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This research aims to explore the concept of resistance against the apartheid regime in South Africa. The theoretical framework of the research concentrates on Edward Said's theory of cultural imperialism and his perspectives on resistance during colonialism, then it negotiates the culture of resistance according to the mentality of the South African citizens, especially the black majority. The theory is derived from the tough practices of the imperial powers that invaded South Africa for decades. Accordingly, the movement of resistance in this country during the apartheid system was established by the freedom claim of pioneer fighters who took upon themselves to start the resistance movement. The research also focuses on the heroic role Nelson Mandela and his remarkable effort to regain South African dignity and put an end to colonial oppression. The research further discusses the impact of resistance on Peter Horn's poetry, and how he manages to portray the crisis with its possible solution and the way out of the maze of colonialism and subjugation. Unlike many South African poets who reflected the dilemma of the apartheid regime, Horn was the one who declared many solutions to put an end to the harsh policies implemented by the South African governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This article focuses specifically on post-apartheid representations of Eugene de Kock, who is seen as one of the bookends to the first, more optimistic, phase of South Africa's post-apartheid moment. The other bookend, also discussed briefly here, is Nelson Mandela, the country's first democratically elected president. De Kock was a notorious apartheid-era assassin and commanding officer of Vlakplaas, infamously associated with the extra-judicial torture and execution of anti-apartheid freedom fighters in the 1980s. I isolate this time-frame, from Mandela to de Kock, to comment specifically on what can be seen as a distortion of temporality in South African public life – a kind of disjuncture between time and history, to use David Scott's formulation (2). I argue that this distortion is characteristic of the post-revolutionary present, not only in South Africa, but in many other parts of the world where a struggle for freedom terminates in a neoliberal order. The figure of the prison is central to this discussion: indeed, the prison is understood as one of the privileged sites where meaning is made and contested in the imagination of a national identity. Also central to this discussion is Pumla Gobodo-Madikizela's remarkably prescient 2003 book about her encounters with de Kock in the 'C-Max' section of Pretoria Central prison, A Human Being Died That Night. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This article examines what Nelson Mandela's autobiography alludes to as 'Xhosa tradition' and its ambiguous relationship with African nationalism in the first half of the 20th century. I contrast Mandela's qualified embrace of tradition with the more directly negative attitudes towards ethnic customs in general among the Eastern Cape nationalists of his generation. I argue that, unlike his comrades, Mandela retained a critical embrace of tradition because in it he recognised the seeds of democracy, traces of 'accumulated suffering', and the pleasure of celebrating difference. Tradition for Mandela has a critical relation to modernity – a sort of strategic distance from which vantage point modernity can be called out on its failed promise of universal freedoms. I use Hannah Arendt's notion of citable pasts to argue that the past for Mandela is neither smoothly transmissible nor totally invented in the present, but it is captured in fragments of narrative or citations. To make this argument I offer a critique of both common-sense and constructionist notions of tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

