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Why did America's twenty-year war in Afghanistan fail to establish a self-sustaining non-Taliban government? Analysts have cited cultural obstacles in Afghanistan, bureaucratic inertia in Washington, and a lack of strategic commitment, in part because Iraq dominated national security policy. Such claims tend to draw evidence from Germany, Japan, and Iraq, places where the U.S. military achieved some measure of success establishing pro-American governments. The present article broadens the comparison to consider Afghanistan alongside Germany, Japan, Iraq, and two examples of post-Cold War regime-change success: Panama (1989–1990) and Haiti (1994–1995). The cases indicate that U.S. influence in the postwar environment has depended on the prospects for integrating old regime elites into the new government and on the strength of indigenous opposition forces. Both variables were unfavorable in Afghanistan, and they shaped the boundaries of political order—no matter how hard U.S. forces fought or how long they stayed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perhaps no topic could be more crucial to the concept of "post-communism" than how the Soviet past is commemorated, challenged, or forgotten. The study of historical memory is often correctly tied to identity politics and nation-building. While the usable past framework is broadly applicable to all modern states, in the Russian case a degree of alarmism and negativity surrounds interpretations of how the country has managed its communist past, particularly its violent parts. A significant element to this is a teleological view of progress and the salience of the transition paradigm. In memory studies, this is manifested in the dominance of the cosmopolitan memory mode as the correct way the violent past should be commemorated. The introduction reviews the existing literature on Russia's memory politics and highlights three limitations: (1) overemphasis on the political center and the failure to capture the diversity of regions, (2) too much focus on the supply side of memory politics, and (3) one-sided presentations of the role the Great Patriotic War plays in Russian memory politics. The introduction reviews how the special issue contributions address these limitations in the literature and shows how, taken together, they offer ideas for new research on memory studies. A case is made for how this new research agenda can better understand memory processes and how they relate to broader ideological, cultural, social, and political change in Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do substate actors engage in foreign affairs even if endowed with limited formal powers? How are these activities institutionalised and legitimised? This article addresses these questions by examining a critical case: the rise of Scotland's international development cooperation. The spotlight is put on the domestic sources of foreign policy formation. Our core argument is that the politics of nation-building underpins both the ambition and the increased distinctiveness of the Scottish approach to development. This nation-building effort is mainly reflected in the emergence of an assertive narrative: 'Scotland as a good global citizen'. Another core insight is the strong articulation between domestic and international representations. The external projections of the Scottish Government mirror the domestic agenda. Our article places the striking Scottish case in analytical and comparative perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article evaluates the configuration of musical practices in Mozambique's capital city, Maputo, during the 'socialist single-party period' (1975–1994), focusing on changes in dancing venues and entertainment shows organized by companies like Produções 1001, Delta Produções, and the state-owned Empresa Moçambicana de Entretenimento (EME), which aimed to centralize all aspects related to música ligeira (literally 'light music') in the country. Through fieldwork interviews with politicians, producers, musicians, and archival research, this article elucidates the significance of musical activity and the entertainment industry in shaping the 'sonorous construction' of the 'new Mozambican man', as envisioned by FRELIMO. It explores numerous topics, including the initial prohibition of many venues in the early years of independence and the subsequent informal reversal of such decisions by 1994. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article advocates adoption of the principle of multilingual citizenship to overcome unjust hierarchical relations between language groups in the context of hegemonic nation-states. It first outlines a heuristic model contrasting language-as-an-option and language-as-a-ligature to reconstruct the logic of cultural integration in the (monolingual) nation-state. Second, it shows how the implementation of this model in practice has become inextricably intertwined with structures of nationalist domination. Third, it fleshes out the concept of complex linguistic diversity to substantiate the claim that the relationship between citizenship, linguistic diversity and multilingualism must be radically redefined to transcend the monist bias built into the model of the hegemonic nation-state. Fourth, this approach is applied to the context of contemporary Catalonia, which offers a laboratory-like environment for studying the challenges of complex diversity and assessing the potential of auto-centred multilingualism for underpinning the formation of communities made up of and for equal and diverse citizens.

