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Der Konflikt zwischen der Türkei und der kurdischen Bevölkerung hat eine lange und verwobene Geschichte. Um die gegenwärtigen Spannungen und die Konsequenzen der staatlichen Politik verstehen zu können, ist ein Blick in die Vergangenheit unumgänglich. Der Autor nimmt sich dieses Komplexes an und analysiert vor dem Hintergrund der historischen Entwicklungen die autoritäre und gewaltsame Durchsetzung von Nationalstaatlichkeit in der Türkei. Auf dieser Grundlage formuliert er darüber hinaus Empfehlungen für eine politische Bildung, die einen Beitrag zur Anerkennung von Pluralität und Diversität sowie zu einem gesellschaftlichen Friedensprozess liefern kann.

The initial hypothesis of this case study was that the Kurdish population in Turkey posed the main obstacle to the creation of a unified Turkish nation. An analysis of the events studied in the 1920s and 1930s confirmed this thesis. To this end, the ideas and drafts of a Turkish nation state, which the Kemalist state leadership pushed for from 1923 onwards, as well as the strategies and measures derived from those against the Kurdish population were presented and critically discussed. It became apparent that the phase between the founding of the Republic of Turkey in 1923 and the extermination operations in the Dersim region in 1937/1938 was decisively shaped by the so-called Kurdish question. An outlook on further developments after 1938 also showed that the relevance of this question remains unabated to this day. The discursive reactions of current state historiography in Turkey are also in continuity with official state statements from the 1920s and 1930s., Vaka çalışmasının başlangıç tezi, Türkiye’deki Kürt nüfusun birleşik bir Türk ulusunun yaratılmasının önündeki ana engel olduğuydu. 1920'ler ve 1930'larda incelenen olayların analizi bu tezi doğrulamıştır. Bu amaçla, Kemalist devlet liderliğinin 1923'ten itibaren ortaya attığı Türk ulus devleti fikirleri ve taslakları ile bunlardan Kürt nüfusa karşı türetilen stratejiler ve önlemler sunulmuş ve eleştirel bir şekilde tartışılmıştır. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin 1923'te kuruluşu ile 1937/1938'de Dersim bölgesinde gerçekleştirilen imha operasyonları arasındaki dönemin belirleyici bir şekilde sözde Kürt sorunu tarafından şekillendirildiği ortaya çıkmıştır. 1938'den sonraki gelişmelere bakıldığında da bu sorunun geçerliliğini bugün de koruduğu görülmektedir. Türkiye'deki mevcut resmi tarih yazımının söylemsel tepkileri de 1920'ler ve 1930'lardaki devlet açıklamalarının devamı niteliğindedir.

The initial hypothesis of this case study was that the Kurdish population in Turkey posed the main obstacle to the creation of a unified Turkish nation. An analysis of the events studied in the 1920s and 1930s confirmed this thesis. To this end, the ideas and drafts of a Turkish nation state, which the Kemalist state leadership pushed for from 1923 onwards, as well as the strategies and measures derived from those against the Kurdish population were presented and critically discussed. It became apparent that the phase between the founding of the Republic of Turkey in 1923 and the extermination operations in the Dersim region in 1937/1938 was decisively shaped by the so-called Kurdish question. An outlook on further developments after 1938 also showed that the relevance of this question remains unabated to this day. The discursive reactions of current state historiography in Turkey are also in continuity with official state statements from the 1920s and 1930s., Vaka çalışmasının başlangıç tezi, Türkiye’deki Kürt nüfusun birleşik bir Türk ulusunun yaratılmasının önündeki ana engel olduğuydu. 1920'ler ve 1930'larda incelenen olayların analizi bu tezi doğrulamıştır. Bu amaçla, Kemalist devlet liderliğinin 1923'ten itibaren ortaya attığı Türk ulus devleti fikirleri ve taslakları ile bunlardan Kürt nüfusa karşı türetilen stratejiler ve önlemler sunulmuş ve eleştirel bir şekilde tartışılmıştır. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin 1923'te kuruluşu ile 1937/1938'de Dersim bölgesinde gerçekleştirilen imha operasyonları arasındaki dönemin belirleyici bir şekilde sözde Kürt sorunu tarafından şekillendirildiği ortaya çıkmıştır. 1938'den sonraki gelişmelere bakıldığında da bu sorunun geçerliliğini bugün de koruduğu görülmektedir. Türkiye'deki mevcut resmi tarih yazımının söylemsel tepkileri de 1920'ler ve 1930'lardaki devlet açıklamalarının devamı niteliğindedir.

