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Following its Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) from Britain in 1965, the rebel colony of Rhodesia's government could no longer submit recommendations for British honors and awards. The creation, in 1969, of a new set of decorations and medals rectified this issue. This article argues that medals were also part of the Rhodesians' attempt to create a national identity. It also shows that the standard for awards was set extremely high and that aggression, professionalism, and willingness to engage the enemy were the foremost characteristics required to win a Rhodesian medal. At the same time, it contends that the Rhodesians failed to fully exploit the propaganda value of military decorations by the sparing way in which they bestowed them, by shrouding specific awards in secrecy, and by under-awarding them to African personnel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores how watching international sports is related to the identity of overseas Chinese. Starting from the social significance of mediated sports, the article constructs its conceptual framework through the symbolic power of sports, media events, imagined community, networked publics, and characteristics of the diasporic community. Based on this, the study carried out 10 interviews on the Chinese diaspora in the United Kingdom, summarized the mechanisms and ways of linking mediated sports with national unity, and revealed the factors that will probably cause change to this connection. The results show that the symbolic power of sports and the consciousness as Asian are ties of diaspora identity construction and form patriotism in sporting contexts. Meanwhile, the degree of integration into local society and their community preference are influencing the status of collective identity enhancement brought by mediated sports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2004, South Africa was awarded the opportunity to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup. The opportunity to reshape their national identity in the spotlight of the World Cup came at a particularly useful time for South Africa. Despite the country's seemingly miraculous transition from apartheid to democracy—a transition lauded around the world—the country's reputation was soon dragged down by concerns about crime, unemployment, and a rising rate of HIV infections. Although a number of scholars have looked at the long- and short-term effects of South Africa's effort at creating a national identity during the 2010 FIFA World Cup, questions of process remain to be explored. What rhetorical strategies were employed to build this national image? What role did developing social media platforms play in the World Cup campaign? What were the communication tactics that led to a successful World Cup campaign? Using the theory of dialectical vernacular, I argue that South Africa was able to use the stage and emotional setting of the World Cup, in combination with a unique moment in time in branding and social media, to cultivate and deploy user-generated content to create a sense of authenticity that successfully sold a positive image of South Africa to the world. Essentially, South Africa was able to take digital material that was submitted by citizens around the country, and around the world, and use it to build a campaign that was vernacular, transnational, and embodied in nature. This allowed them to manufacture a national identity that effectively (at least in the short term) redirected conversations away from the more complicated issues affecting the country to, instead, showcase South Africa as a successful democratic nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of top-tier agricultural product bases and demonstration zones aims to propel Chinese agriculture into the global market, form international competitiveness, and advance to the high end of the global industrial and value chain. This study contributes to the existing literature by investigating the performance and factors influencing the competitiveness of Chinese agricultural product exports at the provincial level, using a complex network perspective, and offers recommendations for improvement. In this regard, the article uses agricultural product export data from 2015 to 2022 to create export competitiveness networks of Chinese provincial agricultural products. Our analysis revealed four primary observations. Firstly, significant opportunities exist to improve the competitive edge of agricultural product exports across various Chinese provinces. Secondly, with the exception of Guangdong Province, the types of competitively robust agricultural products exported by each province are inconsistent. Thirdly, international sister-city relationships can foster the development of an export competitiveness network of Chinese provincial agricultural products, while geographic distance may hinder this network. These findings are consistent. Lastly, the development of this competition-focused export network is also influenced by province-level and national characteristics, and these influences have unique differences. All provinces should strive to produce distinctive and globally competitive agricultural goods to build their competitive advantage in international trade. They should also implement strategic regional planning to support the global expansion of their agricultural products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the Belarusian state’s historical-political campaign on the “genocide of the Belarusian people.” Analyzing the example of the trial against Volodymyr Katriuk, the paper looks at the authorities’ approach to posthumously prosecuting non-German Nazi perpetrators. The authorities’ strategy is primarily politically motivated: It reflects the state’s need to legitimize its authoritarian rule and create a new basis for national identity after the brutal suppression of peaceful civil protests in the summer of 2020. This paper reveals the profound intersection of law, history, and authoritarian politics in Belarus today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The most important democratic newspaper of the Cisalpine Republic, the Termometro politico della Lombardia, published in March 1798 an anonymous article entitled ‘To the translators from French, a friend of the good Italian language’. It was a particularly critical moment in Milan's political life, as the treaty of alliance imposed by the Paris Directory had caused much discontent in democratic circles. The article certainly arises also from this situation; in fact it condemns the will of the French authorities to impose their language in political, cultural and social life and criticizes those who corrupted the purity of the Italian language by using in their translations a language modelled on French both in terms of vocabulary and syntax. The author gives in particular the example of the translation of Diderot's Religieuse published in Milan in 1797 by the Genoese Gaspare Sauli. The patriots, determined to create a unitary republic in the peninsula, despite their democratic background took sides against French politics, which were not favourable to Italian unity. Their political programme was defeated, but they passed on to the age of the Risorgimento the cult of language as the main foundation of national consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the twenty-first century, the political landscape of the United States has undergone dramatic changes. One of the key manifestations is the rise of evangelical Christian nationalism and its significant internal and external