Despite Turkey’s changing political regimes, sports have remained under state governance since 1938. This article analyzes the ideologies, influences, and politics that have shaped this state monopoly over the sports system across three phases from the 1920s to the 1990s: establishment, stabilization, and instrumentalization. The establishment phase aimed to align sports with nation-building ideals, incorporating nationalist ideology and paramilitarism. The stabilization phase embraced a statist approach influenced by socio-economic conditions and Soviet influence. The instrumentalization phase, beginning with the Özal years, utilized sports for political discourse and socio-economic purposes, retaining the state-run system even during the era of neoliberalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines the transformative commitment to modernization and nation-building in Turkish Republic, focusing on the pivotal role played by spaces of knowledge. The study begins with a theoretical analysis of the complex relationship between political power, knowledge and space. The concrete analysis starts with the examination of People’s Houses, envisioned as cultural and political centers spreading Republican principles and the new national identity. The analysis extends to museums established by the new regime, demonstrating their ideological underpinnings as spaces generating a specific knowledge on the nation through the collection of memories. The article then explores theaters, cinemas, and operas, emphasizing their contribution to shaping cultural policies of the new Turkish nation state. Shifting to libraries, it traces the historical evolution culminating in the establishment of the National Library in Ankara and its role in nation-building process. Throughout, the article delves into the complexities of preserving national identity through these spaces of knowledge, offering a comprehensive understanding of Türkiye’s modernization journey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Language & Law / Revista de Llengua i Dret is the property of Revista de Llengua i Dret and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In May 2023, Reset Dialogues on Civilizations organized the international conference 'Nationalism, Nation-Building, and the Decline of Empires' in Dublin. The purpose was to gather a group of historians, political scientists, theorists, philosophers, and experts who could grasp the significant trends, over the long term, in nationalism, nation-building, and imperial issues and could create a forum for dialogue that would compare different, and in many ways related, contexts, defining the challenges of the contemporary politics in the international scene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey, in direct lineage of the Ottoman Empire, experimented a particularly violent nation-building out of the imperial ashes. Non-Muslims corresponding to one fifth of its population have been annihilated for the creation of a homogeneous nation State. These crimes have never been accounted for, giving way to a culture of impunity, self-righteousness, contempt for the rule of law and justice which, over years, pushed the polity towards an illiberal if not totalitarian essence and praxis, domestically against its own constituency and externally against neighbours through an extensive neo-imperial drive. Paradoxically, such an outcome seems to constitute a belated retribution for the unaccounted crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This third article in the 2024 World Affairs special issue examines the intricate interplay between secularism, religious sentiment, and authoritarian politics in postindependence Bangladesh. Despite being founded on secular principles in 1971, the notion of Bangladesh as a strictly secular state is challenged. This article contends that while secularism was enshrined as a foundational state principle, its imposition occurred top‐down, diverging from prevailing societal ethos. The immediacy of the public backlash following its inclusion compelled ruling elites to adopt religion‐sensitive policies. I assert that the widespread religiosity among the populace steered subsequent political decisions. Notably, the shift from secularism to state‐sponsored Islam, the elevation of Islamic figures to cabinet roles, the recognition of Qawmi madrassa credentials, and the proliferation of Islamic rhetoric ensued. Analyzing a blend of archival data and field interviews, the article argues that the current authoritarian regime, emerging from an unconsolidated democratic framework, strategically exploits Islam as a political tool for legitimacy. By tapping into the prevailing Islamic sentiment, the regime aims to solidify its hold on power and navigate the complex political landscape of contemporary Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article highlights the significance of Lëvizja Vetëvendosje's (LVV) left-wing Kosovar Albanian nationalist challenge to the authoritarian and patrimonial nationalist system of Kosovo's rebel victors. LVV used the political settlement's own legitimizing metanarrative – that of Kosovar Albanian nationalism – to bolster their own legitimacy while undermining that of post-war elites drawn from organizations active in the conflict of the 1990s. A methodology based on Discursive Institutionalism makes sense of LVV's position as both a challenger of rebel victors but also as a representative of the same ideological culture that underpins Kosovo's political culture. There are two key contributions here. Empirically, this study characterizes LVV as a nationalist challenge to the rebel victor parties rather than as a distinctively nationalist or a protest party. The second contribution is theoretical: peacebuilding and political settlements theories must take a more dynamic and agency-sensitive view of legitimacy creation than they have hitherto. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Xhafer Deva is one of the most notorious figures in the history of World War II in Kosovo and 'Greater Albania'. As Minister of the Interior of the 'Greater Albanian' state and a Nazi collaborator, he was responsible for the assassination, deportation and expulsion of countless Serbs. At the same time, he fought for the integration of Kosovo into Albania. As such, notwithstanding the mass atrocities for which he is responsible, he is still revered in nationalist circles to this day. In this contribution, Xhafer Deva, a controversial public figure, will be examined and presented against the backdrop of the shifting empires and loyalties during the end of the 19th and the first half of the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the concept of ethnic prejudice to examine the extent to which fears and anxieties related to immigration and ethnic diversity constitute obstacles to middle-class nation-building in Canada. Our underlying assumption is that if immigration is so contentious and the status anxiety it induces so great, then it should manifest into substantial levels of ethnic prejudice. Moreover, if status anxiety induced by immigration is indeed a widespread concern in Canada, we expect it to translate to significant differences in ethnic prejudice between class and immigration status. To measure ethnic prejudice, we developed an index using common factor analysis with the Provincial Diversity Project. This dataset allows us to create a robust index of ethnic prejudice based on the individual attitudes regarding eight different ethnic groups. While our findings indicate that ethnic prejudice in Canada remains relatively low for the time being, it is evident that a certain level of ethnic prejudice persists and intersects with other forms of status anxieties and competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although tourist performance of local identity has been regarded as an instrument of everyday nation-building from below, this article describes the opposite phenomenon as Mallorca became a tourist destination in the nineteenth century. The island's identity embodied through tourist dance performances, led to denationalization and subaltern silencing in the production process of a Mediterranean and insular exotic otherness of colonial nature. In this respect, this article explains how the host population refused to assume a denationalized local identity, as well as to perform a colonial stereotype through dance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Philosophy, Culture & Political Science is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this study is to conduct a sociological survey to assess the state of civic identity among Kazakhstani youth within the ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine. It aims to explore the correlation between young citizens' ethnic backgrounds and their acceptance of citizenship. Data was collected through a questionnaire developed by researchers to examine the multifaceted dynamics involved. A total of 754 citizens between 14 and 35 took part in the survey. The findings indicate that, in the present circumstances, the sense of belonging to the state among young Kazakhstanis is primarily contextual, prevailing over other identity constructs when queried about their attitude towards citizenship. However, when measuring the level of identification—how frequently individuals perceive themselves as citizens—ethnic identity takes precedence over civic identity. The survey underscores that ethnic origin stands out as the foremost determinant of social belonging for young people in Kazakhstan in the current scenario. Moreover, this study emphasizes the significant role played by information sources in shaping civic identity. We have elucidated the intricate relationship among ethnic identity, citizenship perception, and contextual factors among Kazakhstani adolescents amidst ongoing geopolitical events using our analytical approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Legal policy plays an important role in promoting innovation. It creates a legal framework and favourable environment for research, development, and application of new technologies and contributes to improving the business efficiency of small and medium enterprises. Objective: The study evaluates critical factors affecting the innovation capability and business efficiency of small and medium enterprises in Vietnam. Methodology: The author applied a quantitative method, using a descriptive survey as the instrument for data collection and a structured questionnaire as the sample size. The sample size was 500 managers representing 500 small and medium enterprises (SMEs). The study's model was tested using a structural equation model, and results were presented in tables. Result: Research results show that eight factors affect innovation capability based on a significance level of 1%. The factors are (1) total quality management, (2) organisational learning, (3) government support, (4) collaboration network, (5) ability to absorb knowledge, (6) internal human resources, (7) strategic vision, and (8) technology application. Moreover, innovation capability influences the business efficiency of small and medium enterprises. Conclusion: The research results contribute particular academic value and are a reference for research on innovation capacity. The study adjusted the scale for innovation capacity, knowledge absorption capacity, cooperation network, organisational learning, and comprehensive quality management following actual data conditions farewell in Vietnam. Unique Contribution: This study is beneficial in both theory and practice in measuring innovation capacity and related variables impacting innovation capacity on business efficiency. Key Recommendation: From the above results, the author proposes eight policy recommendations to improve small and medium enterprises' innovation capability and business efficiency in the context of development and integration in Vietnam. To take advantage of this opportunity, it is necessary to synchronously implement the above solutions to remove institutional bottlenecks and promote innovation capability in Vietnamese enterprises.

