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Despite their prolonged history of immigration to the UK, studies on Turkish Cypriots' acculturative processes have been scarce. Utilizing 20 semi-structured interviews with three generations of Turkish Cypriot immigrants living in the UK, this paper explores the acculturation processes of Turkish Cypriots by focusing on their sense of self, ethnic and national identity delineations. How do they identify themselves, and what do their identifications suggest about their acculturation? In an attempt to contribute to the empirical studies on the acculturation and identity of "other white" immigrant groups, we argue that there exists a bi-cultural/multi-cultural self with varying degrees of closeness to the host country, as well as hyphenated (British Cypriot), multi-hyphenated (London Turkish Cypriot) and travelling identities that are constructed through experience, time and place. Although there exist some intergenerational differences, it can be said that Turkish Cypriots have been open to the idea of integration starting from the first generation and, in general, have high acculturation, which was evident from the narratives of how they situate themselves within the ethnic and national identities.

Many values and values that are founded on culture and culture play an essential role in understanding societies and transferring the existence of those societies to future generations. There are national heroes of each culture with valuable points, differences, and similarities from its history or its history to the present day. With these similarities, differences and cultural values, each society carries itself to a different point from other societies. There are various methods in the cultural education of societies, and the success of these methods gives results in proportion to the number of people they can achieve. Television programs and television play an essential role in mass education. The Turkish series sector usually carries traces of national identity and cultural values. Turkish series often reflect Turkey's historical, cultural and social values. Turkish series reflecting local traditions and customs usually offer cultural education to the audience. Traditional clothes, language use, and food culture elements are frequently processed in series. In addition, the transfer of historical events and cultural heritage is frequently included in these series. In these aspects, Turkish series play an important role in increasing the cultural awareness of society and protecting national identity. The Turkish series sector and cultural education, together with the traces of identity and cultural education in terms of the Magnificent Century series descriptive analysis and indicator scientific method, were examined with examples. When scientific methods examine descriptive analysis and indicators, many elements such as historical events, cultural structures, clothes, language use and traditional lifestyles are found. This study will discuss the educational relationship by analyzing the' Magnificent Century' series.

Conversations surrounding decolonial humanistic sociology have been guided by a moral imperative--to advance a radical critique of society for the purpose of reducing inequality. Storytelling has been used by marginalized groups to advance decolonization. Exactly how can instructors use the power of storytelling and maps to facilitate the study of migration among students? We argue that narratives, maps, and museum-like exhibitions can be used to teach human migration in a way that moves beyond the dominant approach of push-pull nation-centered demography. This contribution describes how decolonial humanistic sociology informed the development of the Global Migrations Exhibit Assignment: a hands-on learning experience focused on translating students' learning into action. We outline learning outcomes, review a sample of students' work, and consider the limitations of the assignment. We also consider the hostile responses those who use the assignment may face and discuss the peril this poses to academic freedom and democracy.

This article explores the idea that teachers, even when aiming to implement culturally and personally relevant pedagogies, are subject to passing on colonial agendas and practices that stultify learning in art classrooms. I argue that even in self-governing, majority non-European societies, well-intentioned teachers can unintentionally perpetuate colonial educational agendas that narrow students' learning, as well as the ideas students deduce about art, culture, and their roles in contributing to them. I focus on Jamaican and Anglo-Caribbean art classrooms, where many teachers and students have non-European lineages and a shared national heritage rooted in slavery and colonialism. I conclude the article by raising implications for how art educators there and elsewhere might avoid unconsciously engaging in neocolonial pedagogies, especially when teaching non-White students whose heritages are rooted in colonial oppression.

Sport, in particular football, can provide a useful means through which to explore the related issues of migration and national identity. Sports stars migrate from one country to another often mirroring patterns of more widespread migration from periphery to core. Such movements are influenced by a range of factors. In an increasingly commercialised and globalised sport, the exploration of footballers' roots and the routes they take feeds into a consideration of issues of place identity and belonging. In international sporting competition, competitors don the national colours, sing the anthem and "fly the flag", and in doing so become the embodiment of the wider imagined community. Traditionally those who compete for countries have usually been born and raised there or have lived there for sizeable periods of their lives. In recent years, however, the selection by international sports teams of competitors born in other countries has become increasingly common. The use of these footballing examples provides insights into migration, diaspora, citizenship, globalisation, and the multi-layered and contingent nature of national identity. Sport can offer a useful means of illuminating these various geographic themes and socio-spatial processes, thereby rendering them more accessible and interesting to students.

Many reasons exist for mergers in higher education. One of the most pervasive is the pursuit of resources, often expressed in terms of student numbers which give increased power within an education ecology. However, resource dependency is not the only rationale for merger; and history demonstrates that a multi-campus institution may disband as well as amalgamate. The present study is based on Ulster University, a multi-campus institution in Northern Ireland, United Kingdom. It is itself the product of merger and embodies the political tensions of Unionism and Nationalism that are endemic in the province. There are indeed struggles over resources which make campus competition look like a zero-sum game in which a gain for one side entails a corresponding loss for the other side. The political dimension is based upon historical narratives that are powerful even when they are not always fact-based; it has potential to destabilise the institution. Yet methods exist of managing inter-campus competition in order to create positive transactions capable of satisfying the needs of all concerned even across different jurisdictions within the island of Ireland. Well-implemented, such structures could help to defuse aggression between interest groups, facilitating optimal use of resources and increasing educational opportunity.

