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特集 「ムハンマドの血筋」とムスリム : アリー一族をめぐる多様な語りと語り手たち, 第三部 「ムハンマドの血筋」をめぐる多様な状況と戦略, Special issue on Muslims, Islam, and the Kinfolk of ʿAlī: Discourses on the “Family of Prophet Muhammad” and Their Proponents, Part III Negotiations and Strategies surrounding Prophetic Lineage

Hui Muslim scholars' efforts to refine their beliefs and practices in consonance with the Chinese cultural and social milieu have played an important role in building amicable relations between Muslims and non-Muslims in China. However, these scholars' activities sometimes promoted division among Hui Muslims. It is important to shed light on the dark side of Hui Muslims' pro-Chinese elaborations of Islam to learn about multicultural symbiosis from their historical experiences. This paper focuses on how sectarian rivalry among Chinese-speaking Muslims was enlarged by reinterpretations of Ma Dexin (d. 1874), a prominent Hui scholar in Yunnan province, on critical discourses against the veneration of saints from West Asia; these reinterpretations were aimed at resolving feuds between followers of Islam and Chinese polytheists. First, this paper establishes how Ma Dexin or his disciples and adherents of the Jahrīya Sufi order disagreed with and fought each other. Second, it discusses the measures taken to repair this fissure. Finally, it examines how the tension between Muslims and non-Muslims worked as a backdrop to the discord and compromise among Hui Muslims.

I have been curious about the intellectual changes among Chinese Muslims that transpired during the 19th century in their exploring various Islamic philosophies from West Asia and South Asia (unknown in East Asia) and their coping with the increasingly intensified antagonism between Muslims and non-Muslims in Chinese society. This paper focuses on Ma Dexin (馬徳新, d. 1874), a famous Chinese Muslim scholar who made a trip through the Middle East and a pilgrimage to Mecca after stopping in India (1841-1849). He was prominent in Yunnan Province during the Yunnan Muslim rebellion (1856-1874). First, I elucidate that Ma Dexin introduced Ibn 'Arabī's (d. 1240) thoughts regarding the afterlife to China, expressing them in a particular way (as follows). One of the Arabic works written by Ma Dexin, Asrār al-ma'ād, articulates Ibn 'Arabī's ideas about the Garden and Fire, based on the latter's masterpiece Fuşūş al-ḥikam and on some works. Asrār al-ma'ād also includes the Ash'arite and Maturidite theory of "acquisition". Despite its basis in Asrār al-ma'ād, Dahuazongyi 大化総帰--a Chinese Islamic work written by a disciple of Ma Dexin under the latter's supervision--deviates from Ibn 'Arabī's doctrine, although it also partly adopts it. I reveal that in Dahuazongyi, Ma Dexin, instead of advocating Ibn 'Arabī's quasi-universalism theory regarding salvation, suggests a kind of soteriological universalism, which resonates with Chinese traditional thoughts. Thus, I explain Ma Dexin's intention not only to rectify the error of Buddhist and Taoist samsara theories but also to promote coexistence between Muslims and non-Muslims. Additionally, I point out that he might have been inspired by contemporary Islamic reformist trends such as those of Khālidiyya and Salafiyya (or reevaluations of Ibn Taymiyya) through his travels throughout the Islamic world.

In this paper, I focus on a famous Chinese Muslim scholar named Ma Dexin (d. 1874), who was active in Yunnan, Southwest China, during the 19th century. He brought new Islamic knowledge back to China from the Middle East, where he had travelled between 1844 and 1848. I elucidate that he radicalized anti-saint worship discourses from the Islamic heartland through an interpretation of Ibn 'Arabī (d. 1240)'s Islamic idea "Oneness of Being (wahda al-wujūd), " which Chinese Muslims had traditionally espoused. In the Middle East before the 20th century, there were few opinions that challenged the mentorship of the Sufi master in general. However, Ma Dexin articulated that no Sufi master can transform his pupil into a friend of God (walī), and that no one should worship the Sufi master as owner of the divine power. In addition, I argue that such radicalization was caused by the following three factors. The first is a discord between Ma Dexin and the Sufi order Jahrīya on how to cope with the Yunnan Muslim rebellion (1856-1874), a result of intensified antagonism between Chinese Muslims and non-Muslim Chinese people. The second is the vulnerability of the Sufi orders in China mainland, where most Muslims were not part of the Sufi brotherhoods. The third, which is highly possibly, is Ma Dexin's intention to confront the Jahrīya scholars, who utilized "Oneness of Being" to prove the Sufi master's ability to make his disciple a friend of God. Through this discussion, I reveal that the dispute for hegemony between Ma Dexin and the Jahrīya produced Chinese-specific Islamic knowledge. Previous studies have pointed out that antagonism between Chinese Muslims and non-Muslims urged the former to attempt reconciliation with the latter and harmonize Islam with traditional Chinese thought. My study expands on the conclusion that conflicts between Chinese Muslims also contributed to the formation of a distinctively "Chinese" mode of Islam.