The author examines the collisions of the Soviet nation-building which are actively debated in modern historiography. The source base for the research is the published materials, as well as the archival documents of the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History and the Archive of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan. There are analyzed some specific historical subjects and the contribution of modern historiography to the understanding of the current problems and the formulation of new ideas and approaches to the analysis of the designated set of issues including the tools of Soviet socio-political engineering, the role and significance of ethnopolitical elites in the creation of the USSR as a complex hierarchical structure. It is concluded that the contradictions in the implementation of ethnonational policy were directly related to the formation of the Soviet federation, which became a concession to the ethnopolitical movements of the early XX century; and managing diversity was the central task of the state as an alternative to previous political systems for culturally complex societies.

AbstractThis article shows reactions to nation-building practices induced in the last decades of the imperial regime and its antithetical replacement of the current political system. It examines how the post-1991 political discourse and its institutions contributed to Amhara identity formation and mobilization and the latter’s implications for the current political discontent in Ethiopia. The article engages with the discursive narratives—’Amhara domination discourse,” ideological othering, and institutional flaws—that reinforce the development of Amhara nationalism. Using a qualitative research methodology, it gathers data from sources such as documents, broadcast and social media, and key informant interviews to argue that the origins of the Amharas’ sense of victimization lie in good part in the replacement of centralized one-nation nationalism with a non-representative devolved system; having been left out during the institutionalization of the current political system, the Amhara now demand to be integrated into that system. The repercussions of Amhara nationalism have been visibly seen in the political dynamics of the Amhara region and the deadly conflict that Ethiopia faces after the war with the Tigray region that could attract neighboring countries and regional players to it. Hence, launching an inclusive peace settlement and designing a legitimate political system are necessary to mitigate the current political discontent.