This article provides an overview of the politics of education as they affect regions and communities on the periphery of the People's Republic of China. Drawing on the articles in this special issue of Comparative Education, it analyses tensions related to the attempted imposition of Bejing's homogenising and totalising vision of Chineseness across Tibet, Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia, Hong Kong, Taiwan and amongst the mainland's migrant underclass. Also considered here are the politics of comparative educational scholarship, as they relate to a widespread failure to engage critically with the diversity and complexity of Chinese societies. Attributable largely to the West's own 'culture wars', this failure betrays much-touted ethical commitments to social justice and anti-'hegemonic' resistance. It is thus a central purpose of this essay - and special issue - to urge educational scholars to interrogate the politics of oppression and injustice in China and elsewhere 'beyond the Western horizon'.

Like other colonial state structures, the education system in China aims to manufacture regime loyalty and cultural conformity among its 125 million minority nationalities. The Party-state's lessons in 'being Chinese' begin by nullifying traditional languages, cultures and lifestyles, which are deemed primitive and uncouth, and then remould minority students in the image of the Han majority and its perceived superiority. In this article we examine the vast network of boarding schools on the Tibetan plateau, where three out of every four Tibetan children are placed in around-the-clock state care with little access to their home communities: here a rigid and uniform curriculum in Mandarin Chinese promises upward social mobility for those who comply while transforming and homogenising worldviews. We argue these colonial-style boarding schools are slowly and irrevocably erasing aspects of Tibetan culture in ways that fundamentally alter Tibetan identity.

U.S. libraries and classrooms are under siege by private and governmental entities working to simultaneously ban/remove justice-focused literature and inundate these spaces with reactionary/ultra-conservative materials. It is within this educational crisis that we conducted a critical content analysis of the award-winning, best-selling historical fiction series, "Rush Revere: Time Travel Adventures with Exceptional Americans" by Rush Limbaugh. The analysis worked to answer two central research questions: How does the "Rush Revere" series promote white lies about U.S. history? and What curricular violence is enacted through the "Rush Revere" series? Findings illuminate how each book individually centralizes an aspect of white supremacy exceptionalism, capitalism, militarism, patriotism, paternalism - that collectively then creates the infrastructure to indoctrinate young readers into white supremacist ideology.

This article offers a theoretical intervention in new and emergent approaches to analysing China's coercive nation-building policies under Xi Jinping. The author contends that the recent Western framing of CCP policies as genocidal or necropolitical, predicated on notions of settler colonialism and indigeneity, not only strips minority nationalities of their political agency but also prevents them from pursuing anti-colonial self-determination. By delving into the extensive scholarly work within Chinese anthropology, history, and philosophy that contributes to the reconstruction of a retrotopian Chinese nation with non-Han minority groups at its core, this article argues that the ongoing effort to build a revitalised Chinese national community requires more than merely overcoming obstacles related to minority cultures and identities. It entails actively reimagining the role and participation of minorities in 'self-sacrifice' for the Chinese national community, implying their voluntary relinquishment of identities and rights in order to align with the Chinese nation.

This article analyses the implications of recent policy changes for the portrayal of minority nationalities in the latest China's history textbooks published around 2017. We argue that ideological responses to the fierce ethnic clashes of the late 2000s and the leadership transition since 2012 have generated increasingly contradictory official discourses on the relationship between Chinese identity and cultural diversity, which are manifested in the textbooks. On the one hand, policies and textbooks still appear to endorse a multi-"minzu," inclusive understanding of nationhood and Chinese history. On the other hand, an increasing emphasis on nationalist discourses celebrating the Han culture and achievements reinforces assimilationist narratives based on a monolithic and homogenising vision of Chinese nationhood. We argue that such tensions reflect conflicts over contradictory understandings of Chineseness that have intensified since 2008--2009, and that the increasing marginalisation in textbooks of non-Han groups may contribute to further exacerbating problems in the handling of inter-"minzu" relations.

In this study, we discuss the Confucian tradition in today's multicultural China from two perspectives: that of the mandatory school curriculum, which represents 'official knowledge', and that of students from ethnic minority and/or religious backgrounds who are located on the cultural margins in China. The analysis draws on curricular narratives of the Confucian tradition for six major school subjects and semi-structured interviews with a group of university students from non-Han ethnic minority and/or religious backgrounds, whose lived experiences are rarely included in the national curriculum narrative. The analysis suggests that the interpretation of the Confucian tradition is a monopolising and dominant discourse that reinforces the cultural hierarchy between different cultural groups. However, the students appear to regard the Confucian tradition as only one culture and worldview in China, which can benefit from the critical reflexivity of other cultures.