political consequences. While the causes behind the rise of evangelical Christian nationalism in the United States and its resulting political effects are multifaceted, fundamentally, these developments are closely linked to issues that have existed throughout the history of the American nation-building process, such as the ambiguity of national objectives and the conflict of value systems. The root cause lies in the instability and multifaceted nature of the American national characteristics. Since its founding, the U.S. has consistently wavered in its national characteristics, presenting three competing models of the modern American state: the empire of liberty, the liberal civic state, and the Anglo-Saxon Protestant nation. The positioning of these three national characteristics, which are seemingly contradictory yet often coexisting, has, on the one hand, shaped the unique character of the United States, while on the other hand, it has exposed the U.S. to periodic conflicts and crises. It is important to note that the rise of evangelical Christian nationalism in the twenty-first century, coupled with the increasing polarization of American politics, may disrupt the previously existing balance of conflicting yet coexisting national identities. With the continuous decline in the population of the white majority, this balance is likely to break down further, potentially resulting in prolonged internal strife within the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the effect of immigrant population size and openness to diversity (receptivity to racial, ethnic, and religious identities) on immigration policy preferences. We look at the influence of openness to diversity and the intervening effect of immigrant population size across 42 countries in the Global North and South. The results from mixed-effect regression analyses suggest that openness to diversity has a positive relationship with favorable immigration policy preferences. The more salient are individual categories (associated with openness to diversity), the less social categories, eliciting group threat, influence anti-immigrant sentiments. The results also suggest that an interaction between immigrant population size and openness to diversity influences immigration policy preferences. A greater immigrant population size negatively influences attitudes toward immigration for those with lower levels of openness to diversity, whereas it has negligible impacts on attitudes toward immigration for those with higher levels of openness to diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of joking nationalism, which captures how seriousness and silliness as public modalities interact to shape sentiment and understanding of national identity. Combining humor studies concepts with online ethnography and rhetorical analysis, we show how joking nationalism allows for reflexivity regarding national identity ambiguities, in how the Reddit community r/Sweden responded to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the subsequent Swedish NATO-application process. r/Sweden offers space for open-ended, playful, and negotiating rhetoric, aiding communal self-exploration and emphasizing reflexivity, at a time when Swedishness is challenged. While joking might signal detachment, we argue that it reflects engagement with politics and identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African architecture has historically been subjected to variants of appropriation and materialisation with multifarious effects on identity formation. In particular, its forced engagement with colonial powers followed by relatively repressive post-colonial regimes, left legacies of multi-layered elitist and totalitarian inscriptions. This article critically reviews the ways in which Zimbabwean iconic architecture has come about and how it produces identities. It specifically considers ancient, modern and postmodern architecture namely state owned and controlled buildings, museums and monuments, statues and cityscapes. The article argues that the various forms of architectural re-figuration do not necessarily signify collective historic memorialisation, heritage preservation and national identity formation but are part of a hegemonic statecraft. It concludes that power has significantly transformed iconic architecture into memory dispositifs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study tries to investigate the linked relationship between working-class politics and the Hindi film industry in early postcolonial India. During the freedom movement, India experienced significant socio-political upheaval, marked by the rise of the working-class movement advocating for socio-economic rights and political representation. Concurrently, Hindi cinema emerged as a powerful cultural medium, reflecting and shaping the identities, struggles, and aspirations of the people. This study aims to illuminate the multifaceted ways in which Hindi cinema both reflected and contested the politics of the working class by examining Hindi films within their historical context, enriching our understanding of early postcolonial India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postage stamps are key symbols reflecting a nation’s identity and commemorating significant events. This study explores the role of postage stamps as visual reading material reflecting the socio-cultural and political narratives of pre-independence Sri Lanka (1935–1947). Using a mixed-methods approach with 73 stamps, contextual and semiotic analysis decodes how these stamps represent Sri Lanka’s legacy. The findings reveal that these stamps supported British imperial interests, acting as promotional tools and discreet propaganda. This study’s impact is in exploring colonized countries’ history through visual imagery, and contributes to existing scholarly work on national identity formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how notions of fear, survival and war influenced nationalism in Scandinavia in the 19th century. It argues that fear of annihilation and concerns about security led to an obsession with size and capability among several leading politicians and national ideologues, making them embrace unification nationalism as a means of national security and survival. Thus, in offering empirical support for Eric Hobsbawm's theory of a threshold principle nations in the 19th century, the article also lends support to John Hutchinson's emphasis on the significance of warfare in nation‐formation. The present article shows that 19th‐century nationalism in Scandinavia in the nineteenth century had a less benign side than traditional studies suggest, as the quest for security and survival in an anarchic and dangerous world meant that war was reckoned with or even thought of as necessary. Consequently, influential contemporaries advocated other kinds of state‐formation than the current Scandinavian nation‐states, deeming unification as the best way to offer security. Yet, notions of fear, survival and war did not only apply to unification nationalism as the case of Norwegian secession nationalism shows. This suggests that, generally, 19th‐century nationalism in Scandinavia is compatible with the realist school of international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The city of Abéché, the capital of Dar Ouadaï, is considered one of the important historical cities in the State of Chad. It is the capital of the Sultanate of Dar Ouadaï after Wara. This city is distinguished historically, civility, culturally, and distinguished by its scholars, jurists, mosques, palaces of its sultans and archaeological monuments. It was a crossroads