What is the difference between a philosophy and an ideology? Would simply observing some aspect of human experience count as ideology? No. But suppose we try to explain and interpret what we have seen. Now, we enter the neighborhood of what gets called ideology. What else does it take to sort out what should be called ideological? And why would a worldview sometimes turn into an echo chamber, a cocoon of confirmation bias that fosters false consciousness? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This study proposes African ways of knowing as viable alternatives to Western theories, and demonstrates how Indigenous African epistemologies can be systematised for critical analysis of cultural productions. It builds on the argument that knowledge production in and about Africa should begin to utilise local frameworks to reflect African cultural specificities and instantiate how self-generational concepts from African cultures can be intellectualised. The study adopts Yorùbá Ọmọlúwàbí, Xhosa/Zulu Ubuntu/Hunhui and Shona Ukama, converts them to canons and uses them as models to validate empirical reality, propositional truth and epistemological premises of home-grown African theories. It discusses theory development and interrogates how these Indigenous epistemes can be structured and turned to theories using evidential, coherential, aesthetic and diachronic theoretical virtues. It also identifies the validity of these theories in cultural praxis, worldviews, proverbs of matrixes under study and generates five premises for the local frameworks, arguing that home-grown African theories can be adopted to remind and reawaken Africans to their cultural history and values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This article carefully examines the meaning of servant leadership as embedded in Luke 22:23–27. We believe that servant leadership as taught by the Lukan Jesus is an ideal leadership style suitable for anyone who aspires for any leadership position. To examine this topic, this article adopts subversive rhetoric to interpret the text in Luke 22:23–27 to understand the embedded ideology within the text. The application of subversive rhetoric and ideology in reading Luke 22:23–27 provides insights into the leadership problems faced in Christian community today. Using subversive rhetoric and ideology as a means of interpretation, this article emphasises that the Lukan text is an invitation to the Christian community to model their leadership style based on the premise of the Lukan Jesus since leadership is the centre of every good governance. The Lukan Jesus instructed his followers not to follow the empire's leadership style of ruling over people without caring for their wellbeing. However, the article acknowledges that the disciples were instructed to subversively change the leadership style and implement the one that would be of benefit to the entire humanity—the servant leadership model. It concludes that the Luke text aims at introducing a servant leadership system that was against the Roman Empire for the new Lukan community and invites the present Christian community and world leaders to imbibe the ideology of servant leadership style as introduced by the Lukan Jesus and practised by Nelson Mandela. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Values are very important in our lives. It is the fundamental principle of our lives that guides us as to what should be done and what should not be done in our lives. Without values, there is no distinction between human beings and animals. Our society is built on communication. With the help of good communication, we are able to make a connection and inspire others to make changes. Without convincing communication capacity, it is difficult to excel in professional or personal life. Speaking in front of audiences or giving speeches is one of the most important forms of communication. This paper is an analysis of the values of Nelson Mandela, which are reflected in his speeches. Nelson Mandela has a special place in South African politics because he was the first black person to become president of South Africa. The values of his speeches are so prominent, which gives him a unique place in the politics of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The Rhodes Must Fall social movement infused new life into the decolonisation discourse in Africa. However, whereas most scholars agree on the need for decolonisation, there is little consensus or even clarity on what it actually means in our everyday encounter with others and engagement with reality. Indeed, much of the debate on the issue consists of a recycling of the arguments employed by the first generations of anticolonial/postcolonial scholars and political leaders – a pattern of anti-imperialist thinking and litigation of the past which fails to enhance African self-understanding. This article examines the structure of thought that underlies that pattern and much of Africa's intellectual decolonisation. I argue that Nelson Mandela understood the risks of the decolonisation arguments embodied by the likes of Robert Mugabe and intentionally adopted a different approach, anchored in encounter as an ethical and epistemic imperative. I therefore propose a theoretical approach drawing on Mandela's thought and actions and argue that his politics of encounter constitutes a hermeneutic condition for a proper constitution of epistemic decolonisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Copyright of Palobra is the property of Universidad de Cartagena and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.) more...

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On the fifth anniversary of Nelson Mandela's release after twenty-seven years in political prison, and nine months after his election as South Africa's president, his new government and its allies held an important event. On February 11, 1995, 1,200 ex–political prisoners traveled to Cape Town for the Robben Island Reunion. The first day was held at the former maximum-security prison, the site of subjugation and struggle for many of the participants. The day culminated with a creative happening, as the former prisoners enthusiastically smashed rocks in the Limestone Quarry, negating this once oppressive labor and transforming it into an affirmation of freedom. On ensuing days, the reunion celebrated and demanded support for the ex-prisoners and set Robben Island on the path to becoming the country's first national peoples' museum and UNESCO World Heritage Site. Drawing on oral histories and photographs, this article examines the museum's process of becoming and its subsequent trajectory in the continuing struggle for liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

In his first major post-presidential public address, President Barack Obama spoke at the 2018 Nelson Mandela Lecture Series in Johannesburg, South Africa. In this address, Obama lent the weight of the rhetorical post-presidency to further mythologize the late South African leader, helping to transform him into the mythic "Madiba," the embodiment of resistance, progress, and perseverance for all of humankind. Set against the backdrop of a resurgent, globalized, and racist right-wing populist movement, this essay explores how Obama helped magnify this mythic version of Mandela to inspire resistance through the three basic elements that structure mythic rhetoric: the universe, the protagonist, and the narrative lesson. This essay also reinvigorates the study of post-presidential public address through an emphasis on the institutional and rhetorical power of the modern post-presidency and its evolving global reach. Finally, this essay contemplates the role mythic rhetoric can play in advancing and solidifying anti-racist practices, beliefs, and structures, and ultimately positions modern mythic discourse as a helpful catalyst for the continuation of resistance through rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Copyright of Prohuman is the property of Business Intelligence Club, o.z. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.) more...