In the face of the rising tension between Hong Kong and mainland China, Hong Kong's Chief Executive Carrie Lam blamed the city's education system for its inability to develop a sense of 'I am Chinese' national identity and vowed to step up 'national education' from preschool. This article explores how 188 young preschool teachers perceived their national identity and viewed the applicability of national education in Hong Kong preschools. Data were collected using both quantitative and qualitative measures. The findings showed that even though the participants strongly resisted their Chinese identity, they agreed that national education could be introduced in preschools if it would be rendered rational and apolitical. Nevertheless, they suspected that the administration's motive behind national education was political indoctrination. They also noted several pedagogical difficulties. Finally, the implications are discussed against the changing socio-political context, serving as lessons for local and international readers.

This paper analyses faculty experiences tackling global knowledge asymmetries by examining the decolonisation of higher education in Africa in the aftermath of the 2015 'Rhodes Must Fall' student uprising. An overview of the literature reveals a rich debate on defining 'decolonisation', starting from a critique of Eurocentrism to propositions of alternate epistemologies. These debates are dominated by the Global North and South Africa and their experiences of curriculum reform. Our focus is on the experiences of political scientists in Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, and Zimbabwe. These countries share the same Anglophone political science traditions but represent different political trajectories that constitute a significant condition for the discipline. The 26 political scientists we interviewed acted toward increasing local content and perspectives in their teaching, as promoted in the official strategies of the universities. They noted that what was happening in lecture halls was most important. The academic decolonisation debate appeared overambitious or even as patronising to them in their own political context. National politics affected the thematic focus of the discipline both as far as research topics and students' employment opportunities were concerned. Although university bureaucracies were slow to respond to proposed curricula changes, new programmes were approved if there was a market-based demand for them. International programs tended to be approved fastest. Political economy of higher education plays a role: dependency on foreign funding, limited national resources to conduct research and produce publications vis-à-vis international competition, and national quality assurance standards appeared to be most critical constraints for decolonising the curriculum.

Recent policy changes to the regulation of international schooling for Chinese nationals in China have seen restrictions on curriculum, admissions and ownership. While there is evidence of the impact of these changes at the institutional level, it is not clear how recent regulation has impacted the actors at the phenomenological level. In order to address this gap, we situate recent regulation within the concept of cosmopolitan nationalism, which highlights the interplay of local and global forces and places lived experience at the forefront of analysis. We also draw on qualitative survey and in-depth interview data with teachers from an international school in China that explored their understandings of international schooling. By analysing the teachers' understandings of international schooling, we were able to gain an insight into the impact of regulation at the level of lived experience. Overall, we found little evidence that regulation had impacted the teachers' beliefs about international schooling, suggesting either the normalisation of regulation or a lag between its implementation and internalisation. Our findings also suggested two main configurations of cosmopolitan nationalism held by the teachers. The first, which we refer to as 'cosmopolitanism with national characteristics', positions international schools as a more diverse and care-free alternative to domestic schooling. The second configuration of cosmopolitan nationalism, which we refer to as 'nationalism with cosmopolitan characteristics', positions the nation as the foundation and cosmopolitan-related aspects as peripheral.

Research on English Medium Instruction (EMI) in Higher Education (HE) has tended to have a technicist orientation, examining for example how it is implemented and the challenges it has encountered. Much less critical attention has been given to the rationales that language policy makers and other stakeholders offer for introducing EMI - the drivers may be reported (e.g. Rose et al., 2020, in China; Galloway & Sahan, 2021, in Vietnam and Thailand) but they are rarely questioned. Here, we focus on these rationales, using data from a research project which monitored the spread of EMI through Indonesian HE. Managers at 24 institutions were surveyed along with 281 lecturers who taught their subject in the medium of English at 41 universities. In the stakeholders' responses, we identified four common sense assumptions (Gramsci, 1971) about English and its role in Indonesia that often underlay their justifications for introducing EMI. We also noted some signs of resistance to EMI which demand further empirical investigation. This case reminds us that public language policy should be based on careful analysis of needs at national and institutional levels.

Projecting itself as the inheritor of China's past greatness, the CCP regime increasingly seeks to boost politico-cultural confidence in education and society and turn students and ordinary people into self-confident Chinese. This article identifies the oscillation of focus from victimhood to confidence in state nationalism and patriotic education and interrogates the politics behind the official push for self-confidence. Through the lens of Foucauldian governmentality and subjectivation, it argues that self-confidence serves as a governing technique for the party-state to subjugate people by individuating and subjectivising a verifiable feeling of certainty about the future, which depends on the CCP, pathologises political grievances, and precludes alternative political imaginaries. To be constructive as well as critical, this article draws upon contemporary political theory to suggest that education for humble citizenship, which centres on contingency, interdependence, and critique of the past and present, is key to citizenship education that strives for desubjugation and autonomy.

