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While legal progress on Indigenous land claims has recently been fostered around the globe, sea claims still lag behind. Since the beginning of colonization, the doctrine of mare nullius declared seas vacant of Indigenous tenure or authority and led to the establishment of sovereign State jurisdiction over offshore areas, and more recently to the characterization of the living resources in these waters as accessible for each State's citizens. In Norway, colonialism was not characterized by transoceanic settlement. The concept of establishing sovereignty in offshore areas attached to the land, however, had the same basis as the European colonies in America or Oceania. In this context, the acknowledgement of the marine living resources in the waters attached to the land as common goods for all Norwegian citizens adversely affected the Coastal Sámi Indigenous peoples, who exclusively and since time immemorial managed the wild marine living resources based on customary systems of marine tenure. Additionally, due to increased regulations over the past few decades, it has become difficult for the Coastal Sámi to continue their traditional way of living. Still, legislation and recommendations on Indigenous participation in marine resource management exist and derive from both Norwegian and international law. However, despite the established legal framework, Coastal Sami participation in marine resource management is often questioned. It has been argued that the most appropriate way to ensure Indigenous inclusion in marine resource management is to look at the reverse side of the coin, exploring Indigenous tenure, legal traditions and knowledge, and accommodate them within State law. This project aims, through ethnographic fieldwork and literature analysis, to discuss the current status of Coastal Sámi fisheries in the communities of Troms County, and illustrate local conceptions of marine resource management among the project participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study demonstrates how the EU contributes to a self-reinforcing administrative bias due to domestic-level organizational factors. Strong European integration without membership reinforces a politico-administrative gap and this gap expands over time. The paper applies an extreme case of high integration without formal EU membership represented by Norway. The findings suggest that the EU contributes to reinforce the administrative state through strong unintended assimilation effects. The findings are probed by a novel and comprehensive longitudinal data-set consisting of a large-N single case (N = 3562) questionnaire study among government officials at three points in the Norwegian central administration: 1996, 2006 and 2016. Theoretically, the paper examines the role of organizational factors in administrative integration and how the impact of the EU is mediated by organizational variables at the national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study details the influence of hyperpartisan media actors in comparison to regional and national news media competitors by gauging audience engagement in relation to news on Facebook in Norway. Adopting the perspective of news use as a way of understanding such engagement, the study finds that followers of hyperpartisan Facebook Pages are more active than those following mainstream media Pages. The study also looks closer into what kinds of news are engaged with to higher degrees than others, building on these results in suggesting opportunities for future research into news production and consumption on Facebook. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government reforms such as contracting-out continue to influence public service provision within infrastructure sectors. Contracting-out involves a detachment of the operators from political decision-making and the creation of intermediary procurement agencies. These reforms therefore tend to require an adaptation of how accountability is implemented. Previously, elected officials delegated their democratic authority (vested in them through public votes) to the public administration and thus more or less controlled service delivery. We address how accountability has been adapted in the context of contracting-out and the challenges that have emerged. We are primarily interested in assessing the ability of the political body to maintain control and the relationship between private service providers, citizens and customers. Using a multiple case study design, we select cases from the public transport sectors at the regional level in Sweden, Norway and Switzerland that represent different contracting-out models. We find that with increasing degrees of autonomy from the state (the two Nordic cases) there are both more adaptations to accountability and also more challenges emerge than the model with direct political control (the Swiss case). The central challenges arise between politicaladministrative and agency accountability with the involvement of a procurement agency. This has led to reforms to re-integrate the intermediary procurement agencies back into the country administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on decentralization points out that there is a tendency to limit discretion at the local level by, for example, imposing national standards. It is therefore of interest to understand how sub-national authorities act under conditions of political decentralization, which is not followed by a similar delegation of administrative competence. Are subnational authorities able to make policy changes or do they simply follow the same path as the central state authorities prior to decentralization? Drawing on insights from organisational perspectives, it might be expected that the shift of organisational locus affects policy change. Based on qualitative data, we explore the Norwegian Reform of Government Administration, which transferred the bulk of the national road network to the regional level in 2010. This was a political decentralization reform. The sub-national authorities continued to rely on the national road agency's competence. Although standards, the professional community in the road agency and limited financial resources hampered the effect of the reform, we find that the regional authorities were able to influence the focus of the road agency towards a more sustainable and holistic regional perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract We elicit citizens' preferences over hypothetical