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This paper explores the recognition of victims' rights in an international armed conflict, tracing it chronologically from the ad hoc tribunals to the modern day international criminal courts and several United nations document duly recognizing the rights and justice for victims. It also throws light on the debate of "Peace swapped with justice" to "Justice swapped with Peace" in the due course of the development of International criminal jurisprudence. In this article, the author shall firstly, analyses if the victims were given the right to participate in the International Military Tribunals; secondly, shall look at the international law that inspired the drafters of "Rome statute" to enable the victims to participate and lastly, shall look at the provisions under the "Rome statute" that enable the victims to participate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The war between Russia and Ukraine which started on the 24th of February 2022, has heightened concerns about the implications of rising military expenditure on the spread of weapons and world security. Since the 9/11 attacks in the United States, studies have indicated that state military spending has increased, raising concerns among policymakers throughout the world. Therefore, the objective of this study is to investigate how an increase in military spending may affect both human security and the proliferation of weapons. Data for this study were gathered from secondary sources using a historical research approach, and content analysis was used for analysing the data. This study makes the case that increasing military spending has detrimental effects on human security in a variety of contexts, including the political, socio-psychological, and economic components of daily living. On the economic front, funds that could be utilised to raise citizen welfare are instead being spent to buy military hardware and software. In the political realm, it results in invasion and the funding of proxy wars, while on the social front, it has sparked hostility and concerns among nations. Lastly, this study recommended among other things that there is the need for collective efforts by member states of the United Nations through collective security to pressurised erring states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses environmental education in Brazil, in line with human rights and aims to weigh on Law n. 9.795/1999. The research problem questions what the Law 9.795/1999 did effectively provide in environmental term. The objective is to investigate how informal teaching spaces are being favored and if environmental education is effective in a perspective limited to the school space or should be disseminated as an ethical and practical content in human relationships. It is a qualitative bibliographic and legislative research, with the deductive method. Firstly, the text presents the historical aspects of environmental education and its reflexes in Brazil, also the international treaties the country has signed, the constitutional commandments, and institutes that enshrine the protection of the environment. Sequentially, the text focuses on the Environmental Education Law (Law n. 9.795/99), presenting critical reflections on its provisions. The results point to the importance of environmental education for the National Education Policy, understanding the objective for an integrated understanding of the environment in its multiple and complex relationships (i.e., ecological, psychological, legal, political, social, economic, scientific, cultural and ethical). Therefore, environmental education must be included in formal education, but also directed to the community, guaranteeing the democratization of socio-environmental information, encouraging the strengthening of a critical awareness of environmental and social issues, encouraging individual and collective participation, permanently and responsible, in the preservation of the balance of the environment. The defense of environmental quality is a value inseparable from the exercise of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Estudos Politicos is the property of Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (Revista Brasileira de Estudos Politicos) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Carta Internacional is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Carta Internacional is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Direito Internacional is the property of Revista de Direito Internacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The United Nations Special Rapporteur on Torture has approved eight thematic reports on the use of force; migration; prohibition of torture; corruption; domestic violence; psychological torture; biopsychosocial factors; and state cooperation. In 2021, the rapporteur requested input on the impact of the reports and their relevance in the national context. This article is the response to the rapporteur's request regarding Brazil, based on an interview with a specialist in torture prevention, in addition to theoretical research of specialized literature, legislation, jurisprudence, press releases and reports from international organizations. It may be of interest to academics, lawyers and agents committed to human rights issues and studies on Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work analyzes the evolution of the peace notion in the international order. This is necessary to identify one of its most important aspects currently: the human dimension of this concept. The main goal of this study is to outline the consequences of incorporating the human dimension to the peace's development at the international society and, therefore, to the States' behaviour. To this end, the study uses the methodology of the international legal system on the basis of international practice postulates which is expressed through the States and International Organizations' behaviour and the doctrine's positions. The main findings of this research work are that peace has evolved from a traditional position, linked to the use of force and with the aim of preventing acts of aggression, to an approach in which respect for human rights is essential to ensuring international peace and security. It sets the foundations for proclaiming the recognition of a human right to peace which is not yet fully consolidated in the international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China is exerting a growing influence on the UN Human Rights Council, raising concerns about Chinese control over the organization's human rights bodies. China has contested international criticism and attacked experts and UN bodies that denounce human rights violations in the country. Additionally, China has retaliated against countries that denounce its human rights violations and sought to restrict the space for civil society in UN forums. China has adopted a conservative and state-centered stance on human rights, seeking to promote an agenda that weakens the independence of UN human rights bodies and restricts the space for civil society. Progressive countries in the Global South must recognize their differences and claim leadership in key areas of human rights, while also conceiving a system that holds all countries equally accountable. Furthermore, a principled response to the human rights situation in China is necessary, strengthening the UN's multilateral human rights architecture and promoting transnational solidarity with China's human rights movement. [Extracted from the article]