Since Uzbekistan gained independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, nationalist discourses have been overtly masculinized, continuing to inform Uzbek males' daily lives. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in Uzbekistan, this article illustrates how Uzbek boys' domestic relations contribute to the way they learn to (re)produce masculinities, foregrounding a high degree of agency and utility. The analysis uncovered three themes central to the (re)production of Uzbek boyhood in Uzbek families as a site of informal learning: (1) being helpful through domestic labour; (2) being social through showing hospitality; and (3) being tarbiyali through practising national culture. Through scrutinizing the intersections of gender, education and nationalism, this article concludes by connecting Uzbek boyhood in the domestic sphere and nationalist campaigns fostering masculine hegemony in Uzbekistan's nation building process. Through domesticity -- a contentious concept in feminist criticism -- this article expands our understanding of the (re)production of boyhood in a conventionally feminized space.

Through a quantitative approach, this study implemented Angelle and DeHart's Teacher Leadership Inventory (TLI) analysis (2011) with the aims of exploring the nature of teacher leadership in International Islamic schools and understanding the variables that affect teacher leadership from teachers' perspectives. A one-way ANOVA was used to determine whether there were any statistically significant differences between the means of two or more independent and unrelated groups, and it was conducted for each variable (i.e., school level, degree level, gender, years of experience, and status for leadership position) and the four factors of the TLI. The findings revealed that gender, leadership position, and nationality affected the teachers' perspectives regarding teacher leadership in Islamic schools. We argue that these differences should be taken into consideration by Islamic school leadership and policy makers when establishing schools and building systems, thereby avoiding assumptions that teacher leadership is embedded within their systems in all countries (Muslim and non-Muslim).

Developing nationalism character among the digital native generation in Indonesia has been one of the national goals, especially to educate the nation's life through formal education. To realise these goals, teachers become the spearhead to grow this character within students. However, most teachers find it difficult to deal with since they have low teacher competencies. This study aims at revealing teachers' challenges and strategies in building the nationalism character among the digital native generation through formal education. This study employed a qualitative approach with the type of library research. The data collection technique was document studies, while the data analysis used content analysis. The study results showed that: (1) Indonesian teachers still have low mastery of the teacher competencies (pedagogic, professional, social, and personal aspects). They also perform monotonous learning methods and rarely use digital-based learning media; and (2) the strategies to build the nationalism character among the digital native generation era are through teacher competencies mastery, effective learning tools, varied learning methods and integration of the digital-based learning media.

This conceptual research analyses the historical development of the German concept of "Bildung" to the Danish "dannelse." The starting point is J.G. Fichte's 1808 "Addresses to the German Nation," in which "Bildung" is analyzed as a key concept. The paper illustrates the influence Fichte had on N.F.S. Grundtvig, the "father of modern Denmark," with important adaptations based on English liberties and Nordic mythology. Grundtvig's "dannelse" is then analyzed based on his 1832 "milestone" work, "Nordic Mythology." The paper finds that "Bildung" and "dannelse" can be considered parallel concepts of similarity in their shared emphasis on the mother-tongue as a "living language," and focus on social cohesion. However, "Bildung" and "dannelse" can also be characterized as concepts of difference, in that: 1) "dannelse" popularized "Bildung," meaning that it was not just for the academic bourgeoisie, but the entire "folk"; 2) freedom of expression is fundamental to "dannelse," in contrast to the stability of will and moral order in "Bildung;" 3) in "dannelse," national unity is expanded to a wider circle of belonging, the whole of humankind; 4) Nordic mythology is a social cohesive in "dannelse," to contrast Fichte's more rational conception of "Bildung." Written by a British author for an English-speaking readership, this research does not feign to be more than a prefatory glance at two rich and complex concepts. However, in shedding light on the historical development of "Bildung" to "dannelse," it aspires to edge readers closer toward a shared conceptual understanding or, more aptly, to better understand misunderstandings.

This article analyses the changes in education legislation and the history curriculum in Spain over recent decades. To this end, the characteristics established for the teaching of history in the last two education laws, passed in 2013 and 2020 -- the first by a conservative government and the second by a progressive one -- are studied and compared. This study is carried out by situating the education debates presented in this research in the social and political context of Spain. The study of these legislative changes allows us to observe the different visions of national identity existing in Spain, which find a prominent area of confrontation in education and the teaching of history. The article also argues that the emergence of the ultra-right has led to a markedly nationalist vision of Spanish history that seeks to recover elements of national unity, and that has become one of the axes defended by conservative options for the teaching of history in Spanish schools. This view contrasts with the approaches advocated in the latest education legislation, which propose a more heterogeneous approach to the subject of identity in Spain.

Local history has its point in providing information to local communities for the exemplary process. However, there are not many studies of local history to be implemented in history learning. Thus, the purpose of this study was to find the values of character education in the material for the struggle of K.H. Ahmad Hanafiah in defending Indonesian independence in the Lampung Residency and its implementation in learning local history. The method used is a qualitative research method with historical studies. This study uses primary and secondary sources and uses interviews as reinforcement. The results of the study are: (1) K.H. Ahmad Hanafiah as a local figure who fought to defend Indonesia's independence in Lampung Residency, (2) The values of character education contained in the material include: religious attitude, hard work, curiosity, love for the homeland, national spirit, and independence, (3) These character values can be implemented in local history learning through the Class XI lesson plans covering the stages of planning, implementation, and evaluation in high school. It is hoped that students can imitate the figure of a K.H. Ahmad Hanafiah, especially for those who live in the Lampung area, and apply it in their lives both now and in the future. History learning has a central role in instilling the values of national character because the scope of the material taught contains heroic, exemplary, patriotism, and nationalism values. [Note: The page range (62-71) shown on the PDF is incorrect. The correct page range is 62-72.]