This article considers in detail the choosing of a language for the liturgy and sermons in Roman Catholic parishes in Belarus. The choice of the Belarusian language is part of a deliberate nation-building policy by the Catholic Church. Moreover, a whole network of local peculiarities, historical stereotypes, and political attitudes is concealed beneath the unified cover of a preference for the use of the Belarusian language. Based on interviews with clergy and religious activists, the article shows that the Roman Catholic Church repeatedly works out compromise solutions that allow it to adapt to the pressures of the state and believers going through a process of contradictory and conflicting nation-building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Urban History Review / Revue d'Histoire Urbaine is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This aerial review concentrates on the development of the South African television industry as chronicled and analysed by scholarship. Academic reflections on the evolution of television are categorised into three main periods: First, the advent of South African television, second, the transitional period, and third, a period of stocktaking. The overview aims to provide readers with key academic discussions during these periods and the historical context within which they took shape. Looking at issues ranging from censorship, nation-building, restructuring and globalisation, to event television, edutainment programming and community TV, the South African television environment is shown to be in constant transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although famines have historically claimed millions of lives, they are rarely publicly remembered through monuments, commemorative events or museums. This article investigates the apparent silence around famine memory by asking if there is something about famines that makes them less 'commemorable' than other mass-atrocities, and in which circumstances famines become the object of public memorialisation. Bringing together a rather fragmented literature on famine memory, the article outlines seven ways that famine memorialisation is impeded or made possible. First, it draws attention to the divisiveness of famines and their lack of clearly defined heroes and perpetrators. Second, shame and culpability shape how individuals and states talk – or keep quiet – about hunger victims. Third, earlier commemorative traditions and other traumatic events can inspire or crowd out famine memory. Fourth, for famines to be officially remembered, a break with the past tends to be necessary. The article also, fifth, discusses how famine memory can be used to construct national unity, or, sixth, instrumentalised in domestic and international politics. Finally, it highlights the role of activism and memory projects from below. While famines may not easily lend themselves to public commemoration, political contestation, nation-building or civil society initiatives can enable their memorialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most research on films as sites of nation-building centers on on-screen storylines, whereas intertextual references and off-screen representations of nationhood receive less attention. This article proposes a combined approach to further explore the nation-building potential of films, using as a case study the film adaptation Kahlil Gibran's The Prophet. Through a close reading of the film in conjunction with its intertextual references and the filmmakers' media interviews, the article explores the construction and negotiation of Lebanese nationhood and history under Ottoman rule. Special attention is paid to how the film's production, funding, circulation and reception are related to nation-building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the creation of Pakistan in 1947, the state has been struggling in nation-building efforts because of mainly ethnic differences in the country. This is most evident in Balochistan, Pakistan’s largest province, which has been suffering from insurgency since the late 1950s. Being home to the Gwadar Port, there is a growing Baloch resistance to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) since 2015. This situation necessitates a thorough examination of how the locals view and have reacted to the CPEC. This research investigates Baloch reactions to the CPEC and how the federal and provincial governments as well as Beijing have tried to address these challenges. China’s investment is seen by the Baloch as neo-colonialism—something they must fight at all costs. Therefore, the CPEC, and particularly projects like the Gwadar Port, have added to the locals’ grievances against the state, reflected through an increasing number of terrorist attacks in Balochistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ukrainians' resilience in the face of Russia's 2022 invasion can be explained by cumulative identity change through successive revolutions: the Orange Revolution in 2004, the Maidan Revolution or Revolution of Dignity in 2013–2014 and the current as yet unnamed war. The two phases of the war, from 2014 and 2022, have accelerated both the civic and the social construction of Ukrainian identity. Post‐post‐Soviet Ukraine is now a consolidated civic and political nation. But there is also an increased consensus on traditional nationalist mythology, defined by opposition to Russia's aggressive reimperialisation and autocratic political culture and by Ukraine's hyper‐Europeanisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well-known that Russia seeks to undermine the Western order in the Balkans, such as supporting Serbs in their rejection of NATO membership for Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). However, some assertions of Russia's influence discussed here show no merit and seem to have been brought to delegitimize the Western installed peace order vital to the stability of the region: the 1-2-3 Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) with one state, two entities, and three constituent peoples (Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats). The meaningless assertions include disinformation against