of cultures and became a center Religiously, culturally and scientifically, it was located in the middle of the African continent, with scholars coming to it from everywhere. It was an important commercial city and a station on the ancient pilgrimage route. All of these factors contributed to the formation of creative poets who composed poetry for various purposes and different occasions. However, this period did not last long until the French colonizers executed a largest massacre in the history of Chad, in which more than four hundred scholars and writers were martyred in the year 1917. He collected the manuscripts, burned them, and sent some to France. This incident affected the organization of poetry, as the remaining scholars and poets preferred to remain silent and some of them emigrated to other neighboring countries. Immediately after this, the scientific movement began again, but this massacre had major negative effects in Arabic poetry in the city of Abéché in particular, which hosts the largest number of scholars and poets. These reasons made me choose this title tagged with: “The Coupe – Coupe Massacre and its Impact on Arabic Poetry in Chad Abeche (A Model)” which I aimed to: identify the negative impact that Colonialism left behind it, especially in Islamic culture and national identity, know the killing of many scholars and poets and silencing those who remained. The research resulted in: The negative impact is: killing, displacing and migrating scholars. Poetry being neglected and lost, the scientific movement stopping and the weakness of scientific production, especially poetry. These negatives were followed by positive effects, including : those who survived that massacre established circles in the countries to which they immigrated, building a Chadian national movement, and adding serious artistic touches to the literary production. This is what made the researcher recommend: expanding research, study on that painful incident, know the reasons and precise details. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the connections between "The Origins of Totalitarianism" and "The Human Condition" by Hannah Arendt in relation to the nation, the nation-state, and nationalism. Arendt's ideas on these topics are expanded from perspectives inherent to her reflection on the vita activa, reconstructing her critical stance towards capitalism and biopolitics. The relationship between nationalism, the nation-state, and capitalism is highlighted, as well as Arendt's critique of imperialism and totalitarianism, exploring how socialized labor in modern societies influences national identity and xenophobia. [Extracted from the article]

AbstractSince 2023, North Korea and Russia have been rapidly intensifying their amicable relationship. This study investigates North Korea’s current perceptions regarding its diplomacy with Russia. While previous studies have primarily examined the military sector with respect to North Korea–Russia relations, because North Korea’s military policy constitutes a branch of its diplomatic strategy tailored to political objectives, assessing North Korea’s diplomatic policy solely from the perspective of military cooperation can yield only a limited analysis. Therefore, it is necessary to consider North Korea’s long-established diplomatic belief system and its implications on its diplomatic policy. This study seeks to derive the attributes of North Korea’s perception of its diplomacy with Russia by interpreting the ‘internal discursification’ attempted by North Korean authorities. Methodologically, Rodong Sinmun, the mouthpiece of the Workers’ Party of Korea, is utilized as a key medium for internal discursification. Our analysis reveals that North Korea is establishing diplomatic routes to simultaneously pursue its autonomy and interests and is influencing Russia to support North Korea’s pursued national identity and interests. Additionally, this study confirms the intention of North Korean domestic politics to strengthen the authority of Kim Jong Un by constructing an image of an international leader. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National identification consistently predicts attitudes within and between groups. Research indicating that threat perceptions often lead to compliance with ingroup authorities suggests that heightened threat perceptions may contribute to stronger submissive national identification. However, the impact of feeling safe on a more critical (in contrast to submissive) sense of national identification remains largely unexplored. Drawing on social safety theory and attachment theory, the present investigation examined whether individual differences in feeling of safety relate to increased critical and submissive/blind forms of national identification. Studies 1A–1B and 2A–2B utilized nationally representative data from large cross-national surveys, finding that greater perceived safety related to increased pride in, emotional attachment to, and closeness to one's nation. In Studies 3–5, we found that feeling safe in daily life and believing that one is capable of protecting oneself relate to more ingroup attachment and glorification. Notably, the association for feeling of safety and ingroup attachment was larger than that for ingroup glorification. This investigation offers consistent evidence for a positive association between how safe people feel and national identification, highlighting that more research is needed to better understand how feeling of safety could influence intergroup processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study utilizes the "Trinocular Perspective" metaphor analysis framework to delve into the language, cognition, and social functions of metaphors in news coverage of the Beijing Winter Olympics and their interactions, thereby revealing the role of metaphors in shaping and articulating the narratives within Olympic news communication. The research indicated that, at the linguistic level, metaphors enhanced the expressiveness and appeal of news discourse through diverse forms and dense distribution. At the cognitive level, metaphors fostered a deeper public understanding of abstract concepts such as the Olympic spirit, the values of a community with a shared future for mankind, China's national image, and the concept of sustainable development. On the social function level, metaphors will play a pivotal role in building social identity, disseminating values, highlighting social issues, and promoting social change. The language, cognition, and social functions of metaphors were closely interwoven, with linguistic expressions enriching cognitive frameworks, cognitive frameworks guiding the internalization and dissemination of social values, and social functions guiding public cognition through the strategic use of metaphorical language. This study reveals the critical function of metaphors in elevating the narrative richness and dissemination efficacy within the journalism of large-scale international sports competitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The absence of ripeness in Russia’s war against Ukraine begs the question of why both China and Türkiye have intervened diplomatically in the conflict. One possible answer resides in the role of mediation and diplomacy in ameliorating the ‘authoritarian control problem.’ Informed by constructivist insights on the co-constitutive relationship between identities and interests, we advance the hypothesis that Chinese and Turkish involvement in the war in Ukraine is primarily explained by its utility for consolidating national identity and, by extension, securing regime authority over domestic society. We test this hypothesis through use of critical event analysis, examining major installments in the trajectory of Chinese and Turkish diplomacy in the war. Our analysis reveals a correlation between Chinese and Turkish mediation and the self-serving process of national identity consolidation. We conclude with consideration of the implications of this finding for this special issue’s theme of ‘peace through victory.’ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of ‘global Britain’ became a centrepiece of Conservative Party rhetoric in the aftermath of the Brexit referendum. This article examines how this formulation may evolve in the face of renewed conflict over immigration and identity on the British right. It is argued that, in recent years, British conservatism has faced two principal long‐term challenges: first, the challenge of broadening its appeal in an increasingly diverse and multicultural Britain and, second, the challenge of a national populist insurgency emphasising white British (especially English) identity and hostility to immigration and multiculturalism. In this context, it is argued that the term ‘global Britain’ exists in implied opposition to the idea of ‘little England’ and that this binary opposition has shaped the use and reception of the global Britain concept within conservative politics. It is further argued that the usefulness of the global Britain concept relies on its capacity to be a ‘coalition magnet’ linking liberal internationalist ideas to the more nationalist mood of the contemporary British right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 11 August 2022, the Deputy Mayor of Montego Bay, Jamaica, Richard Vernon, made controversial remarks about the Jamaican Diaspora, implying that ‘only cowards run away to go to America because they are seeking out opportunities’. On Jamaica's media landscape, these remarks angered several individuals and morphed into a proxy for a larger debate concerning the diaspora's allegiance to Jamaica. Anchored by Social Representation Theory (SRT), this study investigates the content and meanings within newspaper representations of the Jamaican Diaspora from 2004 to 2023. The findings are based on content analysis of stories (N = 2358) from the Jamaica Gleaner and Jamaica Observer newspapers. The frequency with which these newspapers portray the Jamaican Diaspora offers frames from which people draw their understandings of emigration, the diaspora, and support for the Jamaican government's policies and posture towards the diaspora. These portrayals can reveal potential misrepresentations that may affect how the diaspora's contributions are leveraged for national development. This study finds that the portrayal of the Jamaican Diaspora in media coverage is predominantly positive. It suggests that newspaper portrayals contribute to the construction of narratives surrounding the Jamaican Diaspora. Media representations influence public opinion and identity, positioning the diaspora as a crucial component of Jamaican society. The notion of Jamaicaness has implications for national identity and diaspora engagement. It shapes how Jamaicans at home and abroad perceive their role in the nation's narrative, influencing feelings of belonging and collective responsibility. This study has implications for policymakers aiming to improve diaspora engagement and national cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National park tourism is a critical factor in strengthening national identity. This study explores the construction process of national identity within the context of national parks through tourists' online comments on the Three‐River Source National Park. A semiotic structure—triadic relation—is adopted to explain the signification of national park landscapes. In the first semiotic relationship, the object of the national park landscape refers to a referential symbol. Through abduction, historical associations, object‐related authenticity, and the nationalization of nature are related to each other. In the second relationship, the object in the national park landscape refers to a condensation symbol. Through induction, romantics, existential authenticity, and the naturalization of the nation are related. Finally, we identified two types of landscapes that could interfere with tourists' interpretations: disqualified landscapes and repeated stimuli. These two landscapes were created as noise. We then discuss the theoretical and practical implications of these findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has noticed the heterogeneity within overseas Chinese communities. Yet, not much research has examined the internal dynamics and identity conflicts within Chinese voluntary associations (CVAs) from a transnational perspective. This article focuses on CVAs formed by two Chinese groups – Taiwanese and Hong Kongers in Australia, and argues that homeland identity politics influences association participation and the day-to-day lives of migrants residing overseas. Based on participant observations and in-depth interviews, I illuminate the intersection of pragmatic needs and national identity – a situation where Taiwanese and Hong Konger voluntary associations infuse with mainland Chinese ones sometimes, while other times they maintain identity boundaries and reject a broader Chinese identity shared with migrants from mainland China. This article highlights the space–time-culture nexus of participation in overseas CVAs and identity change or continuity, which manifests in different roles these CVAs played in sustaining ethnic connection, solidarity, and distinction among Chinese migrants in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study aims to examine the influence of socio-economic status (SES) on the national identity of youth aged 18-30 in District 1 of Shiraz, Iran. Methods and Materials: A descriptive-correlational research design was employed, with a sample of 384 youth selected through multi-stage cluster sampling. Data were collected using a structured questionnaire that assessed SES and national identity. The questionnaire was self-administered, and the data were analyzed using SPSS and SMART PLS software. Descriptive statistics, factor loadings, and structural equation modeling (SEM) were used to explore the relationships between variables. Findings: The results indicate that SES significantly influences national identity among youth in Shiraz. Higher levels of education, income, and occupational status were associated with stronger national identity. Additionally, mental wellbeing, linked to SES, was found to play a critical role in the development of national identity. The study also found that cultural capital, tied to family affluence, significantly contributes to national identity, with youth from higher SES backgrounds exhibiting a stronger sense of national belonging. Conclusion: The findings suggest that socio-economic status is a critical determinant of national identity among youth. Educational attainment, income, and occupational status, along with mental well-being and cultural capital, are key factors that influence how youth perceive and engage with their national identity. The study highlights the need for targeted interventions to address socio-economic disparities and promote a strong, inclusive national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Ariella Aïsha Azoulay's book "La résistance des bijoux: Contre les géographies coloniales," focusing on themes of artisanal work, autobiography, settler colonialism, genocide, mourning, and the concept of Muslim Jew. Azoulay explores the impact of French colonialism on the Jewish Muslim world, challenges national narratives, and emphasizes the importance of reclaiming lost histories and languages. The author delves into the intergenerational trauma caused by colonial violence and the need to resist imperial narratives. The article provides a critical analysis of Azoulay's work, highlighting the complexities of identity, belonging, and resistance in the face of historical and ongoing injustices. [Extracted from the article]