Global education is a broad field associated with educational traditions rooted in the objective of preparing learners to engage with a complex and interdependent world, and to respond to the needs of the planet. This article explores existing pedagogical approaches to argue for the need, in non-Western contexts, to make greater connections with existing religio-cultural orientations -- specifically, to move beyond pedagogies of reason, that is, rational, linear, logical approaches that undervalue a range of human experiences and are independently insufficient in developing feelings of connection and commitment to issues of social justice in non-Western contexts. Examining an alternative pedagogical model, this article suggests that a framework for global education guided by the Islamic values of "rahma" (compassion and mercy) and "adl" (justice) in contexts such as that of Pakistan can prove valuable in developing commitment and encouraging action for social change.

Purpose: The article explores the roles of war and violent conflicts in citizenship education. Approach: This is a theoretical article, drawing on literature from the interdisciplinary fields of political science, history, citizenship education as well as field studies in different learning arenas, war memorial sites- and museums. Findings: There are divergent roles of war in citizenship education, and the typology of five didactic perspectives illustrates the challenges concerning the types of citizenship it aims at. Narratives of war could produce and contribute to different forms of citizenship or even represent the opposite of the concept. Research limitations: Further empirical research is needed to develop knowledge on how to deal with war and conflict in educational practice, both in schools and other learning arenas. Practical implications: The article contributes to addressing and structuring the challenges and potentials of didactic approaches to war and violent conflict in citizenship education.

In discourse-based teaching of the English language, there are three levels of analysis, text analysis, discourse analysis, and critical discourse analysis. Each level examines the effect of discourse-based teaching on students. This study employed Fairclough's Critical Discourse Analysis model in a qualitative phenomenological method. The study attempted to identify the ideologies that are presented in English language teaching in the Indonesian Islamic higher education in Borneo, to clarify the implementation of discourse-based learning, and to demonstrate the necessity of discourse-based learning for English language learning in Islamic higher education in Borneo. The data was collected from English language lecturers and university students in Borneo's universities through tools like observations, questionnaires, interviews, and documentation. The data was analyzed using the interactive model in three steps: data collection, data condensation, and data display. The study summarizes the operationalization of the discourse-based teaching intervention and its implementation on the sample of the study. The results were gathered in the form of opinions and feedbacks of the participants of the study who were taught through discourse-based teaching strategies and assessment was done through Fairclough's three levels of analysis. The study found out that by making use of the CDA methods, it is much easier to present various types of discourses in English classrooms of the Islamic universities in Borneo, such as the necessity to develop graduates with strong Islamic character, formulate the political agenda and instill spirit of nationalism in students.

National identity is a complex and contested issue, and it is often debated in the fields of social and cultural studies. Museum collections, and the way they are presented and interpreted, are closely linked to national identity. National museums, as symbols of national unity, can manipulate perceptions about dominant ideologies and the individual's place in society. This article aims to deepen our understanding of how national museums negotiate and construct national identity by critically analyzing the theories and concepts of nation, nationalism, and national identity.

The main purpose of this research is to reveal the identity to be constructed with the illustrations in the life science textbooks in terms of identity types. Case study, one of the qualitative research designs, was used in the research. The data sources of the research consist of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd grade life science textbooks taught in Turkey in 2021-2022. The research used 'content analysis' to provide a detailed description based on the purpose of the study. The illustrations in the life science textbook of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd grade are coded separately with regard to the types of identity in the literature. Categories and themes were the result of the combination of the codes. In life science textbooks, only illustrations that could have a connection with identity construction have been analysed. As a result of the research, it has been determined that the illustrations for the collective identity are prominently included in the life science textbooks. In the theme of collective identity, there are illustrations emphasizing national, social and religious identity. For digital identity and universal identity topics, there are a limited number of illustrations.

In this paper, we focus on the situatedness of teacher identity and agency within sociopolitical contexts dominated by neo-nationalist discourses and rely on data from online conversations among preservice and in-service teachers of English in Türkiye and the United States (US). We report on data constructed in a telecollaboration (a.k.a., virtual intercultural exchange) that we, four TESOL teacher educators, designed for teachers to discuss issues of social justice (particularly for minoritized immigrant students) and to have a discursive and experiential space in which to negotiate their language teacher identities (LTI). Gathering 117 teachers from five universities (three in Türkiye, two in the US) and underserved school districts in both contexts, this telecollaboration is our pedagogical, agentive response to dominant neo-nationalist discourses in the two countries. To make quantities of data more manageable, we analyze interactions from one-third of those 117 participants (five of 15 small groups) to address this research question: How do preservice and in-service teachers from Türkiye construct their teacher identities in response to neo-nationalist discourses in their sociopolitical context? In particular, how do they engage in this identity work through asynchronous small-group discussions in a social justice-focused telecollaboration with teachers from the US? Findings indicate that participants from Türkiye discussed teacher agency, conservatism and cultural difference in the society, and discrimination/xenophobia against refugees as important factors that shape their work with minoritized English language learners. They experienced tensions in their identity construction between their desire to advocate for their students and the external forces coming from meso- and macro-level policies that impact their instruction and assessment procedures. We discuss our findings in relation to previous research on language teacher identity and social justice in sociopolitical contexts shaped by neo-nationalist discourses. We also share the implications of our study for pedagogizing identity in teacher education.