In his autobiography, Conversations with Myself, Mandela spoke about his concern that the world had a false image of him as a saint and semi-god (Mandela, 2012). However, it can be noted that Mandela and the ANC carefully built up his symbolic power in the press and media to represent him as “some kind of Messiah” (Ottaway, 1993:11) who had led South Africa to freedom almost single-handedly, and in doing so cemented his ideals of liberation, peace and non-racialisation in the imagination of the world. However, as Mandela’s health deteriorated before his death, his constructed immortality was tested as society began to question if his legacy could live on without the physical presence of ‘Mandela the man’. Consequently, this article examines the representation of Mandela in his few final years. In an examination of the Independent Online news repository in 2010 and 2013, this research highlights how ‘Madiba’s Magic’ was a carefully constructed media image and one that, during his long illness, forced South Africans, and the world, to recognise his ‘humanness’. The paper concludes, however, by documenting the immense power of Mandela’s legacy as played out in the press, and how, after death, his carefully constructed legacy rose above the damage of his prolonged illness, elevating him from a sick old man and reinforcing him as a mythical revolutionary. more...

Based on original archival research and oral history interviews, this article examines how the British Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM) adapted to the evolving circumstances during South Africa's transition from apartheid to democracy between 1990 and 1994. It argues that the successful framing and impact of the Free Nelson Mandela Campaign (FNMC) of the 1980s, inadvertently created a series of challenges for the AAM in the years after Mandela's release from prison in February 1990, as many in Britain came to associate this moment with the end of apartheid. The pervasive sense that apartheid was over, coupled with the complexity, uncertainty and violence of South Africa's political transition, created a difficult campaigning environment for the AAM, who found it hard to maintain the momentum generated through the FNMC. Despite encountering numerous (trans)national and local challenges which inhibited its impact after 1990, this article concludes that the AAM's persistent campaigning presence allowed it to capitalise following renewed British interest in South Africa following the announcement in June 1993 of a date for the first non-racial democratic election. This enabled the AAM to make a tangible contribution, primarily through fundraising, to the African National Congress' successful election victory in May 1994. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This article puts three discourses about resistance and violence, coming from two distinct settler colonial contexts, in conversation, to highlight a distinctive theory of change associated with contemporary Indigenous movements. The first, from South Africa, can be seen in the writings of Nelson Mandela. It offers a dialectical view of resistance, where the oppressor sets the terms of the confrontation and where violence is allowable in the pursuit of change. The second discourse can be seen in the writings of James Tully and offers a theoretical bridge between the first and the third. It focuses on civic citizenship as a nonviolent engagement with terms of governance. The third can be seen in the writings of Indigenous theorists whose work focuses on resurgence. It offers a disjunctive theory of change that centres transgression and prefigurative practices. The conclusion of the article braids these discourses to discuss how they both converge and diverge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This article attempts to give voice to freedom fighters who died during the struggle for independence in Africa. Due to their untimely deaths, they could not self-narrate their encounters with colonial subjectivity. Taking cues from Patrice Lumumba and Steve Biko, it argues that the unlikely documents of these nationalists can be (re)constructed as autobiographies by reawakening their muted self and deploying them as anti-memory to de-centre colonial grand narratives. Through Howarth's autobiographical elements, Ngugi's history typologies, and postcolonial autobiography, the article contends that the absence of autobiographies of some African nationalists creates gaps in anti-colonial historical memory and African freedom fighting literature. It affirms the significance of updating the colonial archive, considering the exclusion of overriding historical contingencies from its memory. The article also asserts the importance of constructing self-narratives for African social activists and using the narratives as countervailing texts against dominant univocal narratives in colonial archival memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Over the last fifty or sixty years, Nelson Mandela has almost certainly been the most frequently mentioned public figure in South African poetry. As with the "shape-shifting quality" (Barnard 5) of his political iconicity, so his representation in poetry has varied over time. More often than not, the meaning of "Mandela" in any given poem tells us as much about the poet's attitudes as about Mandela the (once-)living man, but the sheer frequency of the references attests to his unique stature. This essay illustrates the range of meanings ascribed to Mandela by poets from the 1960s to the present day: the stoic embodiment of resistance during his imprisonment, the messianic figure leading his people to freedom in 1990, the potentially compromised/compromising politician following his release, and finally the revered elder trapped by his own iconicity and weighed down by the burden of public (over-)expectation. The essay concludes by suggesting that Mandela's name will continue to be invoked in the future as a kind of touchstone of personal character, political probity, and national promise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