O artigo tem como objetivo principal identificar e compilar as informações referentes às ações executadas pelo Estado Brasileiro, em cumprimento aos compromissos assumidos quanto ao pilar do desempenho & responsabilização, da iniciativa Action for Peacekeeping (A4P). Para tanto, buscou-se incialmente apresentar a iniciativa A4P, contextualizando-a com o momento de seu lançamento. Posteriormente, foi realizada uma análise mais aprofundada do pilar do desempenho & responsabilização, de forma a identificar os compromissos assumidos pelas diversas partes. Na sequência, buscou-se identificar de forma pormenorizada as ações desencadeadas pelo Brasil, voltadas ao cumprimento das obrigações assumidas, a partir de dois aspectos integradores: a participação no Sistema de Prontidão de Capacidades da ONU e a capacitação de recursos humanos. Do ponto de vista metodológico, trata-se de uma investigação exploratória qualitativa, executada por meio de pesquisas bibliográfica e documental, complementadas por entrevistas. Como resultado, a pesquisa indicou que o Brasil vem adotando medidas concretas, que não somente cumprem os compromissos assumidos, como também permitirão ao país o envio de militares e policiais de alta performance para operações de paz futuras.

This research delves into the way in which Hans Morgenthau had studied and discussed the United Nations as an organisation, mainly during its first twenty years. Drawing on the influence of Carl Schmitt and Hans Kelsen and on his own personal disappointment with the League of Nations, Morgenthau strongly criticized the UN. The author considers that the organisation propounds lofty principles but harbours old-style diplomacy. After establishing a succinct comparison with Raymond Aron, the article highlights the reasons for Morgenthau's criticism, including some abiding features of realism, such as the focus on great powers, a limited attribution of agency to other actors and an emphasis on security to the detriment of cooperative activities. It underlines how Morgenthau rejected the UN as a basis to build a world state. It concludes by arguing that Morgenthau's realism highlights the frailties of the UN but does not explain why states still insist in the multilateral institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This paper analyzes the discourse of three supranational policy instruments produced by the International Labour Organization and the United Nations regarding the political participation of Indigenous Peoples. We argue that these discourses promote a utilitarian view of the environment and pose severe limitations on substantial political participation by Indigenous Peoples. Methodology: To support this thesis, we present the results of a Critical Discourse Analysis that reveals how political participation is shaped through discourses, social actors are represented within hierarchical relationships, and nature is defined in terms of an exploitable resource. Conclusions: Our conclusions show that these documents stimulate a form of political involvement by Indigenous Peoples that excludes the administrative and political consequences of dissent and that represents consent as the only possible outcome. Nonetheless, further research is necessary to understand the resonance of these policy instruments within national legal frameworks and their political, environmental, and cultural effects. Originality: The article challenges the conventional assumptions that the success of supranational policies on Indigenous Peoples' participation depends on the efficiency of their implementation process. Instead, it proposes a discursive comprehension based on the social practices and power relationships that configurate the policies' discourse to the detriment of substantial political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Objetivo: analisar a atuação do Poder Legislativo Federal brasileiro em relação à Agenda 2030. Metodologia: foi realizada uma pesquisa quanti-qualitativa por meio de arquivos oficiais e a análise estatística descritiva das frequências de atividades parlamentares, assim como análise qualitativa de textos, com base em pesquisas anteriores conduzidas por Baptista; De Bem e Delduque; e De Bem, Delduque e Silva. Resultados: as análises realizadas indicam que a atuação legislativa foi mais intensa em 2019, porém a força das proposições é baixa, dado que a principal atividade legislativa encontrada foi o requerimento. Além disso, os projetos de lei apresentados ainda não foram aprovados, dificultando sua inserção no cotidiano jurídico-institucional. Conclusão: a quantidade de proposições e atividades legislativas e os tipos de proposições encontrados não correspondem a uma concepção de perenidade da implementação da Agenda 2030 no Brasil.