Die Globalisierung ist zur allgegenwärtigen Gewissheit geworden. Doch wie zutreffend ist das Konzept "Globalisierung", wenn zeitgleich nationale Grenzen gestärkt und transnationale Freihandelszonen ausgeweitet werden, wenn auf unterschiedlichen scales Territorien überwunden und zugleich territoriale Abgrenzungen neu gesetzt werden? Aktuelle Veränderungen als Refiguration von Räumen zu verstehen, ermöglicht die Analyse und Diskussion widersprüchlicher, spannungsreicher und konflikthafter räumlicher Prozesse und ihrer alltäglichen Erfahrung. Die interdisziplinären Beiträge des Bandes präsentieren theoretische und empirische Ergebnisse des Berliner Sonderforschungsbereichs 1265 "Re-Figuration von Räumen"., Globalisation has become an omnipresent certainty. But how accurate is the concept of "globalisation", when at the same time national borders are being enforced and transnational free trade zones are being expanded, when territories are being overcome on different scales and at the same time territorial boundaries are being redefined? Understanding current changes as a reconfiguration of spaces enables the analysis and discussion of contradictory, tension-filled and conflictual spatial processes and their everyday experience. The interdisciplinary contributions of this volume present theoretical and empirical results of the Berlin Collaborative Research Centre 1265 "Re-Figuration of Spaces".

Anstatt zu fragen, was Kultur ist, rückt das Buch die Frage nach der Funktionalität von Kultur in den Mittelpunkt. Die Theorie der Weltgesellschaft (Luhmann) als Ausgangspunkt macht einen Perspektivenwechsel im Umgang mit Fragen der Fremdheit in der globalen Welt notwendig und erweist sich als gewinnbringend für die Bearbeitung pädagogischer Herausforderungen. Neben metatheoretischen Überlegungen wird das Thema der Inter-Kultur im Alltagsdiskurs von Studierenden erforscht. Das Buch zeigt, wie in der Rekonstruktion der Handlungsorientierung der Studierenden ein Umgang mit Weltgesellschaft verortet ist.

Mit dem Begriff der Nation entwirft der Autor einen Entwicklungsschritt für die Europäische Integration, durch den diese in den Herzen und Köpfen der Menschen stabilisiert werden kann. Er zeigt den Nutzen und das Potenzial der Nation als modernes politisches Strukturmerkmal in einer Zeit auf, in der die Probleme einer stetig komplexer werdenden Umwelt die Gesellschaft in Europa immer stärker unter Druck setzen. In den Zeiten einer in der öffentlichen Diskussion beschädigt scheinenden Europäischen Einigung werden so Anregungen für ein Weiterdenken über den Stand der derzeitigen Europäischen Union hinaus geboten., Europe as a nation - the process of European integration beyond the European Union.

Each state authority carries out a cultural policy in the interest of their own security. Its objective is to consolidate the society around individual spiritual values. They include norms and beliefs, historical accounts and works of art. They are intentionally retained and modeled, so that the nation regards them their own. By assumption they are to decide about the nation’s identity, about the feeling of internal bond and identity. The purpose is to create a strong feeling that "we" are different, very often better than the strange and foreign feeling of "them". Any formalities serve internalization of authority, or absorbing it by the dominated individual who starts to be its porter. They execute a self-censorship, refrain from protests, contestation, rebellion, accept the existing order. Further in the article the author describes the problem of the "wronged Germany", who can only forcefully recover their due position in the world. He also relates to the Russian national complexes, the sense of historic mission in the times of Orthodox church and Marxism. In the case of the USA a description is given of a nation chosen by God and the Americans' special mission in the world. The biggest threat for a traditional national state is the mass culture which gradually blurs the individual differences between people around the world, aiming at its uniformity.

In diesem Artikel thematisiere ich die nationalstaatliche Begrenztheit Sozialer Arbeit am Beispiel von EU-finanzierten, nordafrikanischen Auffanglagern für Geflüchtete. Angesichts der aktuellen Diskussionen um die Einbindung nordafrikanischer Staaten in die europäische Migrationskontrolle in Form von exterritorialen Lagern und Heimen für Straßenkinder, mache ich deutlich, welche Folgen diese Politik zum einen für die Geflüchteten, aber auch für die Soziale Arbeit hat. Dabei stelle ich fest, dass die Grenzen für Geflüchtete und Soziale Arbeit aus der Verbindung von Nationalstaat und Bürger- und Menschenrechten resultiert.

The editorial introduces the key ideas of this thematic issue, which originated within the European Research Council project ‘RomaInterbellum. Roma Civic Emancipation between the Two World Wars.’ The period between WWI and WWII in the region of Central, Southeastern and Eastern Europe was an era of worldwide significant changes, which marked the birth of the Roma civic emancipation movement and impacted Roma communities’ living strategies and visions about their future, worldwide. The aspiration of this thematic issue is to present the main dimensions of the processes of Roma civic emancipation and to outline the role of the Roma as active participants in the historical processes occurring in the studied region and as the creators of their own history. The editorial offers clarifications on the terminology and methodology employed in the articles included in this issue and their spatial and chronological parameters while also briefly introducing the individual authored studies of this issue.

