalization and international mobility in higher education.

This study explores the implications of the current foreign language policy in Algeria by holding evidence from the Algerian government practices and the Algerians' beliefs and views. The study also responds to the call of Maraf and Osam (2022a) to study neoliberalism as a possible outcome of the English wave in Algeria and considers further implications of linguistic imperialism as an additional outcome. To do so, the study follows a concurrent mixed methods research design that relies on the contribution of 200 Algerian university students who participated in a questionnaire (amongst 20 who participated in semi-structured interviews) who are affiliated with sixty-four Algerian universities, and 20 university teachers through semi-structured interviews. The study concludes that English is a tool leading to neoliberalism in Algeria and that English poses a threat of unnoticed linguistic imperialism that is already visible in the practices of certain youth groups. These conclusions are a roadmap for future problems similar to shadow education and language shift.

This study aims to explain the reasons for the difficulties in the implementation of Human Resources Management (HRM) in the Turkish education system by revealing the incompatibilities between them. A literature review and document analysis on official statistics, laws, and newspapers were conducted. First, we reviewed the implementation of HRM functions in Turkey. After that, we tried to reveal its basic features by examining the factors that led to the emergence of HRM in the historical process and the new forms it took over time. In addition, we examined the effects of neoliberal policies on the working conditions of teachers in public and private schools. We discussed the working conditions of teachers in public and private schools in Turkey separately. As a result of the review, we argue that acting in line with the efficiency/success target and the contradictions between Industrial Relations and HRM are among the main reasons for the incompatibility between the education system and HRM in Turkey.

There is an increasing trend toward regionalization as higher education adapts to openness and globalization. In response, East African countries formed networks and partnerships that strengthened business, higher education, student and staff mobility, and research. This is because regionalization is embedded in East Africa's economy, politics, culture, and social norms. In addition, regionalization is influenced by internationalization and globalization. It promises development opportunities, although challenges are inevitable. This paper examines the contributions of regional student mobility to East Africa's development. We use neoliberal and world systems theories to illuminate the advantages and disadvantages of regionalizing higher education and explain how partner states can maximize opportunities and minimize challenges. Data was collected through convenience sampling of two hundred international students and two staff members in international students' offices. Data analysis revealed that the regionalization of East African higher education reflects historical power relations; it has benefits though founded on inequalities.

Academic freedom constitutes an integral part of traditional university values that ensure the proper functioning of universities in pursuing truth and inculcating civic values. In a globalized world where Higher Education (HE) policy is the result of the interaction of local, national, and international levels, the positions of international organizations on questions of academic freedoms deem significant. Within global discourses on HE, literature contrasts the World Bank's human capitalist to UNESCO's humanistic approach. Through Foucauldian Discourse Analysis of both organizations' documents, the paper presented a genealogical analysis of academic freedom that challenged the existence of static, opposite, and binary positions. Transformations, ruptures, juxtapositions as well as gaps, limits, and exclusions were detected within and across International Organizations' discourses. Juxtaposition of economic and humanistic rationales as well as academic freedom protection and neoliberal policy interventions have muted discursive conflicts and inherent contradictions. The failure of UNESCO to address contemporary threats to academic freedom emerged from the appearance of neoliberal transnational governmentality as an inevitable social regularity that delimits what can be said and cannot be said about academic freedom. Through coercive funding schemes and technologies of differentiation, surveillance, and monitoring, the WB created the space for such transnational governmentality, and placed faculty members under its gaze resulting in undermining academic freedoms and de-professionalization of academics.

This paper considers the state of contingent laborers, Ph.D. holders, lovers of robust scholarship, and hopeful academics who toil away in the neoliberal university in the search for the academic good life. The author argues that the academic good life is a fantasy and agrees that the fantasy is cruel, i.e. not attainable or livable, but does suggest the practices of teaching and conducting research, the practices that make up a scholarly life, are sustainable activities of a good life that can and should inform how we "use" the university. After drawing on Alasdair MacIntyre and Chris Higgins to picture the academic good life, Deane turns to theories of refusal articulated by Sandy Grande and Bonnie Honig to suggest refusal practices for reimagining lives that are academic and good.

School reform efforts are situated within social and political contexts and, as such, are susceptible to the commonsense discourses circulating through, and shaping, society. Two discourses prevalent in US education reform are those perpetuating the ideologies of neoliberalism and neoconservatism. These ideologies are inherently contradictory--with the former promoting a small state and the latter a strong state--but converge to promote their agendas, shaping school reform efforts. "How" this occurs is not always clear, especially in rural contexts, where there has been limited attention to ideological discourses' relation to schooling. In this analysis, we describe how dominant, yet contradictory, discourses of neoliberalism and neoconservatism are resolved in a rural context. We find that the leaders of one rural, public school district identified fifth-grade number sense as a problem of practice needing improvement--framing the cause of their problem as misalignment and the solution as consistency within and across grade levels. In doing so, district leaders' conversations were limited to those of standardization (e.g., state-mandated mathematics standards, approaches to timed-fact tests, and curriculum between grade levels). Alignment as a frame excluded conversations related to deeper considerations, such as students' experiences in mathematics or issues of equity. We find that dominant discourses constrain the ways district leaders frame their mathematics-related problem and work through the frame (in this case, one of alignment) to resolve inherent contradictions and advance their agendas. We suggest that these discourses serve to distract from potentially more pressing issues in education.