The paper deals with “national revival” in late Soviet Armenia, seen through the lens of football, focusing on the success story of fc Yerevan Ararat in the Soviet football league. This research is based on two academic currents, one dealing with “the nationalities question” in the ussr, and, the other focusing on the relationship between nationalism and sport, particularly football. Supporting Ararat in the late Soviet decades became an experience that provided an expression for Armenian national identity that was going through a revival in the 1960–1970s. Ararat became the centre of consolidation of Armenian national sentiment in late Soviet years. The promotion of the club was part of a larger policy of the Republic’s government, which sought to strengthen the football club as a locus of loyalty and consolidation of the Armenian public. It was both a safety valve for channelling nationalist sentiment, and an instrument for strengthening Armenia’s distinct national identity. Thus, the story of Ararat-73 offers insight into the peculiar relationship between local nationalism and Soviet government policies. On the one hand, the Soviet government allowed and even in certain ways encouraged the national “revivals”. At same time, the government policies sought to contain and manage rising nationalisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unity of a nation is founded on an ‘us/them’ opposition that creates a ‘constitutive outsider’ within or outside the nation state. The formation of national identities is therefore an outcome of internal conflicts. Using Derrida’s deconstructionist approach, this article extends the language of difference beyond the human friend/enemy frontier in forming national imaginations to include the creation of a constitutive outsider through agitations against commercial brands. It is argued that the ‘Other’ in national identity can be commercial actors, especially when the homeland’s internal outsider emanates from anti-brand narratives against established local brands. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is used to illustrate how the anti-brand flare-ups in a spontaneous call for product boycott and buycott in a Kenyan Facebook group covertly united the nation through the use of the exclusive and inclusive ‘we’ of consumer nationalism. The exclusive ‘we’ in Facebook comments brought together the reader and the writer, with the outsider being the boycotted brand, while with the inclusive ‘we’ of reader, writer, and good brand, nationhood was seen in comments campaigning for Kenyans to ‘buycott’ the brand. It is proposed that anti-brand activism be considered ‘resistance’ that creates a constitutive outsider − the enemy around whom the nation is reproduced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Children in the United States (N = 488, 4–11 years, 239 females, 248 males, one other, 53% White; data collected 2021–2022) participated in three studies investigating their expectations about immigrants. Participants recognized that immigration impacts characters' national identity and behaviors. Although previous research reported that children may essentialize nationality, participants instead reasoned flexibly about immigrant characters. Children expected immigrant characters to share behaviors and preferences with people from both their heritage and host countries, suggesting they may think immigrants hold dual national identities. Even the youngest children tested (ages 4–6) reasoned flexibly about behaviors based on immigration status. Thus, children appear to view national identity as constructed through social and cultural experiences, rather than something innate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do Korean women, who live in one of the most technologically and economically dynamic countries in the world, lag so far behind men in most important aspects of social life? Conventional answers to this question believe that more government intervention is needed, but Korea has followed state feminist policies since democratisation with limited success. This article draws on insights from the field of feminist political economy and the theory of performativity to propose a revised model of state–society interaction that better explains this puzzle. Historically, the South Korean state has oscillated between creating gender inequality for its economic and political nation-building projects, and then seeking to reduce it for the purposes of social reproduction. However, this reverse movement is ‘sticky’ because many non-state actors’ performances of gender inequality are resistant to state feminism, and others are closely associated with national identity. We conduct a plausibility probe of our model by applying it to three key performances of gender in Korea: traditional culture, conscription, and sex work. Our findings suggest the need for more bottom-up activism and campaigns against actors within and beyond the state who continue to resist gender equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intercultural communication is a human encounter that is managed according to cultural systems, such as national identities. Although cultural systems permeate across time and space through all facets of life, intercultural communication research has a narrow empirical focus. That is, the work done by intercultural communication researchers is defined by its focus on interculturality. This interest in understanding interculturality is commensurate with world Englishes scholarship; that is, the latter field of study is committed to understanding the social and cultural dimensions of English. As the contributors of this special issue demonstrate, which includes an editorial introduction, a research bibliography, and 11 contributions from a diverse group of scholars looking at a range of contexts, such as Bahrain, South Africa, China, Turkey, and the Netherlands, the relationship between intercultural communication and world Englishes is helpful in understanding numerous empirical issues that are situated at the boundaries of language, communication, and society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the interrelation between the construction of ethnonational nomenclatures in population censuses and identity politics in the construction and representation of the ‘nation’ through the lens of ‘statistical objectivity’. Population census in the context of national identification and nation-building can be seen as a discursive practice. Through its performative effect, it objectifies the ethnonational nomenclature of the census and differentiating the social body into different identity categories through the effect of numbers, producing seemingly homogeneous ethnicised collectives in the public space. The politicization of the population census process is investigated by analysing the ambivalences in the individual-collective relations during the objectification of subjective categories of belonging, as well as by analysing the conceptualization and operationalization of these categories. The categories used in censuses and the methods employed in population censuses conducted after Croatia’s independence in 2001, 2011, and 2021 are analysed and compared. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the construction of national identity within Vietnam's neoliberal education framework, specifically how femininity is portrayed in Vietnamese textbooks via the classic poem ‘Truyện Kiều’. Drawing on Feminist Critical Discourse Analysis (FCDA) and an intersectional perspective, it scrutinises the discursive representation of womanhood in the original text Truyện Kiều versus its depiction in the Ministry of Education and Training (MOET)’s national textbooks. The article situates its analysis within the historical context of Vietnamese nationalism, tracing gender and sexuality relations from pre-colonial bilateral kinship systems through Confucian patriarchal norms to twentieth-century feminist and anti-imperialist movements. It also explores the influence of neoliberal reforms, notably the 1986 Đổi Mới policy, on national identity construction and femininity portrayal in educational materials. Through this critical examination, the article unveils how neoliberal ideologies and nationalist narratives intersect, reconfiguring perceptions of gender and national identity in Vietnamese education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This study examines the widespread impact of Turkishness, a concept ingrained since the establishment of the Republic, on political and daily interactions, and how it cultivates persistent discrimination against Syrian refugees. This study conceptualizes Turkishness not as an ideology but as a construct influenced by national identity and historical developments. The study employs a qualitative methodology, including comprehensive interviews. The study involved 20 Syrian refugees and 21 local residents from various socioeconomic areas of Ankara. The results, derived from a restricted qualitative sample, provide insights into the influence of historical narratives and ethnic symbols on identity formation among Syrian refugees and local inhabitants. The study shows that nationalism and political ideologies have a significant impact on these encounters and class and demographic disparities exacerbate these dynamics. The interviews demonstrate that historical legacies, societal biases and experiences of exclusion significantly influence the identities of both refugees and the local population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are many negative narratives and myths about the Ottoman Empire among Balkan societies. Anti-Ottoman narratives and myths were constructed with the aim of creating a national identity and were intentionally placed in the collective memory of the Balkan nations. The study examines narratives and myths related to the Ottoman-Turkish image in the national memory of Croatia, as a Balkan country. The Ottoman Empire did not rule over all of Croatian territory, but rather took control of certain areas in the eastern part of Croatia and the Dalmatian coast for a relatively short period of time. Despite this, the Ottoman-Turkish image occupies an important place in Croatian national memory, especially in traditional celebrations, folk literature, and religious rituals. In this context, two events that have been traditionally celebrated in Croatia for centuries were examined. These two events are celebrated in the cities of Đurđevac and Sinj. The common feature of the events is that they have transformed the struggle against the Ottoman Empire into a narrative and myth based on imaginary elements. In nation-building, narratives and myths play an important role in developing a common identity and sense of belonging. Narratives and myths bring society together in creating the origins, history, cultural values and heroes of a nation, and also provide political and cultural legitimacy in the establishment of the nation. Also narratives and myths glorify, idealize and often distort historical realities, creating a common consciousness. In the study, it was tried to explain how narratives and myths were constructed in the process of creating the Croatian nation through two events celebrated in the cities of Đurđevac and Sinj. The study was designed within the framework of a qualitative approach and for data collection process “case study” design was followed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The architecture of Jerusalem has for centuries been defined by its being a space sacred to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. The end of World War I marked the beginning of British Mandatory rule, which lasted until 1948. During this period, Jerusalem witnessed a proliferation of architectural projects that repositioned religion within modern typologies representing the city's communities. This research investigates four such buildings: the British Rockefeller Museum, the Palestinian Palace Hotel, the American YMCA Building, which functioned as a community center and hostel, and the new Zionist Executive Building. The integration of religious elements into these edifices is examined using the concept of inter-religious engagement and by applying the theory of purification and hybridization. The research demonstrates that British and American Christians, Zionist Jews, and Muslim Palestinians, used different strategies to produce inter-religious engagement—either intentionally or because of British-dictated political constructs. British and American Christians embedded religious elements within modern typologies to reflect peaceful co-existence, while Zionist Jews and Muslim Palestinians used them to construct national identity. Although conceived as "purely" secular, these modern typologies were hybridized by the integration of religious spaces or emblems, revealing further dimensions to our understanding and assessment of 20th-century urban secular architecture and its intersection with religions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we explore the racialized construction of migrants by the Carabineros, the Chilean national police. Based on a qualitative case study, we show that the representations of Latin American and Caribbean migrants by members of this institution are racialized and mostly framed on ideas of a historically constructed superiority. Drawing on interviews with police personnel from different units in Santiago, Chile, we show how the historical state racist policies on migration and systemic institutional racism are embedded in the Carabineros' discourse, who represent the state and law in their everyday interactions with migrants. Historically, this institution continues to be a strongly hierarchical and militarized police force, whose mission has been to defend territorial integrity and the moral, socio-historical, and cultural national identity, as well as to uphold the most important values of the so-called Chilenidad. We argue that the Chilean police frame their racialized representations of Latin American and Caribbean migrants within systemic institutional racism and socio-historical tropes, particularly from racialized, class, and moral perspectives that reproduce anti-immigrant sentiments and illustrate the ways in which migrants have been historically criminalized and treated in everyday life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Panama, "Generation Y" was identified at the beginning of this millennium, which was two decades after the first reports of such a generation. However, the overall evolution caused by globalization and digital development generated changes at the collective level in society, as is to be expected. This article aims to provide a look at how Panamanians identified as Generation Y or Millennials express their