South Africans are very quick to accuse one another of having been very bad in the past. Afrikaners are accused of severe race discrimination in the form of apartheid. They are portrayed as uniquely evil, almost as bad as the Nazi’s in the Second World War. At the same time, especially the ANC/SACP is accused of severe transgressions, such as terrorism in the name of a freedom struggle, support for a totalitarian system in the form of Marxism-Leninism, and extreme intolerance of deviant viewpoints in the liberation movement. It would be wrong to view the matter in a simplified way, as the problem of historical guilt is a complex one. In this article, the problem is, firstly, examined from an ethical perspective. Apartheid must be recognised as – when viewed from a Christian viewpoint – immoral and wrong. The policy is examined in detail, with the conclusion that, while there were fleeting moments in which things could have developed more positively, these moments were still-born. Subsequently, the accusation that apartheid was akin to Nazism is examined. It is concluded that, while there were superficial similarities, the differences were too deep, in principle, to be taken seriously. Another aspect that should be seriously considered is why the Afrikaners actually acted in a particular way. Without defending what they had done, it is clear that they, in their own minds, were convinced that the very survival of Afrikaners as a people was at stake amidst threatening historical circumstances exemplified by the political, cultural and economic onslaught of British imperialism, as well as the looming shadow of a vastly superior majority of black people. Lastly, there is the question as to whether the ANC/SACP also has historical guilt to carry. In the light of the way in which the very Kremlin-loyal SACP during the years took over the leadership of the alliance, the answer must be yes. The alliance wanted to replace apartheid with Communism, a policy which has as severe ethical problems as may be ascribed to apartheid. Also, the alliance handled dissenters in an extremely intolerant way by locking them up in concentration camps, where they were treated very cruelly. It is hoped that a nuanced treatise like this could promote a public debate in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The Congress movement in South Africa was transformed in the early 1960s from a movement committed to the exclusive use of non-violent means in the struggle against apartheid to one focused on rural guerrilla warfare as a free-standing and sufficient first step towards 'all-out war' and the armed seizure of power. But few, if any, of the participants in the Congress movement's deliberations in 1960–61 on whether to 'turn to violence' had believed that this was the strategy that they were endorsing when they authorised the abandonment of exclusive reliance on non-violence. The choice facing the Congress movement after 1960 was not between mutually exclusive alternatives of 'non-violence' on the one hand and 'violence' or 'armed struggle' on the other. Rather, Congress leaders contemplated a range of different forms of violent action and considered their relationship to various forms of non-violent activity and to the kind of transition from apartheid that these actions could and should be intended to produce. This article analyses the range of strategic options that were canvassed within the Congress leadership in the early 1960s and the decision-making process by which those options were gradually narrowed. That process was shaped by ambiguity, unilateral action, unintended consequences and state repression, with the result that the Congress movement's 'turn to violence' ultimately took a form that few Congress leaders had initially desired or anticipated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Although political apartheid in South Africa ended in 1993, racial and economic inequity persisted. The end of White minority rule in government prompted the birth of the multicultural/non-racial “Rainbow Nation,” promising freedom and equality for all South Africans. However, the shift in political representation to Black majority rule in 1994—led by the African National Congress (ANC) and former president Nelson Mandela—failed to confront and reverse the vast inequities produced by the former apartheid state. This paper contextualizes the current state of affairs by tracing the histories of occupation and racial capitalism in colonial South Africa. more...