The literature on higher education includes a substantial genre devoted to the theme of crisis. While higher education is not alone in this, higher education researchers and writers all too often reach for the language of crisis to describe what they are experiencing or finding. Crises are identified at institutional, disciplinary, national and international levels, with radical and far-reaching solutions to them sometimes set out. This article will explore and synthesize the crisis literature in higher education, attempt to explain its prevalence and speculate on how it might be resolved or taken forward.

This paper focuses on international student mobility and the funding of higher education. We theorize that relying on international students for funding is stronger for institutions in developed English-speaking countries because they more often adopt marketization practices. Compared to Northern and Southern European countries, we find that they had the largest decrease in public funding and largest increase in private funding. The relative number of international students has also increased for English-speaking countries, but not for other country groupings. Furthermore, we found associations between public/private funding and international student enrollments, but these patterns were not uniform. These results show that a decrease in public funding and a reliance on international students as a source of income is not equally important everywhere. This opens new avenues for research on the marketization of higher education, including the role that differences between cultures and types of governments play in shaping international student mobility.

There is a rapidly expanding and proliferating number of commercial early childhood platforms, competing for market share in what has become a crowded marketplace. Early childhood platforms provide a wide range of functions including an all-in-one digital ecosystem offering a learning management system; social media communication between educators, families and children; invoicing and payment; attendance monitoring; data tracking; individual profiling; documentation; pedagogic advice and even policy interpretation. Platforms are a sociocultural and ideological phenomenon that 'can replace or profoundly disrupt educational systems' (Cobo and Rivas) and hence their advent demands urgent critical thinking. However, within early years there is comparatively limited research of platforms' impacts upon families, educators and children. The aims of this colloquium are firstly to open a critical space to think about the political economy of commercial education platforms and secondly, to ask questions about platforms' impacts upon the neoliberal subjectivities of educators, families and children.

Starting and finishing with the words of Sally Lubeck, one of the founders of RECE, this article locates early childhood education, all education, in conditions of polycrisis, conditions that are extremely dangerous but offer a glimmer of hope by making transformative change more possible. The article argues that such change calls for re-thinking, re-conceptualising and re-forming (early childhood) education; and, with a focus on the systemic crisis of neoliberalism, explores what this might mean, starting from a re-politicisation of early childhood education, all education, leading to political questions and political choices.

In the 1990s, Colombia embraced neoliberalism, and as a result, all public and private institutions and organizations have adhered to its principles. Following this ideology, the national government implemented an educational quality policy intending to standardize processes and measure outcomes to position the country favorably in the global market. These policy actions directly impact schools, further entrenching neoliberalism in education and consequently influencing the practices and identities of teachers. This article centers on the personal experiences of two female English teachers pursuing a master's degree in English teaching. Through semi-structured narrative interviews and analysis using a narrative-based analytical framework, the accounts of these teachers reveal the challenges they face due to neoliberal practices, which tend to belittle, exploit, and discredit them. Nevertheless, the narratives also highlight how these teachers overcame their fears and openly expressed their ideas, asserting their critical identities and aligning their actions with the knowledge they gained through their master's studies. Therefore, it can be concluded that despite the disparity between the critical emphasis in teacher education, particularly in public universities, and the expectations placed on educators, the critical identity of these teachers is effectively manifested.

Within a neoliberal educational policy context, we are increasingly witness to educational leaders compelled to become strategic operators to ensure the survival of their schools. Drawing on the tenets of institutional ethnography (IE), this article traces the everyday work and experience of a school leader in one Australian private school site that was in 'survival mode' after experiencing an unprecedented decline in enrolment numbers. By tracing the power of global and local market forces informing the work of one educational leader, our intention is to capture how a school leader's subjectivity was influenced by market demands and how he invested his time in strategizing to ensure his school would survive. The article makes two main contributions; first, the case study complements research exploring the impact of neoliberal reform on schooling and, second, we highlight the role of IE in furthering our understanding of the pressures schools face and the lived experience of school leaders.

The Australian education system features considerable socioeconomic inequality and is a frequent source of controversy in Australian public life. Yet meaningful reform to this system has proven elusive. In this article, we examine the public's fairness perceptions of educational inequality based on parental financial capacity, using an online survey of adults (N = 1,999) from New South Wales, Australia. We asked about the fairness of inequality in school resources and education quality, and used a scenario in which students from high-income and low-income families had achievement gaps due to differences in educational experiences. Respondents had diverse perceptions about the fairness of educational inequality, but most perceived the scenario as unfair or very unfair. The partial proportional odds models showed that self-interest and neoliberal orientations predicted people's fairness perceptions of educational inequality. The findings of this study have implications for achieving meaningful reform of the Australian education system that is in line with public opinion.