High Representative Schmidt as a Russia man; the misrepresentation of the U.S. -E.U. led electoral reform as the one benefitting Russia; the frequently repeated falsehoods that NATO and EU member state Croatia is aligned with Putin or that some U.S. officials embrace Russia's values. Such disinformation narratives do not show the ties between the supposed Russian assets and Kremlin, nor do they demonstrate that the alleged pro-Russian actors pursue pro-Kremlin policies. Instead, they tend to be based on the ludicrous claims that the very support for the Dayton categories of ethnic power-sharing reflects the embrace of Russia's values under President Putin. Striking at the core of the Dayton peace bargain, the anti-Dayton unitarists want the DPA to guarantee BiH's external borders, while urging the international community to dismiss the DPA designed two-entity state structure (important to Serbs) or ethnic power-sharing (important to Croats) to impose a centralized, unitary state with a majority rule, or the so-called "civic state." However, besides thwarting (Serb) secessionism and (Croat) separatism, the purpose of Dayton has been to prevent (Bosniak) majoritarianism. The intensity of the debate surrounding the disinformation activities discussed here shows that--though the DPA still remains relevant to the BiH postwar peace and the Western Balkans stability--the consensus on what Dayton is or should be is now collapsing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discussion aims to discuss the role of history and historians in the Russian- Ukrainian war. Scholars of Russian/Ukrainian/Soviet history have come to grips with the full-scale invasion of Ukraine since February 2022 and its impact on their research in a broader sense. In the light of the current conflict, they offer new insights into Russia's long-term imperial projects and their territorial implications nation-building in independent Ukraine and Ukrainian nationalism, and on the "Ukrainian question" and its links with other "questions". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the meaning of the ‘Flemish Day’ at the Brussels World Exhibition of 1958 for the formation of the Flemish nation. With this one-day festival pro-Flemish organisations contested the francophone character of the Expo, and francophone dominance in Belgian society. Its success announced the steep advance of the Flemish movement in the second half of the twentieth century. But how can we best interpret its impact on Flemish nation-building? The article analyses reactions on the Flemish Day in the Flemish press. Using six newspapers of diverse ideological strands it assesses support for Flemish emancipation. It thereby reveals a broad acceptance of the legitimacy of the Flemish Day, despite remarkable ideological differences. The discourse analysis supports the hypothesis that broadly shared interpretations of, and an almost unanimous identification with Flanders, provided the foundation for the mass spreading of Flemish consciousness in the 1960s and 1970s. Contributing empirical evidence to the study of nation-building in post-war Flanders, this article demonstrates the importance of media as mirrors and sources of national discourses.

The article presents the results of the study of ethnic identity and ethnic tolerance as significant elements of the mass consciousness of Russians. The empirical basis is provided by representative sociological research conducted in the Russian Federation, data from the «Public Opinion» Foundation, and research conducted in the Kabardino-Balkar Republic, along with in-depth interviews with experts from Kabardino-Balkaria. It is noted that the ethnic diversity in the Russian Federation is enshrined in the public and doctrinal discourse, reflected in the Constitution of the country, and the Strategy of State National Policy. Research shows that while there is a high level of ethnic identity among Russians, there is also a high level of interethnic tolerance, which is necessary for fostering processes of nationwide consolidation. The most significant indicator of interethnic tolerance is the perception that violence in resolving interethnic and interreligious conflicts is unacceptable. Disrupting the established consensus could occur through the breach of fairness in interethnic relations. From 2010 to 2021, Russian society moved towards embracing the multinational character of Russia, with the level of positive assessments of Russian multi-ethnicity rising from 34% to 52%. Normative interethnic tolerance, expressed through the willingness to accept people of different nationalities as citizens of the Russian Federation and residents of their own region (republic, region, city, town, or village), exceeds 70%. Ethnic identity and interethnic tolerance can be viewed as stable dominants of mass consciousness firmly rooted in the realm of beliefs, social practices, and social institutions, actively influencing nation-building processes and national-civic consolidation. The conclusion is that unique models and formats of nationbuilding are emerging in the regions of Russia, shaped not only by federal and regional policies related to ethnic and Russian identity but also by everyday, historically developed, and locally rooted traditional forms of interethnic (and interreligious) interaction and socio-normative practices of interethnic tolerance.

This article argues that although the study of nationalism and nation-building in the post-Soviet Republic of Moldova has included many ground-up perspectives on ethnic, linguistic, cultural, and memory-related aspects of national identity, the themes of religion and gender continue to be neglected. Over the past decade, attention to religion has been increasing—not least because of concern that the growing presence of Orthodoxy in the public sphere might endanger the state’s commitments to civic and human rights—yet what is still lacking is a considered discussion of religion and nationalism. The author considers how the 2017 Soros-published report on Church and State in the Republic of Moldova may spur us to better conceptualize the dynamics of religion and gender with respect to nationalism from the ground up.