national identity, values, and sense of belonging. This article presents a descriptive approach performed on the responses to a national survey of a sample of 384 people considered Millennials for the project "Panama's millennials: sense of belonging and national identity in a globalized society". The main findings show that this generation is very much in favor of equal rights between men, women, immigrants, and disabled persons; they advocate pro-social issues but show differences regarding the protection of the future. The majority of them disagree with civil society organizations, do not identify with the health system, nor do they recognize quality in the education system or state-sponsored employment-generating activities. They also highlighted imbalances in the implementation of justice and the distribution of the country's wealth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National and global identities are critical in many prosocial behaviors, such as proenvironmental behaviors. Therefore, we need reliable measurement tools to determine the level of identification with both identities. This study was conducted as two separate studies to examine the validity and reliability of the National Identity Scale and the Global Identity Scales in Turkish. In the first study, the construct validity of both scales was examined with Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) (N=387). In addition, the criterion-related validity of the two scales was tested using the National Identity Scale and the Global Citizenship Scale. The reliability of the scales was assessed using Cronbach's alpha internal consistency coefficients. The findings show that the scales meet sufficient psychometric properties for a Turkish sample. The second study considered national and global identities as predictors of pro-environmental behavior (N=351). In addition, the participants' individual identity identification scores were measured. Thus, we aimed to compare the predictive power of individual, national, and global identities on pro-environmental behavior. According to the analysis results, individual, national, and global identities are positively related to environmentally friendly behavior. According to the results of the regression analysis, individual and global identity, but not national identity, positively predict environmentally friendly behavior. The findings are discussed within social identity and environmentally friendly behavior literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world is undergoing a great change that has not been seen in a 100 years, and the international situation and international pattern are changing profoundly. In order to promote China's "going out" and explore China–Latin America relationship to build a better national image, this paper, based on the 2001–2023 Latin American Barometer, 2001–2023 Pew Global Attitudes Survey, China Knowledge Network database and 2001–2023 Chinese government website's reports on Latin America, government website's reports on Latin America and Africa, tries to discuss Latin American people's perceptions of China's national image. This study mainly used Octopus, SPSS and other tools to crawl and analyze the data. The study found that there is a correlation between China's national image and its national image. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do people of different socioeconomic status (SES) differ in how they see themselves on the Big Two self-concept dimensions of agency and communion? Existent research relevant to this theoretically and socially important question has generally been indirect: It has relied on distant proxies for agentic and communal self-concepts, narrow operationalizations of SES, comparatively small samples, and data from few nations/world regions. By contrast, the present research directly examines the associations between SES and agentic and communal self-concepts, relies on well-validated measures of agency and communion, examines three complementary measures of SES, and uses data from 6 million people (years of age: M = 26.12, SD = 11.50) across 133 nations. Overall, people of higher status saw themselves as somewhat more agentic and as slightly less (or negligibly less) communal. Crucially, those associations varied considerably across nations. We sought to explain that variation with 11 national characteristics and found only three of them to be robustly relevant: National religiosity and pathogen load curbed status differences in agentic self-concepts, and income inequality amplified status differences in communal self-concepts. Our discussion develops theory to explain the importance of national religiosity, pathogen load, and income inequality for socioeconomic status differences in agentic and communal self-concepts and it also describes the substantial societal implications of those differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews three ethnographies that explore truth, doubt, and expertise in Latin America, focusing on the future of facts in the region. The books analyzed delve into topics such as economic collapse in Argentina, climate change adaptation in Guyana, and climate prediction in Brazil. The review highlights how sense-making practices around facts and futures shape perceptions of economic stability, environmental justice, and national identity in Latin America, challenging traditional notions of fact-making as linear or objective truth. The authors emphasize the importance of understanding how facts are produced, contested, and discussed in different contexts, shedding light on the complex relationships between facts, futures, and Latin America. [Extracted from the article]

This paper is an engagement with the problem of national identification and attempts to explain why it is so persistent. Beginning with Freud's formulations around identification with respect to the mass mind and the moving to Lacan, the paper attempts to address questions around the perseverance of national identity. From both a Freudian and Lacanian understanding, identification is an ambivalent process that lasts through a subject's life. It is the desire for recognition from the Other (in this case the nation) all the while circling around the subject's own experience of lack. Bolstering this lack is the enjoyment that the Other promises the subject. Using the concepts of the ego-ideal and the ideal ego along with the partial encounters with jouissance, the paper attempts to chart the ways in which identification is encouraged within the Indian nation state and how the contradictory process within it makes national identity difficult to question. The paper takes as its case the renaming of cities and streets in India, under the aegis of the current Indian government. I argue the new names, and the justifications offered for the change, signify the changes occurring in the symbolic order of the nation. These changes offer a "new" iteration of the nation state, where older desires around nation building proliferate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In explaining national identity as an indicator of subjective belonging to the nation-state, researchers have examined factors such as occupational structure, economic discrimination, competition, and political recognition. However, the influence of cultural factors has often been neglected. By investigating the moderating effect of Shia and Sunni rituals on national identification, I find that the nature of rituals significantly influences the strength of national identity among subordinate ethnic groups. In Shia culture, the solidarity generated through ritual practices extends