When I think of a house, the first image that comes to mind is a solid-walled building, with a door and some windows. However, the Greek word for house, oikos, which is at the root of words like ecology, economy and ecumenism, has a much broader meaning. This expanded conception of the house in ancient Greek thought is shared not only by the writers of the Bible, in the First and New Testaments, but also, paradoxically (?), by an ethnic group from South America, the Mbya Guaraní. Going deeper into these conceptions, I will offer some conclusions for our time, in which the prefix eco, linked to ecology, is omnipresent in notions such as eco-responsibility, ecocide, ecotourism, eco-spirituality and eco-theology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Climate Change Summit 2021, known as COP26, took place in Glasgow at the end of 2021. Although the responsibility of fossil fuels in the climate crisis was explicitly mentioned, the perception of the summit's outcome is uneven. The commitments of COP26 were embodied in the "Glasgow Climate Pact," which covers eight sections with 71 points. The timeline to meet greenhouse gas emission reduction targets was accelerated, and countries will have to submit updated plans by 2023. COP27 will be held in Cairo to assess progress in climate change mitigation. [Extracted from the article]

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Com a democratização da sociedade portuguesa e iniciado o processo de descolonização, procurou-se reforçar a presença de Portugal junto da comunidade internacional. Portugal regressa à UNESCO em 1974, após ter abandonado o estatuto de Estado-Membro no ano de 1972, em sequência da aprovação, por parte da UNESCO, de um conjunto de resoluções condenando a sua política colonial. Através do recurso a documentação de arquivo, nomeadamente, do Arquivo Histórico-Diplomático, e Arquivo Oliveira Salazar, bem como pela consulta de periódicos portugueses, o artigo centra-se na relevância da visita do Diretor-geral da UNESCO, Amadou-Mahtar M'Bow, a Portugal em 1977, procurando-se verificar quais os contactos estabelecidos, e os progressos alcançados em áreas sob domínio da referida organização internacional.

Este artigo analisa aspectos institucionais da trajetória das Fundações Estaduais de Amparo à Pesquisa (FAPs) no Brasil. A abordagem está estruturada a partir dos desafios colocados pela Agenda 2030 das Nações Unidas, especialmente em seu objetivo 9, que trata da necessidade de construção de infraestruturas resilientes, buscando promover a industrialização inclusiva e sustentável, além de fomentar a inovação. A pesquisa procura identificar possíveis caminhos para o fortalecimento institucional desse sistema. Trata-se de uma pesquisa exploratória que se apoiou em metodologia triangular, por meio da articulação entre literatura, revisão de documentos oficiais e geração de dados, além da experiência prática vivenciada pelo autor. A Agenda 2030 das Nações Unidas é uma carta de intenções firmada em ambiente multilateral, expressando consenso sobre um cenário ideal, sem análise dos entraves inerentes aos desafios reais nos planos doméstico e global. Isto não anula sua importância como uma visão de futuro capaz de orientar ações por parte dos atores políticos e sociais. Neste ensaio, ela é entendida como uma oportunidade de se buscar uma reflexão estratégica em uma área decisiva para o futuro ou não futuro do país. O exame se concentra nas tendências centrais das mudanças societárias em curso, apontadas pela literatura. A partir dessa descrição, procura refletir sobre as respostas dadas pelo país nos últimos anos, discutindo, também, percepções sobre o que poderá ocorrer no futuro próximo, extraídas de um diálogo com atores-chave do setor das FAPs em nível subnacional.