This paper takes its point of departure from an observation made by Norbert Elias in his book The Germans. Many (smaller) European states were confronted by Germany in various wars and conflicts and states such as Denmark suffered defeats. Following from this, Elias poses the question as to how the Danish people came to terms with this reality-shock. This paper claims that the unintended consequence of the Danish defeat was the development of a new national habitus with a strong and particular form of nationalism. This nationalism not only tied the nation to the state but went much further by defining the nation as the people and the civil society. It became a deeply sedimented form of nationalism, which provided Denmark with a very strong social cohesion. The central argument concerns this strong Danish habitus linked to this form of nationalism. This paper argues that this habitus has become more problematic during the last 30 years in the era of globalisation. The strong Danish habitus generates resistance towards immigration, acceptance of refugees, the EU, and the internationalisation of education – just to mention some problematic areas. Consequently, Denmark, as a small open economy depending on multilateralism and internationalisation, has difficulties fully embracing globalisation.

The central concerns of this HSR Special Issue – emotion, authority, and national character – are arguably among the most pressing issues facing social researchers in the current geo-political context. By contrast to the global political climate of the early 1990s – when the Eastern bloc was collapsing, when Europe was still in the euphoria of its expansion, and when a largely US-fuelled renewed wave of globalisation had not yet met with substantial nation-state resistance– the past few years have seen a growing number and range of counterreactions that are often characterised as undemocratic or even authoritarian. This article deals with two main topics. First, we like to stress the ongoing importance of the nation-state despite its analytical neglect by many social scientists since the 1990s. The paper discusses the weakness of concepts like “national identity” or of normative notions of “nationalism” that are commonly used in order to understand prevailing national we-feelings in the modern world. Instead the authors suggest focusing on historical long-term processes and on the various relationships between the formation of “survival units” like states and the make-up of the personality structure of its members in different nation-states. It will be argued that Norbert Elias’s concept of “national habitus” may be helpful in approaching these relationships. Thus, this approach will be helpful also for better understanding we-feelings in modern state-societies. Furthermore, methodological and theoretical problems that are related to the concept of “national habitus” will be discussed from the viewpoint of Historical Sociology. Second, this article summarises the arguments of the contributions that are assembled in this Special Issue. By doing so, these articles will be grouped in two different ways. The first type of grouping is related to the common characteristics of arguments found in all of the papers. They cover an area comprising Western, East Central, and So

This paper aims to refer to the long-distance relay road race known as ekiden, which is a Japanese invention in the history of modern sports, from a wider sociological perspective. This unique sport, which has seldom been practiced in countries other than Japan, has been widely enjoyed and supported by a large number of Japanese people regardless of sex as a competitive team sport among high-school, university, and even company teams. By looking back on the developing history of this sport, I would like to shed light on the process of state formation in modern Japan as well as on a close relationship between nationalism and morality, an incentive to form the spirit of the nation, by using Norbert Elias’s figurational theory. As a conclusion, I would also like to refer to the possibility of other nations’ finding an interest in ekiden not only as an international competitive sport but also as a peaceful collective sporting event for the masses in the future. For that purpose, two examples are briefly introduced here; one is the 2018 Adecco Brussels Ekiden and the other the Koko Guam Road Race.

"Die europäische Integration führt zu einer Schwächung des Staates zugunsten des Marktes." - Diese These bestimmt seit einigen Jahren den EU-Diskurs. Aber kann man wirklich von einer Neoliberalisierung durch die EU sprechen? Und wenn ja, war diese Entwicklung gewollt oder war sie der Logik supranationaler Zusammenarbeit geschuldet? Der Band geht diesen Fragen anhand der europäischen Vorgaben für die nationale Ausgabenpolitik nach. Eine Analyse der Geschichte der Integration seit den Römischen Verträgen zeigt, dass es Alternativen zur heutigen Dominanz neoliberaler Politik gegeben hat - und somit auch wieder geben kann.

Ordnung muss sein! So lässt sich das zentrale Strukturprinzip der Moderne zusammenfassen. Heutige soziale, politische, wirtschaftliche und rechtliche Ordnungen erscheinen dagegen immer weniger eindeutig. Ziel dieses Bandes ist es, den Blick transdisziplinär für alternative Konzeptionen von Wirklichkeit zu öffnen. Dabei wird gefragt: Welche Ordnungen institutionalisieren sich jenseits von Demokratie, Nation und Staat? Inwiefern bestehen Ordnungen nebeneinander fort und überlagern sich in Zeit und Raum? Die Beiträge eröffnen eine Debatte, die moderne Paradigmen hinterfragt und die Eindimensionalität und Statik traditioneller sozialwissenschaftlicher Konzepte herausfordert.