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Most previous studies of speech disorders associated with cleft palate have reported a higher incidence of errors for oral stops, fricatives and affricates compared to nasal stops. However, the results of a recent ultrasound study have raised the possibility that errors affecting nasal consonants might not be as rare as originally thought. A review of the electropalatography (EPG) literature on cleft palate speech has also shown that atypical tongue-palate contact patterns can occur during nasal consonants and that nasal and oral stops are often produced with similar atypical lingual gestures. Therefore, this study investigated the production of nasal stops (/n/and/ŋ/) and the homorganic oral stops (/t/,/d/and/k/,/ɡ/respectively) in eight children with repaired cleft palate using perceptual judgements and evaluation of tongue-palate contact patterns. Results of the perceptual judgements support the findings in the literature that there was a higher per cent phoneme correct for the alveolar nasal (about 90%) than for the oral stops (60–70%). However, there was a low per cent phoneme correct for the velar nasal (about 50%) and the per cent correct as determined by the EPG data was lower than those based on perceptual judgements. Two children showed similar atypical articulatory gestures for the oral and nasal alveolar stops. We discuss the possibility that the nasal errors may be of phonemic as opposed to phonetic origin. The results underscore the importance of considering the phonological dimension of production when assessing the speech of children in this clinical group.

The purpose of this investigation is to analyse the place of articulation of anterior nasal versus oral stops in Croatian. Although there is agreement that placement for /n/ and /td/ is in the anterior region, there is disagreement among different authors about the precise place of articulation for these sounds. Some authors view these targets as sharing identical placement while others view placement of /n/ as more posterior to /td/. In this paper we use electropalatography (EPG) to investigate whether placement for these sounds is the same or different. The speech of six participants was recorded for the purposes of this study. The speech material consisted of 972 VCV sequences (V = /iau/, C = /ntd/). Four EPG indices were analysed: the ACoG measure, the amount of contact at dental and alveolar articulatory zones (dentoalveolar articulation being inferred indirectly), incomplete EPG closures and the lateral contact measure. Coarticulatory effects of vowels on placement were also measured. The results showed that /ntd/ generally shared the place of articulation in the dentoalveolar region, but also that relating quantitative physiological data to specific places of articulation should be done cautiously, taking into account variability in individual productions. The analyses also showed that /n/ had more incomplete EPG closures and a significantly lower amount of lateral contact when compared with /t/ and /d/. The nasal was more variable and showed less coarticulatory resistance in different vowel contexts than /t/ and /d/. The results of this study are discussed in terms of existing descriptions of Croatian consonant system and in light of cross-linguistic findings.

This article explores the topic of exceptionality in phonology focusing on nasal-stop inventories. A meticulous survey shows that it is normal for such systems to include at least two anterior units: /m/ and /n/. The finding that the introduction of /ŋ/, the first posterior unit to appear, normally follows that of both anterior units suggests that anteriority is somehow more compatible with this consonant class; however, this hypothesis is challenged by exceptions: /n/ is occasionally superseded by /ŋ/. The proposed analysis overturns the view that there is a single universal place hierarchy. It demonstrates that languages assess the cost of place features on multiple dimensions and that nasal-stop inventories are shaped by the conflict between three evaluation measures: one for articulatory cost, one for perceptual cost, and one for dispersion. A theory of far greater explanatory power emerges when each evaluation measure is empirically substantiated and their universality is strictly respected., Aquest article explora el concepte d’excepcionalitat en fonologia en relació amb els inventaris de les oclusives nasals. Un repàs meticulós d’aquests inventaris demostra que és normal de trobar-hi com a mínim les dues nasals anteriors /m/ i /n/. El fet que la introducció de la nasal velar /ŋ/, la primera unitat posterior a aparèixer, vagi precedida normalment per la introducció de les dues unitats anteriors suggereix que l’anterioritat és d’alguna manera més compatible que la posterioritat pel que fa a la classe de les consonants nasals. Tot i això, aquesta hipòtesi es veu compromesa per algunes excepcions: /n/ és substituïda de manera ocasional per /ŋ/. L’anàlisi proposada en aquest article invalida la idea que hi ha una sola jerarquia pel que fa al punt d’articulació. S’hi demostra que les llengües avaluen el cost pel que fa als trets de punt d’articulació en diverses dimensions i que la forma dels inventaris de les consonants nasals ve determinada pel conflicte entre tres mesures d’avaluació: cost articulatori, cost perceptual i dispersió. S’assoleix una teoria amb molt més poder explicatiu quan cada mesura d’avaluació troba suport empíric i la seva universalitat es respecta estrictament.

This study compared tongue palate contact patterns for oral stops (/t/, /d/) with those for the nasal stop /n/ in order to provide normative data for diagnosing and treating individuals with speech disorders. Electropalatographic (EPG) data were recorded from fifteen English speaking adults for word initial /t/, /d/ and /n/ in a high and a low vowel context. EPG frames were classified according to three criteria: (1) anterior constriction; (2) bilateral constriction; and (3) zero posterior central contact. Total amount of contact and variability were also measured. The results showed that almost all (99%) stops met criteria 1 and 3, with fewer articulations (88% of /t/; 83% of /d/ and 55% of /n/) meeting criterion 2. Although all stops had similar spatial patterns, /t/ and /d/ had more contact and were more likely to have bilateral constriction than /n/. There were no differences in variability between /t/, /d/ and /n/, however. The clinical implications of the results for the management of individuals with speech disorders are discussed.