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Copyright of Revista del ICDT is the property of Instituto Colombiano de Derecho Tributario and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

O presente artigo aborda os elementos essenciais para compreensão histórica da relevância do assunto “direitos humanos e empresas”, temática esta que levou à aprovação pelas Nações Unidas dos chamados "Princípios Orientadores de Ruggie", em 2011. A pesquisa relata a trajetória de conscientização sobre o envolvimento das corporações, especialmente as transnacionais, em violações de direitos humanos. Propõe, ao final, caminhos para o engajamento da pauta, com vistas ao fim das consequências perversas decorrentes de negligências empresariais.

O artigo traça um quadro das operações de manutenção da paz das Nações Unidas do ponto de vista das negociações relativas a seu financiamento. Após fazer um histórico de como evoluíram as políticas da Organização para prover de recursos suas missões de paz, analisa a Quinta Comissão da Assembleia Geral, foro onde ocorrem os debates administrativos e orçamentários. Discute, em seguida, a maneira pela qual é negociada a repartição dos custos das missões de paz, corporificada na escala de contribuições. É feito debate sobre como transcorre o processo orçamentário, com ênfase nos grupos negociadores e na maneira como as preferências orçamentárias afetam as operações. São mencionados outros aspectos do trabalho da Quinta Comissão que afetam as operações de manutenção da paz e é examinada a relação da Quinta Comissão com outros órgãos que decidem sobre as missões de paz, com exemplos de temas disputados entre os vários foros decisórios das Nações Unidas.

In this article, we analyse the content of the speeches delivered by Brazilian Presidents, Foreign Ministers and Ambassadors at annual Ordinary Sessions of the United Nations General Assembly in the period between 1946 and 2019. Our primary objective is to find out how often and under what circumstances Brazilian diplomats mentioned the subject of American regionalism and whether the mention was made in reference to specific projects or to abstract concepts of regional integration and cooperation. Based on this analysis, we highlight the great deal of importance that was given to MERCOSUR - and, to a lesser extent, UNASUR - to the detriment of other regional integration projects, as well as the preference, by Brazilian diplomats, for a flexible, low-profile, abstract and low-cost discursive approach. In short, we found that cooperation and integration have frequently been discussed, although little attention has been devoted to the limits and possibilities of each project under construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Depois da reação a Snowden em 2013 e 2014, nenhuma palavra foi proferida sobre o assunto por Dilma Rousseff na Assembleia Geral da ONU em 2015. Em 2016, o atual presidente repetiu a lacuna. Parcialmente, pelas mesmas razões que explicam 2015. Entretanto, se a conjuntura abona a lacuna de 2015, o mesmo não vale para 2016. Palavras-chave: Nações Unidas; Caso Snowden; Governança da Internet.

This paper analyzes the United Nations and its General Assembly under the constructivist optic, taking as theoretical basis the anarchical society proposed by Hedley Bull. Such an approach allows evaluating the relations between authority, legitimacy, representativity, diplomacy and deliberation.

O dia 21 de abril, as Nações Unidas promoveram o diálogo interativo organizado pela Assembleia Geral sobre a Harmonia com a Natureza, em que se discutiu a aplicação do par. 3 da resolução 71/232 de 21 de dezembro 2016 sobre a Jurisprudência da Terra e as recomendações do relatório externo apresentado na ocasião. O objetivo do evento foi encorajar a sociedade a repensar e redescobrir as relações com o mundo natural e o fundamento ético da relação entre humanidade e a Terra no contexto do desenvolvimento sustentável. Entre as diversas e ricas deliberações, destaco uma de relevante interesse para o estudioso do Direito, posto ser referente a sua principal ferramenta: a linguagem.