In this paper, I focus on a famous Chinese Muslim scholar named Ma Dexin (d. 1874), who was active in Yunnan, Southwest China, during the 19th century. He brought new Islamic knowledge back to China from the Middle East, where he had travelled between 1844 and 1848. I elucidate that he radicalized anti-saint worship discourses from the Islamic heartland through an interpretation of Ibn 'Arabī (d. 1240)'s Islamic idea "Oneness of Being (wahda al-wujūd), " which Chinese Muslims had traditionally espoused. In the Middle East before the 20th century, there were few opinions that challenged the mentorship of the Sufi master in general. However, Ma Dexin articulated that no Sufi master can transform his pupil into a friend of God (walī), and that no one should worship the Sufi master as owner of the divine power. In addition, I argue that such radicalization was caused by the following three factors. The first is a discord between Ma Dexin and the Sufi order Jahrīya on how to cope with the Yunnan Muslim rebellion (1856-1874), a result of intensified antagonism between Chinese Muslims and non-Muslim Chinese people. The second is the vulnerability of the Sufi orders in China mainland, where most Muslims were not part of the Sufi brotherhoods. The third, which is highly possibly, is Ma Dexin's intention to confront the Jahrīya scholars, who utilized "Oneness of Being" to prove the Sufi master's ability to make his disciple a friend of God. Through this discussion, I reveal that the dispute for hegemony between Ma Dexin and the Jahrīya produced Chinese-specific Islamic knowledge. Previous studies have pointed out that antagonism between Chinese Muslims and non-Muslims urged the former to attempt reconciliation with the latter and harmonize Islam with traditional Chinese thought. My study expands on the conclusion that conflicts between Chinese Muslims also contributed to the formation of a distinctively "Chinese" mode of Islam.

Works of Chinese Islamic literature that frequently came to be written in the time of the late-Ming and Qing dynasties were translations of the contents of Arabic and Persian literature into Chinese, and this body of literature might lead us to suppose that the Sinification of Islam had occurred (a departure from the original meaning of the texts resulting from the authors' attempts to write to suit the Chinese environment and of the influence of the ideological permeation of the three faiths, Buddhism, Confucianism and Daoism, ). Heretofore, certain elements of Sinification in regard to the theory of Sufism have to a certain extent been made clear, but those aspects concerned with practical application of various themes have hardly been addressed. Thus l have examined those aspects and the background of this Sinification in terms of the arguments concerning the shaykh, the leader of Sufism, in Chinese Islamic literature and have come to the following conclusions. Because it was rare that anyone might be identified a shaykh in the sphere of Wang Dai-yu 王岱輿, Maqsad-i Aqsa, which was widely read in China, on the possibility of exceptions to the general principle of the need for a shaykh. Yu Hao-zhou 余浩洲 placed the attainment of knowledge as the first of the maqamat stations of spiritual training, in his arrangement of the various virtues of the Mirsad and Maqsad. In expounding its importance, Ma Zhu 馬注 also explicated the process of spiritual purification based on the Mirsad, but took the attainment of knowledge as the standard method of spiritual purification on the basis of some unspecified scripture. These attitudes that emphasized knowledge were contrary to view expressed in the Mirsad, but they agreed with requirement of the attainment of knowledge advocated by the A-hong 阿訇, who were the teachers closest to the authors and readers of Islamic literature in Chinese, and who solely taught interpretative reading of Arabic and Persian texts without instructing their students in spiritual training. It may be claimed that in Yu's device of creating one's own maqamat suitable to an individual's own environment was a sort of sinification. Although Wang, Ma, Yu, and later Liu Zhi 劉智, failed to address the rule of the Mirsad that had set the silsila, spiritual chain stretching back to Muhammad, as a precondition for a being shaykh, but, in this may be seen as their intention of opening the qualificationof shaykh to the A-hong, who lacked the silsila.