candidates by applying conjoint survey experiments within a probability-based online panel of the Norwegian electorate. Our experimental treatments differ in whether citizens receive information about candidates' social characteristics only, candidates' issue positions only, or both. From this, we identify whether citizens are able to infer substantive policy positions from the descriptive characteristics of potential representatives and use that information to make candidate choices that achieve substantive representation. We find that candidate choice is driven more by knowledge about candidates' issue positions than by knowledge about their social characteristics and that citizens value substantive representation more robustly than descriptive representation. Importantly, while the direct experimental test of whether voters use the information they obtain from descriptive markers to choose a candidate that gives them substantive representation is inconclusive, we find that voters form beliefs about candidates' issue positions based solely on candidates' social characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between the Norwegian State on the one hand, and political parties and voluntary organizations on the other, has traditionally been based on mutual trust. To assess the claim that civil society institutions are developing towards ‘semi-public agencies’, we review state regulation of Norwegian voluntary organizations and political parties. The State does demand more accountability and transparency in return for public funding, but many aspects are also regulated scarcely or not at all. This indicates that substantial mutual trust remains. This relationship might be characterized as a partnership based on interdependence, rather than colonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The shift away from ecology towards climatology in Norwegian environmental policy in the late 1980s and 1990s was not accidental. A main mover was the Labor Party politician Gro Harlem Brundtland who did not want to deal with unruly and highly vocal Deep Ecologists. Better then to start afresh with a different set of environmental scholars appealing to the technocratic tradition within the Labor Party. Instead of changing the ethical and social ways of dealing with environmental problems as the Deep Ecologists were advocating, she was looking for technological and economic solutions. And she mobilized an international regime of carbon capture storage (CCS), tradable carbon emissions quota (TEQs), and clean development mechanisms (CDMs), all of which eventually were approved in Kyoto in 1997. This move towards technocracy and cost-benefit economics reflects a post-Cold War turn towards utilitarian capitalism, but also a longing to showcase Norway as an environmental pioneer country to the world. The underlying question was how to reconcile the nation’s booming petroleum industry with reduction in climate gas emissions. Should the oil and gas stay underground and the country strive towards the ecologically informed zerogrowth society the Deep Ecologists were envisioning? Or could growth in the petroleum industry take place without harming the environment as the Labor Party environmentalists argued? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2012 the Parliament of Norway accepted several changes to the country's Constitution. The sum of these changes Is that the Church of Norway, in accordance with its own wishes, is no longer a state church. This Is the end of an era which began at the time of the Reformation. The 'spirit' of the state church is still very much alive, however, for example in the Constitution's description of the church as an established (folk) church. There are a number of unanswered questions regarding the implications of the Parliament's decision. The present essay presents some of the stages in the ongoing process of establishing the judicial basis for an independent church, including three important issues which need inner-church clarifications. The first of these is the former role of the king in church government over against that of the Parliament; the decision on this issue will influence the pathway which the church will choose in the future. Other pressing issues are the balancing of authority at the different levels in church leadership and gaining understanding what it means that the Church of Norway Is both synodical and episcopal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this work we present the Talk of Norway (ToN) data set, a collection of Norwegian Parliament speeches from 1998 to 2016. Every speech is richly annotated with metadata harvested from different sources, and augmented with language type, sentence, token, lemma, part-of-speech, and morphological feature annotations. We also present a pilot study on party classification in the Norwegian Parliament, carried out in the context of a cross-faculty collaboration involving researchers from both Political Science and Computer Science. Our initial experiments demonstrate how the linguistic and institutional annotations in ToN can be used to gather insights on how different aspects of the political process affect classification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The introductory article to the special issue discusses terrorism and political violence in the Nordic countries and reviews the state of academic research on the topic. Even though the Nordic countries appear to have suffered from lower levels of terrorism and political violence than many other Western states, they have been less void and peripheral with regard to such phenomena than common wisdom and academic scholarship would suggest. While some notable acts of violence like the July 2011 attacks in Norway have been covered in research literature to a certain degree, other phenomena such as far-right violence in Sweden have attracted less attention. The article discusses the ways in which the analysis of Nordic countries could contribute to the field of research and how articles included in the special issue address existing gaps in literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his 2014 paper entitled “Reason, Rationality and Fiduciary Duty”, Lydenberg ventures into the field of the moral and political philosophy dealing with distributive justice in search of fresh perspectives on fiduciary duty. Simply by doing this, Lydenberg makes the very important contribution of drawing a little more attention to the potential that this huge field of study might have in relation to