The North Korean development model holds distinct similarities to the Soviet model. The Soviet Union’s experience and example played a key role in the initial nation-building in North Korea. However, as this study aims to argue, in the certain areas such as the economy, the transfer of the Soviet model to the Korean soil was often done against the direct Soviet advice. This study based on analysis of primary sources including declassified archival materials traces the entrenchment in North Korea in the 1940s-1950s of the key elements of the “classic” Soviet economic model such as directive centralized economic planning, nationalization, industrialization and prioritized heavy industry development and collectivized agriculture. Such research contributes to the better understanding of the economic and political processes in North Korea in the first post-liberation decades, of its economic system and relations with key political and economic allies in the Cold War.

The scientific article is devoted to current issues - the study of the development of nation-building and the unique model of interethnic and interfaith relations in Kazakhstan.Aim. To propose a periodization of the main stages of transformational and socio-political processes of nation-building in the Republic of Kazakhstan, at each of which the corresponding regulatory legal acts of their legitimization were adopted.Tasks. To analyze the periods of development of nation-building, changes in the sphere of interethnic relations in the republic over the years of independence, in accordance with the constitutional reform approved in a popular referendum on June 5, 2022. Conduct a political analysis of the transformation into the socio-political practice of the fundamental principle of the Basic Law of the country — “public harmony” and in general in the regulation of interethnic relations.Methods. To substantiate the results of the study, a variety of scientific methods were used, reflecting the peculiarities of the development of national development. Taking into account the specifics of ethno-political and integration processes in the social and regional context, determining their nature, comparative analysis, prolegomens, communication platforms and social networks were used. The methods of crowdsourcing, forsyth, road map are widely used.Results. The management of ethno-professional processes is undoubtedly one of the most important aspects of the functioning of the State and the tasks of society. The competent definition of problem areas allows for the development of preventive measures and the avoidance of both inter-ethnic and intra-ethnic tensions and the minimization of negative impact on the development of State and religious relations. The proposed recommendations will improve the mechanisms and tools of ethno-political management in State national policy, consolidate the model of social harmony and national unity in political documents and legislative practice.Conclusions. The effective Kazakh model of ethno-confessional harmony is based on two main components: popular representation as a reflection of the political integration of Kazakhstanis and coverage of the entire spectrum of legal ethnicities and confessions in socio-political processes. The creation and activities of the Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan, during the years of independence, as a key socio-political structure in national politics, acts as an instrument of direct democracy and is, in fact, a people’s representation.

This article situates Mexican sexology, and how it engaged homosexuality and gender nonconformity, within more familiar nation-building projects in Mexico following the Revolution (1910–20). It argues that much like with understandings of race, Mexican sexologists, influenced by neo-Lamarckism and 'Latin' eugenics, viewed sexuality as caused largely by social and environmental factors, rather than simply as a congenital characteristic. Such experts advocated for social solutions for what they saw as the 'state of danger' that homosexuality represented, targeting their interventions at youths, who were seen as pliable, future citizens, rather than adults, who were largely seen as irredeemable and best isolated from the national body. The article explores discursive, ideological, and methodological threads in Mexican sexology from the 19th to the mid-20th century, the field's professionalization and transnational connections, case studies of youths in which the preferred solutions involved promoting family stability and coherence, and adult cases ranging from prison studies to the case of Marta Olmos, recipient of Mexico's first widely known sex reassignment. Overall, it demonstrates important intersections between sexology and nation-building projects related to criminology, anthropology, and eugenics, and how the attempted management of homosexuality and gender nonconformity sheds light on Mexican development more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the convergence of state redress and the educational construction of citizenship from the 1990s onwards in Australia. It examines how successive settler political leaders used the education of a historical consciousness—settler citizens' relation to past, present and future—as a core strategy to seek resolution to the problematic national past. The article examines key