An intensification of mutual antagonism between the Muslim Hui and Han Chinese people reached a climaxin the Hui rebellions against the Qing dynasty in Yunnan province and Northwestern China during the second half of the 19th century. This confrontation endangered the survival of the Hui, fewer in numbers and less powerful than the Han. Thereafter, reconciliation with Han society and the Qing dynasty became an urgent issue for this Muslim minority. My paper examines how some Hui scholars, out of awareness of this issue, reinterpreted Islamic doctrine or law in order to facilitate the co-existence of Muslims and non-Muslims in China. First, I investigate Persian and Arabic works that the famous Yunnan Muslim scholar Ma Lianyuan (d. 1903) wrote based on an anonymous Persian work Muhimmāt al-muslimīn, one of 'classics' authoritative for Chinese Muslims. Then, I clarify the fact that he added to the original texts of Muhimmāt his own comments about the legitimacy of friendship with non-Muslims and illegitimacy of taking their lives and properties. Second, I scrutinize how Ma Lianyuan's son Ma Anyi (d. 1943) elaborated his father's views about the way of dealing with non-Muslims. In his Arabic work Tahqīq al-īmān, Ma Anyi declares that Islamic law prohibits Chinese Muslims from disobeying the Qing emperor and hence taking lives and properties of non-Muslim Chinese people. He explains the basis of this interpretation in the following fashion : The legal status of these believers is that of Muslims who enter non-Islamic domains (dār al-harb) under their non-Muslim rulers' guarantees of security, and their disobeying the rulers would be a betrayal (ghadr) which is prohibited in Islamic law. Third, I focus on the interpretation of the Qur'ānic verse 4 : 36 in the Chinese work Yisilan liushu written by Da Pusheng (d. 1965), known as one of the four greatest 'ulamā in modern China. He regards Muslim's kindness toward non- Muslim neighbors as an obligation that the Prophet orde

An intensification of mutual antagonism between the Muslim Hui and Han Chinese people reached a climaxin the Hui rebellions against the Qing dynasty in Yunnan province and Northwestern China during the second half of the 19th century. This confrontation endangered the survival of the Hui, fewer in numbers and less powerful than the Han. Thereafter, reconciliation with Han society and the Qing dynasty became an urgent issue for this Muslim minority. My paper examines how some Hui scholars, out of awareness of this issue, reinterpreted Islamic doctrine or law in order to facilitate the co-existence of Muslims and non-Muslims in China. First, I investigate Persian and Arabic works that the famous Yunnan Muslim scholar Ma Lianyuan (d. 1903) wrote based on an anonymous Persian work Muhimmāt al-muslimīn, one of 'classics' authoritative for Chinese Muslims. Then, I clarify the fact that he added to the original texts of Muhimmāt his own comments about the legitimacy of friendship with non-Muslims and illegitimacy of taking their lives and properties. Second, I scrutinize how Ma Lianyuan's son Ma Anyi (d. 1943) elaborated his father's views about the way of dealing with non-Muslims. In his Arabic work Tahqīq al-īmān, Ma Anyi declares that Islamic law prohibits Chinese Muslims from disobeying the Qing emperor and hence taking lives and properties of non-Muslim Chinese people. He explains the basis of this interpretation in the following fashion : The legal status of these believers is that of Muslims who enter non-Islamic domains (dār al-harb) under their non-Muslim rulers' guarantees of security, and their disobeying the rulers would be a betrayal (ghadr) which is prohibited in Islamic law. Third, I focus on the interpretation of the Qur'ānic verse 4 : 36 in the Chinese work Yisilan liushu written by Da Pusheng (d. 1965), known as one of the four greatest 'ulamā in modern China. He regards Muslim's kindness toward non- Muslim neighbors as an obligation that the Prophet ordered (wājib). I disclose that this interpretation is more amicable toward non-Muslims than that of Liu Zhi (d. after 1724), one of the most famous Hui scholars during the pre-modern period. In addition, I attempt to identify the Arabic or Persian sources of the modern Hui scholars' interpretations. In conclusion, I point out the possibility that Da Pusheng was more positive toward constructing friendships between the Hui and the Han than Ma Lianyuan and Ma Anyi. Then, I argue that the positive attitude of the former, if indeed it is judged to be so, must have been a reaction to the upsurge in Chinese nationalism, and may also have been another result of modern factors such as the fact that more books and newer ideas about Islam than in the previous age were imported to China from West and South Asia because of the development of transportation facilities and printing technology.