This essay is based on the assumption that retributive justice fails to capture the immense riches of the human condition. Exploring the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), it argues that restorative justice must be seen as complementary to the retributive and other conceptions of justice. Restorative justice is presented here as a spiritual journey, one that is best grasped through the prism of Benjamin's spiritual elements of class struggles. Nelson Mandela understood, like Georg Friedrich Hegel, that even the Absolute Spirit, powerful as it is, achieves its goal through cunning. Spiritual quest is, however, much more than the cunning of the spirit; it is also love and human flourishing understood as inclusive projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

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O livro Conversas que tive comigo mostra com profundidade o Nelson Mandela (como é conhecido em todo mundo), Madiba, Tata, Rolihlahla alguns de seus nomes conhecido pelo povo da África. Nasceu na cidade de Transkei, África do Sul, em 18 de julho de 1918 e morreu numa quinta-feira no dia 05 de dezembro de 2013, aos 95 anos. Ele lutou contra o regime de segregação racial, o Apartheid, em seu país. O regime, como se sabe, negava aos africanos, o direito de viver livres em seu próprio território tradicional. O livro é constituído de escritos de Mandela, em sua maioria, nos quase 28 anos de sua vida que foi preso político. Palavras-Chave: Resenha. Conversas que tive comigo. Nelson Mandela more...

Alfred Nzo served as the newly democratic South Africa's Minister of Foreign Affairs between 1994 and 1999. His tenure was widely criticised. Nzo was described as ineffectual and inert by the media, opposition parties and even by some within his own African National Congress. These criticisms have been unquestioningly absorbed by historians and foreign policy scholars, and now constitute a cornerstone of the conventional wisdom regarding the Mandela Administration's foreign policy. This article draws on a range of interviews with officials from the Department of Foreign Affairs to provide an alternative portrait of the Foreign Minister. While rarely animated, many DFA officials recall Nzo as accessible and closely attuned to the critical international issues confronting South Africa. The article concludes by considering the methodological missteps that contributed to misunderstanding Nzo, and reflects on the difficulties of personality-driven political analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.) more...

This essay considers the phenomenon of British local authorities mobilizing to oppose the policies of apartheid in post-war South Africa. Activities include boycott, divestment, twinning agreements, media campaigns, and re-naming/memorialization. The activity is placed in the context of a transnational anti-apartheid network overseen by the United Nations organization. The campaign is shown to be inversely related the level of national government activity and especially associated with opposition to Margaret Thatcher and her government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Bram Fischer was born in 1908 in South Africa to an eminent Afrikaner nationalist family. Like his father and grandfather before him, Bram became a lawyer and seemed destined for eminence as a future Prime Minister or Chief Justice. His path, however, took a different turn. Emerging from the nationalism of his family, he took up a Rhodes Scholarship in the early 1930s, travelling on the Continent and witnessing the rise of Hitler; he also travelled to the Soviet Union. Some time after his return to South Africa, he joined the Communist Party. Thereafter, his life was synonymous with the struggle against apartheid as he worked on key political trials and collaborated closely with leading figures in the liberation movement. In 1964 he led the defence of Nelson Mandela and the other accused at the Rivonia Trial. Then, after a series of dramatic developments in which he went underground in disguise, he was captured and sentenced to life imprisonment. Ultimately, he died of cancer as a prisoner in 1975. Fischer's is a story of commitment, suffering and heroism, and it is why we remember him today. Yet it may seem as if his time and place were very different from ours. Many of the things he believed in have crumbled; some of the things he fought against have sadly endured. Ours is an era of displacement, of refugees, of authoritarianism, populism, climate change. Still, Fischer's life serves as a template for us now, not only in a South African context but in the global arena. His underlying codes regarding identity and responsibility, dwelling and home, refuge and hospitality are central to our life on the planet. This is the relevance of Bram Fischer in our times. What follows is the text of the Bram Fischer Memorial Lecture, presented at the University of Oxford, 24 October 2019. The lecture was dedicated to the memory of Arthur Chaskalson and Lorraine Chaskalson. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Multimethod studies generally fall under what are referred to as "confirmatory" or "complementary" approaches. Yet in addition to these two approaches, Hammersley (1996) identifies a third, which he refers to as "facilitation." In this paper, we build on Hammersley's observation and argue that methods can be used propulsively, setting the researcher down whole new paths. We first put this observation in conversation with other recent works and pragmatist theorizing. We then use the archive as a point of departure to show the value of such an approach. Specifically, we use our investigation of the archives at the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory in Johannesburg, South Africa as a site to show how we used propulsive facilitation to engage with and make sense of materials relating to Mandela's memoirs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

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