Nationalist rhetoric is not new to the US political context of transnational migration (Johnson et al., 2018). However, the election cycle of 2016 amplified nationalist rhetoric and policy in new public spaces, including schools and classrooms. In this article, I analyze neo-nationalist discourse as voiced by the Trump Administration in and adjacent to language classrooms and general education classrooms in a predominantly White, Midwestern school district with growing demographics of students designated as English Language Learners (ELLs). Using intertextual and interdiscursive analysis (Fairclough, 1992) and embodied sociolinguistics (Bucholtz & Hall, 2016), I trace how neo-nationalist discourses entered the classrooms, homes, and, I argue, bodies of newly arrived, racialized, documented, and undocumented immigrant students. I demonstrate how such rhetoric and policy provoked physical manifestations of trauma coupled with resistance, showing how the circulation of neo-nationalist ideas contributed to ideological constructions of immigrant student and family identities along lines of race, immigration status, and language. Based on my findings, I center participants' lived knowledge and goals to argue that these moments demand response in schools and language education classrooms and offer implications for research, policy, and practice.

This article examines English language teaching (ELT) policy, textbooks, and pedagogy in the neo-nationalist era that followed 9/11 in Muslim-majority Bangladesh. Informed by the Douglas Fir Group's transdisciplinary framework of second language learning, the examination substantiates the ideologies of "economization," "de-Islamization" and "awamization," which coalesce into the overarching ideology of "secularization" of ELT as a response to the global war on terror and the rise of neo-nationalism in South Asia. This secular response to forces and developments in global, regional, and local contexts marks the distinctiveness of Bangladeshi ELT compared with other Muslim societies, which have sought to develop students' awareness of religious and cultural values while teaching English. The secularization of ELT can be explained by the rise of Hindutva nationalism in India and the latter's influence on the ruling Bangladesh Awami League government which has been in power for over 14 years. The article attests to the complex, multilayered ELT ideology shaped by local, regional, and global forces and interests, suggesting the formation of a national/social imaginary that seeks alliance with secular Muslims and non-Muslim communities at home and in the region and excludes practicing Muslims in both contexts.

Recent geopolitical events have led to a worldwide resurgence in nationalism which entails political togetherness and invokes the spirit of patriotism. In various contexts, language has been a central point of departure for many nationalist movements. In particular, English is increasingly discussed with regards to its sociopolitical and sociocultural implications for the expanding-circle spaces. This research is a critical qualitative study that examines how neo-nationalist policies are potentially transforming TESOL classes in Morocco. By focusing on TESOL teachers' reactions, we seek to reveal the range of impacts that recent nationalist policies have had on English teaching in Morocco and discuss pedagogical possibilities that can balance internationalist and nationalist desires in the country. In addition, we attempt to investigate how understandings of the nation are actualized in classrooms and how English language teaching practices and policies account for the ideas about the Moroccan nation. The study highlights how English language teachers make sense of debates surrounding English as a threat to national languages and how they can be agentive in realizing change through critical pedagogical interventions with nationalism and the concept of nation.

The plurality of nation in this title foregrounds the challenge of teaching a geopolitical entity whose survival depends on building emotional ties of belonging. These ties can be problematic in diverse societies in which collective identities compete for recognition. In Canada, nationhood tied to language and culture is claimed by French-speaking Quebecers; it is also invoked by many Western-Canadian politicians to express a growing alienation from Eastern Canada's perceived socio-economic dominance. In Canada's constitution, the term First Nations represents the indigenous peoples who are the country's original inhabitants. In this context, teaching the nation(s) is indeed challenging. In response, the authors adopt duoethnography as both research methodology and pedagogy in their content-based English for Academic Purposes (EAP) courses. They first explore their experiences and emotional attachments to nationhood, reflecting on their influences on teaching around language and citizenship. They then provide two EAP assignments as examples: The first is a course assignment in which students critically examine hyphenated national identities through duoethnographic inquiry. The second is called the Get Involved project, which examines service learning and citizenship. Both examples demonstrate the importance of critical affective literacies to expand the pedagogical repertoires of EAP teachers and students in a time of resurgent nationalism.