This paper focuses on the need of studying the main foundations of the United Nations International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families that entered into force in 2003. To accomplish this purpose, first, ILO regulations on migrant population and labor relations will be reviewed; then, the tool will be deeply analyzed; finally, the article will conclude with the essential evaluations the Committee on Migrant Workers carried out for some countries of the Central America region, signatories of the Convention. It is worth noting that Costa Rica does not currently take part in this tool; but even so the other countries participating in it have already received high valued effects and implications, especially El Salvador and Guatemala, as it is going to be analyzed in this paper.

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This article makes the case for viewing international organisations (IOs) as global polyarchies. Our argument is twofold: on a theoretical level, IOs often meet the criterion of philosophical coherence, as they are based on rules of membership and decision-making that are compatible with those found in democratic institutions. On a practical level, we believe the concerns of IOs about pluralism, inclusiveness and efficacy go far beyond rhetoric, and may decisively influence their activities as well as their outcomes. To this end, the first section explores Robert Dahl's concept of polyarchy and applies this to global institutions. In the subsequent sections, we advance our empirical argument with the UN as a case study. We reach three main conclusions. The first is that, at the bureaucratic level, the UN Secretariat performs some typically democratic functions, such as multilateral representation and the constitution of international regimes, which turns it into an important channel for feasible democracy in international politics. Second, at the multilateral level, the UN General Assembly (UNGA) represents a specific kind of representative polyarchy by allowing the greatest possible number of countries to have an equal say in global affairs. And third, it also serves as a gateway for multilevelled international representation by including a diversity of non-state actors in what has been called the 'Third United Nations.'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-conflict societies struggle with several interlocking problems that often relate to security and legitimacy. To address these issues, the international community has often turned to Peacekeeping Operations (PKOs) or Security Sector Reform (SSR) programs. In this article, the authors present different aspects of these evolving concepts and what theoretical problems each tool aim to resolve. Furthermore, a symbiosis is found to exist between the ability of PKOs to provide protection in the immediate aftermath of conflict and the long-term benefits that SSR provides through the creation of accountable, efficient and professional security institutions. PKOs contribute to creating necessary preconditions successful SSR implementation, namely a safe environment. However, four additional preconditions must be met: a common vision, external support, local ownership and donor collaboration. Inability to provide these conditions will lead to a sub-optimal implementation and a security sector reform failing to deliver legitimate and professional institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to discuss the effectiveness of the mediator role of the United Nations and the African Union on conflict resolution in the cases of Burundi and Uganda. The argument is that this mediating role influenced considerably in the negotiations since it realized a ceasefire in hostilities between the warring parties and the establishment of more significant agreements on pending issues. For this discussion, we attempted to describe the processes of successful mediation in recent decades in Africa, based on the cases as mentioned above, whose similar methods of resolution could achieve positive results. Finally, we evaluated the effectiveness of UN mediator in the field of maintenance and promotion of peace, emphasizing their strategies on reducing violence on the ground and in the protection of civilians.

Elabora-se um comentário crítico ao relatório produzido pela Relatora Especial das Nações Unidas (NU) para a questão da habitação em Portugal, durante a sua visita ao nosso país no fim do ano de 2016 e apresentado ao Conselho dos Direitos Humanos das NU em Março de 2017. O relatório examina a implementação do direito à habitação, incidindo sobre a legislação nacional, as políticas e os programas, bem como os problemas estruturais existentes neste domínio e os desafios que têm ainda de ser cumpridos para se alcançar o Direito à Habitação a nível nacional e subnacional. É dada particular importância às comunidades vulneráveis, sobretudo num contexto de austeridade de pós crise capitalista 2008/2009 e às propostas e recomendações políticas feitas pelas NU ao Governo Português.