political speeches that sought to mediate the settler nation's past in light of growing international and domestic pressures, including Keating's 1992 Redfern Park speech and Rudd's 2008 Apology to the Stolen Generations, and one of conservative backlash: Howard's 1996 Menzies Lecture. Rudd's subsequent national policy agenda of apology and an Australian Curriculum sought to inaugurate a new era in the settler nation's history. That program was embodied by the figure of the future citizen positioned to reckon with the nation's unjust past, a task inscribed in the inaugural national history curriculum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The generic popularity of Hindi sports films has been overwhelming in recent years. The article examines this genre of Hindi films through the thematic construction of the sports'man' and its evolutionary manifestation from a masculine figure symbolising India's national unitarian ethos to a megalithic, tradition-backed, orthodox patriarchy post-2010s. It elaborates this seemingly linear transformation through decade based phases, starting from the social-emancipatory athletic phenomenon of the pre-globalisation era to the neoliberal Hindi sports films of the early millennial phase. The study then explores the slow dissolution of the 'composite masculinity' that considered the ethnic variegation of Indian nationalism, and the emergence of sporting cinema on patriarchal and athletic superheroes. The article further discusses how it was nurtured within deeply insular, and ethno-religious gaming traditions of antiquity like the akhara wrestling, in fictional/biographical sports films like Sultan (Zafar 2016) and Dangal (Tiwari 2016). While commenting on this transformation of the 'national athlete' into the 'heritage's surrogate', the article attempts to provide a detailed methodology of understanding the expanding canon of Hindi sports films so far and how it aligns itself with the re-ethnicisation of India's polity in the last two decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nation-building, governance, security and national development are inextricably linked social issues. Failure to effectively midwife any of these concepts has the tendency to jeopardise efforts aimed at achieving nation-building. Over time, Nigeria's quest for nation-building has been impeded by the centrifugal forces of political, economic, food and health insecurity. These elements have made the task of nation-building a mirage in Nigeria as these centrifugal forces continue to deepen the fragmented Nigerian society. It is against this backdrop that this article examines nation-building as a herculean task whose success rests heavily on pragmatic approaches to sustainable governance, security and national development. The article notes that nations are built by men and women who have the will and vision to accomplish greatness, not for themselves and their immediate families and friends, but for their country. Observably, the lack of this will and vision, encapsulated in leadership deficiencies, continues to haunt nation-building efforts in Nigeria. Anchored on integration theory as a framework of analysis and descriptive research methodology, data for the article were gathered through secondary sources including journal articles, books and internet materials and content- analysed. The article makes useful recommendations on devising useful strategies for resolving the challenges to security, governance and development issues in Nigeria through a reformed leadership recruitment process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TribalCrit permits the recognition of colonization as pervasive in our American society impacting all aspects of our societal structures, including the educational system. Forced boarding schools for Native learners touted the goal of “Kill the Indian, Save the Man” as the mission of education in the United States, leaving an indelible strain between Native learners and the US educational system. Research from Native American scholars offers classroom instructional practices and strategies that support inclusive experiences based on truth and acknowledgment of racial and political liminal spaces. Implementing these strategies begins with informed lesson planning to ensure engagement in the instructional core between teacher, student, and content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Tourism has become a major driver of nation-building in many parts of the globe. It attracts local and international actors for different reasons and at different times. Its contributions to the national economy of host states, when there is a multiple influx of foreign tourists, cannot be neglected. This study focused on the influence of the Ambazonian conflict on the tourism sector of the country. This qualitative study used a primary source of data through key informant interviews to gather data on the push and pull effects of the armed conflict on the tourism sector of the Cameroonian state. The study found that tourism's contribution to the country's economy has reduced due to the fact that many of the tourist sites located in the conflict-ravaged geo-political zone have been under-patronised. The study recommended multiple reactive peacebuilding strategies that will lead to the end of the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]