Previous research on neo-nationalism has largely focused on the political arena, analyzing voters, parties, and policies. The scholarship featured in this special issue moves beyond the analysis of neo-nationalism in contemporary politics to show how the ideology is enacted at the micro level. The stage for these dynamic interactions is educational settings related to the teaching of English. In this article, we comment on this new research that illustrates the variety of ways English language instruction can either advance or combat neo-nationalism. Despite the diversity of roles that English plays across different geographic and national-level contexts, this corpus of work makes evident the importance of language in maintaining national group boundaries. Inspired by this knowledge, we use data from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) to explore how attitudes about speaking the national language are related to neo-nationalist stances cross-nationally. Our findings, which echo the micro-level evidence presented in the special issue, show that national languages are inextricably linked to the maintenance of national group boundaries and associated with neo-nationalist concerns about the erosion of national culture, economy, and political institutions due to perceived foreign threats.

In this paper, we investigate the pressures placed upon English teaching by neo-nationalist politics, particularly as it overlays existing neoliberal constraints. We focus on the experiences and perspectives of Brazilian teachers who are committed to critical language education even as it carries increasing risks to themselves. Interviews with five teachers are used to illustrate the ways in which their work is regulated through a form of power working through fear and threat of violence that has been termed (in)securitization (Rampton et al., 2022). By identifying the metapragmatic strategies adopted by teachers faced with hostile neo-nationalist (in)securitization, including through what we are terming border talk, teachers and other agents in other settings are in a better position to strengthen critical language teaching and, as a consequence, fight for a more democratic future.

With the current situation of the political turmoil in Northern Iraq, Turkey has been a natural destination country for thousands of refugees escaping the war, including the Iraqi Turkmens. Being native speakers of Turkmen-Turkish and Arabic, Iraqi Turkmen refugees go through confrontations about linguistic ideologies with the local Turkish community on a daily basis. Drawing on linguistic ethnographic data of naturally occurring interactions from social gatherings of local Turkish women with their Iraqi Turkmen neighbors, the present paper analyzes the dialogical processes through which these women construct and negotiate their identities and social relations from the lens of a range of linguistic ideologies. The findings suggest that while the Iraqi Turkmen participants' skillful interactional moves allow them to reframe their relationship with the local women, Turkish nationalism blended with Ottoman patriotism and Sunni-Islamic conservativism, which lay the foundation of the women's linguistic beliefs and judgments, complicates the process of their attempt for recognition.

This paper was inspired by empirical encounters with students and teacher-administrators who engaged with an online European education initiative, which raised questions about whether and how their practices were situated as local, transnational, or national(ist) endeavors. The conceptual, theoretical, and methodological resources of social topology and critical border studies guided our inquiry by a focus on bordering practices and how these generate spatiotemporal forms and movements, and evoked a "typical national form" which is characterized as a singular, stable, linear, and flat "topography." An innovative methodology is deployed to scrutinize how practices with this online, European initiative continue, challenge or complement that typical national form. The findings demonstrate how the use of topographical indexes and tropes (re-)materialized characteristics of these typical national forms, while the combination with topological relations introduced multiplicities and "levels" in these forms. Moreover, spherical forms, bouncing movements, and tunneling movements challenged the singularity, stability, linearity, and flatness of the typical national form. Building on these findings, the paper sets forth the argument that this online European education initiative mainly challenges the enactment of nationalism in classrooms by encouraging learning and thinking through "translocalities," which accentuates distances and differences that are being crossed without appealing to the typical imaginary of the "nation" with linear, stable, flat borders.

Kindergartens are institutional arenas for raising the nation through educating children in an every-day setting. With the implementation of the Framework Plan of 2017 (FP), the notion of "Sàmi culture" became part of the mandatory curriculum in all Norwegian kindergartens for the first time. All kindergartens are now expected to ensure that children develop respect for, and solidarity with, the diversity of Sàmi culture. This paper based on policy analysis and interviews in kindergartens investigates how the notion of "Sàmi culture" is part of the national Framework Plan (FP) for kindergartens and how it is understood and implemented in kindergartens. The concept of everyday nationalism sheds light on tensions involved in including indigenous rights and perspectives in a national Framework Plan. Including indigenous rights and cultures as part of a national Framework Plan can widen the content of what it means to belong in a national state as well as sharpen the lines and maintain boundaries. Conceptions of diversity are an integral part of the messiness involved in drawing boundaries and in the making of the everyday nationalism, suggesting that the relationship between diversity and everyday nationalism deserves more interrogation.

Early childhood/educational environmental imaginations transmit national, global and planetary views of the world through texts, visual representations and material objects. These representations produce politics, including nationalism and globalism, and play a part in policy making as well as in how children learn to view and relate to the world. Education, however, needs a new political attractor during anthropogenic climate change that differently orients political engagement with the world for education. In this article, we think with the four political attractors Latour describes: the national, global, planetary and Earth, and Cobb's notion of the child's primary relatedness to the world. We explore children's environmental imagination in their drawings and associated stories to highlight the kinds of politics present in their views promoted by current imaginations. Then, we spin these stories further with speculative experiences our own relation with the world with Latour's ideas and point to a new political object the Earth and Earthly politics for education.