How should the curriculum for older school students address the transition to sustainable futures? This article seeks to answer this question by reference to the marginalisation of education for sustainability (EfS) in England after 2010; its re-emergence around 2020, prompted largely by students' protests over climate change: and the continuing need for critical approaches that acknowledge the contested nature of sustainability. Gramsci's theory of hegemony as developed by Gilbert and Williams, is used to explain the marginalisation of EfS while Mouffe's advocacy of a green democratic revolution, shaped by a blend of eco-socialist, post-developmental and decolonial thought, suggests what a critical EfS should cover and why it should be linked to radical global citizenship education. Neoliberal, socially democratic and eco-socialist discourses of sustainability and a green transition should feature in the curriculum and agonistic pedagogy should be employed to enable students to reflect and act on these and so develop their political literacy. The Curriculum for Wales can accommodate such pedagogy and an incoming Labour government in Westminster can learn from its example.

The transformation of higher education provision by neoliberal values has been well documented. However, recent criticisms and even attacks upon higher education indicate a new politics extending beyond neoliberalism. This article draws on the sociology of conventions to unpick the distinctions at work in these new criticisms of universities. By distinguishing between values based in the market world, industrial world and civic world, we elaborate the political basis of recent value controversies around higher education (HE), reflected in policy and rhetoric. Looking to reject aspects of the neoliberal HE model, some critics have sought to revalue higher education upon productivist values, attacking universities for failing to generate 'use' value for students and society. Populist actors have launched stronger criticisms, aiming to revalue higher education on nationalistic and traditional values. This has generated the devaluation of higher education in national public spheres. As higher education has expanded globally, this new politics emerges from conflicts within and between conservative and liberal elites. Trends in Hungary and Brazil indicate the successes and failures of populist attacks on universities. Trends in the United Kingdom and Australia reflect productivist revaluations of market-based HE. Elite revaluation and devaluation is producing an emerging new global politics of HE.

Over the last few decades, both New Zealand and the intergovernmental organisation of UNESCO have widely spread the rhetoric of safety through a broad range of educational issues. This notion, in vogue since the neoliberal turn, has raised little opposition in educational debates. In this article, we use a Foucauldian lens to analyse the assumptions that underlie the discourses of safety of UNESCO and the New Zealand's education policy, and to what extent they align or differ. The findings show a general alignment between the safety discourses of UNESCO and the New Zealand Ministry of Education, and three main assumptions were identified that frame the problem, the solution and those responsible for solving safety issues in education. In the texts analysed, safety operates as a neoliberal mechanism to manage student behaviour and individualise social risk in the guise of altruism.

Globalisation has driven the pursuit of more active citizenship forms. Many governments see educational policies as critical to preparing young citizens with the necessary skills, knowledge, attitudes, and behaviours to thrive in a changing global context. However, what active citizenship education is and means varies across countries. Little is known about how active citizenship is conceptualised in educational policies in Singapore and the kinds of citizens these policies and programmes aim to nurture. This article draws on an analysis of 20 Singapore policy texts, such as political speeches, press releases, and curriculum documents, to examine the kind of Singaporean citizens the Singapore government seeks to nurture. We argue that globalisation provides a critical context for local conceptualisations of citizenship, but the active Singapore citizen is not an individualistic nor a universal neoliberal citizen subject. In line with Asian conceptions of citizenship, which posit that 'good' people make good citizens, active citizenship in Singapore has a prevailing focus on 'good' character and an active citizen who prioritises the well-being of the collective, yet caught in a paradoxical pursuit of a neoliberal citizen.

Since the 1990s, Hong Kong has been promoting globally-endorsed, Western-derived early childhood ideologies and approaches, such as the Project Approach (*Chen et al., 2017). This orientation appears to be influenced by policies and practices linked to global neoliberalism and neocolonialism. To shed light on the state of knowledge concerning the implementability of the imported "foreign" practices by Hong Kong kindergarten teachers (teaching children ages 3-6), I conducted a research synthesis analyzing the 10 empirical articles that met the inclusion criteria. The analysis was guided by the two existing theoretical frameworks: (1) "Tian Shi" (timing/temporal), "Di Li" (context/spatial), "Ren He" (human capital) (Chen and Li, 2023) and (2) the "foreground-middle ground-background" (Chen, 2022) as well as the newly proposed "globalization-localization interaction dynamics model." A content analysis revealed three salient findings. First, due to the lack of "Tian Shi," "Di Li," "Ren He," Hong Kong kindergarten teachers' implementation of the imported early childhood approaches with fidelity has been largely unsuccessful. Second, the evidence corroborates the "foreground-middle ground-background" theory, suggesting that a hybrid approach (combining both the local and global practices) represents the "best" implementable one. Third, the manner in which the teachers implemented the imported practices seemingly reflects a "glocalization-dominant" pattern. This pattern constitutes one of the four quadrants within my proposed "globalization-localization interaction dynamics model." The four quadrants represent the specific degree of interactive dominance: (1) "grobalization-dominant" (high in globalization and low in localization); (2) "glocalization-dominant" (high in both localization and globalization); (3) "non-committal" (low in both globalization and localization); and (4) "localization-dominant" (low in globalization and high in localization).