into national identity, fostering the formation of a confessional supra-identity. In contrast, rituals centered on personal piety in Sunni Islam do not produce the same effect. I propose a theory of interethnic solidarity based on ritual processes. A qualitative analysis of the cases of Turkey and Iran shows that in Turkey, the absence of cross-ethnic ties forged through less intense rituals leads to weaker national identity among Sunni Kurds and higher perceived ethnic discrimination. In Iran, however, the frequent practice of interactive rituals that transcend ethnic boundaries strengthens national identity among Shia ethnic minorities and reduces perceived ethnic discrimination. This research underscores how communal, intensive rituals play a key role in explaining variations in national identification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the difficulties related to the implementation of the ocean education policy in Taiwan, based on interviews. Viewing nationalism as an ethnic ideology, a primary objective of the Taiwan Independence Movement (TIM) is to establish an ethnic boundary between Taiwan's residents and the Chinese people on the mainland. One way in which the TIM is seeking to erect this boundary is to assert that Taiwan is a marine nation‐state, contrasting it with China as a continental state. Initially aimed at fostering marine consciousness and culture, Taiwan's ocean education policy later shifted toward improving ocean literacy. The government, which is aligned with the TIM, accepted this shift because its educational goals and approach can serve as a propaganda tool for demonstrating Taiwan's distinctiveness from China. In contrast, frontline educators must adapt ocean education's content to suit the local marine customs, and geographical and economic conditions, and so meet the educational requirements. A strict adherence to the national identification objectives within ocean education raises problems regarding policy implementation. By denying the existence of marine culture in Taiwan, Taiwan's ocean education policy has been assigned a utopian mission that is too radical to be achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay reviews three outstanding books that reconceptualize the interplay of national and political identity with democracy and peace in East Asia. Aram Hur's Narratives of Civic Duty and Eunbin Chung's Pride, Not Prejudice challenge the notion that a strong national identity undermines democratic participation and international cooperation, using East Asian states' complex history as a backdrop. Using survey experiments, Hur examines how nationalism can facilitate civic engagement, while Chung shows it fosters international trust. Yoonkyung Lee's Between the Streets and the Assembly expands the dialogue by showing the diverse motivations for civic participation in South Korean democracy. Collectively, these works prompt a reevaluation of the role of national identity in shaping political behaviour and civic participation, and call for further scholarly inquiry and investigation into its role within East Asian states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Turkey, for at least three decades, a plurality of actors has been producing counter narratives of the Armenian Genocide. These have challenged the official discourse, revealing the old taboo that underpinned the national republican identity and reconceiving it as a contested history that interrogates the country's democratic status. Here, it is argued that this recent history of counter narratives has constituted a trauma process aimed at transforming public memory and national identity. In particular, various commemoration ceremonies were held in Istanbul between 2005 and 2023, with counter ceremonies and a revised official narrative expressed through ceremony that was developed in response. Given that these commemorations occupy a marginal space in the literature on the Armenian question and the Genocide, the first aim of this article is to reconstruct them through the perspective of cultural performance. Then, it is argued that the commemorations not only have an opaque status in the cultural trauma literature but also contribute to the trauma process through their creation of specific trauma narratives of the Genocide. Finally, the paper uses the example of commemorative performances in Istanbul to contribute to the debate on the reasons for the success or failure of a trauma process. Methodologically, an analysis of journal archives and materials produced by carrier groups is extended by ten in‐depth interviews and notes taken during participant observation in Istanbul between 2010 and 2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws upon new data from a recent Economic and Social Research Council funded project, Beyond Unionism and Nationalism, to examine whether electors in Northern Ireland identifying as neither nationalist/republican nor unionist/loyalist, the 'neithers', desire a referendum on Northern Ireland's constitutional status (often labelled a border poll) on whether it should remain part of the UK or form part of a United Ireland and which of those two options they prefer. With surveys of public opinion and election results suggesting there are now three minorities in the region, unionists, nationalists and 'neithers', the views of the lattermost category may be vital in determining the arrival and outcome of a referendum. Utilising the largest n (2,045) set of face-to-face interviews with 'neithers' yet undertaken, the article suggests that their low levels of electoral activity extend to a current lack of enthusiasm for both an exercise in self-determination and a United Ireland. The piece also indicates, however, that national identification and religious affiliation are significant attitudinal indicators even among a group of electors located beyond the traditional bloc divide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During his royal progress in the summer of 1620, King James I stopped in Wiltshire. In his party were the architect Inigo Jones and a royal physician, William Harvey. The king sent Jones and Harvey to Stonehenge, which was nearby, to make drawings and measurements of the mysterious monument. In addition, Harvey was to perform excavations. This visit, described by Jones in his posthumous book The Most Notable Antiquity of Great Britain, vulgarly called Stone-Heng on Salisbury Plain, Restored (1655), raises many questions, particularly about Harvey's role in this expedition. The answers to these questions involve Harvey's underexamined role as a courtier, the place of antiquarianism in the establishment of royal legitimacy and national identity, and debates in early modern Europe surrounding fossil bones and ancient monuments. There is a good chance that Harvey was looking for the fossil bones of giant ancestors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues for an approach to the formation of whiteness that includes an explicit focus on urban neighbourhood spaces. Extending literature that mainly focuses on whiteness at the national scale, I propose an understanding of the construction of white identities as a co-constitutive process between space and race. My analysis is based on ethnographic research in a diverse neighbourhood in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, that included observations as well as narrative and go-along interviews with people racialised as white and of colour. By identifying four socio-spatial practices, I show how the construction of white identities is a socio-spatial process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]