In the past decade, right-wing populist parties have brought back nationalism and religion into European politics. While a growing literature explores the political strategies, style and success of these parties and the challenge they pose to the European project, less attention has been paid to how right-wing populist governing is done at specific policy areas. This paper explores the education policy discourse of the Hungarian right-wing populist government. Drawing on the Discourse-Historical Approach to critical discourse analysis, the analysis concentrates on political speeches performed between 2010 and 2020 to examine the discoursive framings and strategies utilised in relation to three nodal points identified in the speeches: upbringing, teaching Christian values and the nation. While in the political rhetoric, a coherent religious nationalist, neoconservative narrative took form, over time this narrative shifted from a strategic project of crafting a new language to justify paradigmatic legislative and policy change to a language disconnected from policy work and predominantly displaying features of nationalist extremism. In the discussed period, as a combined result of the right-wing government's Christian indentitarian project and the ambition of the Christian churches to increase their power and legitimacy, religion has increasingly permeated the secular spaces of Hungarian education.

Concurrent with the rise in U.S. neo-nationalism is the growing influx of im/migrant children in the nation's schools. This article explores how a group of eight K-3 Brazilian bilingual teachers in a Portuguese-English Two-Way Immersion (TWI) program in the United States interact with neo-nationalist discourses pertaining to the theme of immigration. Drawing on recent theorizing about the intersections of neo-nationalism, language, and bilingual education, this multi-year ethnographic study leverages multiple formal interviews and informal conversations with TWI educators to understand their perspectives and classroom practices. We found that most of the interviewed teachers were keenly aware that their im/migrant students regularly shared complex narratives of immigration in their classrooms, at times during whole-group instruction. However, these educators consistently evaded opportunities to engage in conversations about immigration with their students due to a range of perceived obstacles. The teachers also expressed willingness to eventually include a narrow range of "positive" or "neutral" images of immigration in their curriculum and instruction, which further decoupled issues of immigration from U.S. neo-nationalism. Findings bear implications for language education researchers and practitioners since they indicate how neo-nationalist discourses may shape elementary-school educators' orientations and daily moves within bilingual classrooms designed to better serve racialized bilingual students.

This paper focuses on the relationship between agency and knowledge within the context of rising nationalism and populism. The case is the Czech debate over the reintroduction of civil defence education (CDE). It was abandoned in 1989 but recently, many new and contradictory calls for its return have appeared. We aim to gain an understanding of what the nationalising of education does with actorship in educational governance and how agency is achieved in pushing or criticising nationalist claims in education. The dataset consists of media entries, strategic documents, and interviews. We argue that the populist repertoire intervened significantly in "defining" what is the problem that some groups wanted to solve by a renewal of CDE. This situation stabilised the position of security-military expertise as reasonable knowledge, which concealed the educational nature of the problem and thus denied educational actors a role in agency. The role of the state structures responsible for education was problematised and set the difference of the Czech case in the European context regarding educational governance. We conclude that contemporary nationalists' claims concerning education may be seen as a sign of the changing role of expert knowledge that camouflaged defence education as an educational problem.

This article analyses discussions in the Russian media of the proposal to introduce the Unified State Exam (USE) in English as a mandatory test in the last year of (high) school education 2010s. The decision not to implement the mandatory USE in English was taken in August 2020. In the aftermath of the decision, we investigate the decade-long media debates. Building methodologically on frame analysis, we examine the frames used in the online media to present the pros and cons of English testing, and the qualitative modifications of these frames over time. We argue that media coverage of English as a compulsory test parallelled changes in the politics of nation-building and language policies. First it reflected the idea of Russia as a global economic actor, striving to reap the benefits of a global economy, and framed the acquisition of English as part of the global economic and political community. However, as the state's prerogatives changed, English began to be discussed as a threat to national unity, national security and the mastery of Russian. Moreover, the 'national' became associated, with separation from the rest of the world and its perceived threat.

The purpose of this study is to determine Turkish and refugee middle school students' views on their national belonging. The study employed the qualitative research approach aligned with the purpose; semi-structured interviews were conducted with Turkish and refugee students. Data were analyzed using the content analysis method. Results showed that the most important common features for national belonging of both Turkish and refugee students were the common language they spoke and the place they lived in and the difference of views regarding national belonging were in terms of discrimination. Regarding Turkish society's expectations of them, both groups emphasized universal values such as being hardworking and being a good person, but their perceptions of serving the state differed. As for what Turkish and refugee students should do for this society, Turkish students believed that they should be hardworking and refugee students thought that they should be good people. It can be said that the differences of opinion between Turkish students and refugee students who migrated to Turkey would decrease if both groups came together on the subject of universal values.

This study explores the representation of culture in "My Book of English," a second-generation English-language book for the first-year middle school in Algeria. Based on both content and a linguistic analysis method, our objective was to demonstrate the cultural significance of some representational choices. The notion of ideology was exploited in this study to examine the part that language takes in perpetuating ideas about culture, multiculturality, diversity, nationalism, and identity. According to the findings, cultural and social representations capture both the tendencies of cultural heritage preservation and the promotion of innovation and change. The analysis demonstrates that "My Book of English" acknowledges, to a certain extent, the role that English plays in the processes of internationalization and globalism. However, as a foreign language material, the book exaggeratedly highlights the source culture, making it difficult for the learners to transcend national boundaries.