understanding socially responsible investment. There are however difficulties with Lydenberg’s paper. I describe three in particular that I believe warrant critical attention. The first emerges out of Lydenberg’s treatment of the central concepts of reasonableness and rationality. The second lies in his apparent suggestion that at some earlier time fiduciary duty was somehow more generally other-considering than it is today. And finally, the third is associated with the place that impartiality occupies in Lydenberg’s storyline, and the implications of this in terms of his call for a reconciliation between reasonableness and rationality. This critical scrutiny clarifies theoretical and practical implications of the transition Lydenberg is suggesting. In doing this, it makes the realization that what Lydenberg is attempting is more than likely nothing short of resolving “The fundamental problem of ethics and politics” (Russell, Unpopular essays, Routledge, London, p. 3, 2009/1950) in the specific context of fiduciary action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We develop scholarship on status in international politics by focusing on the social dimension of small and middle power status politics. This vantage opens a new window on the widely-discussed strategies social actors may use to maintain and enhance their status, showing how social creativity, mobility, and competition can all be system-supporting under some conditions. We extract lessons for other thorny issues in status research, notably questions concerning when, if ever, status is a good in itself; whether it must be a positional good; and how states measure it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how personalisation, blame avoidance and institutional constraints collide in contemporary government communication practices. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in a Norwegian ministry, it analyses how a central government agency manages the media during critical news campaigns featuring individuals suffering from inadequate public health services. To provide a comprehensive analysis of the particular limits and aims of government communication, the article combines perspectives from public agency studies with media research on personalisation. It finds that the need to be visible and demonstrate agency in the media drive personalisation strategies towards a strong focus on government leaders, while simplifying the representation of complex government organisation and processes. At the same time, institutional constraints and the formal delegation of responsibility limit the communication repertoire available for public agencies when critical human interest stories dominate in the media. This results in a standard type of unconvincing media performance, where incumbents appear to evade direct personal responsibility. The case study provides new knowledge on dilemmas, negotiations and strategies behind government communication, illuminating how competing interests play out in a rapidly changing media landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates the relationship between Norwegian MPs and their home constituency. The approach is based on the concept of constituency representation, which combines representational focus and constituency service. The data used in the empirical analysis comprise both surveys and in-depth interviews with MPs. It shows that MPs have multiple representative foci. The party is most important, but (party) voters in the constituency are also considered essential. Moreover, MPs actively pursue constituency interests and rate this work very importantly. Indeed, constituency effort represents an essential and time-consuming part of Norwegian parliamentarians' work. They target local policyfriendly organisations and media, and work for general constituency interest simultaneously-when possible also in cooperation with MPs from other parties. In conclusion, the article discusses contextual factors that may contribute to explain MPs' constituency representation in Norway. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we present a new dataset containing political science publications on Norwegian, European and international levels by authors affiliated with Norwegian institutions. 564 articles from 1999 to 2014 are coded according to a variety of variables. Using this dataset, we explore questions regarding who publishes and what is published in Norwegian political science. We confirm suspicions that publications in international journals often contain quantitative methods, while publications in national journals use qualitative methods; that it is predominately professors who publish in high ranking international journals and that women are still strongly underrepresented in publications on all levels, despite rise in tenured female academic staff in Norway. However, we see a trend of more mixed-sex research teams on the international level, which can be explained by two interconnected hypotheses: (I) publication on the international level is more prestigious, and will often require collaboration between several researches; (II) there has been a rise in female PhDs while professors are still mostly male. By contrasting findings from Ireland, Portugal, and Spain, we also present the status of Norwegian political science in an international context. We encourage researchers to investigate further the evolution of Norwegian political science using these data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of social media has been studied extensively within a series of national political contexts. However, only few studies have focused on the uses of social media by local or regional politicians. This exploratory study presents results from a survey regarding the professional communication habits of Norwegian local and regional politicians. The main results indicate that while services like Facebook and Twitter have gained considerable popularity among politicians, the bulk of respondents find traditional channels of communication more important. Moreover, while the respondents largely acknowledge the interactive potential of novel services, considerable differences concerning use and adoption can be found among the politicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fourteen Norwegian politicians, subject to scandalizing media exposure, were interviewed about their experiences, reactions, and ways of coping. The participants expressed deep feelings of injustice and powerlessness related to the proportion of the coverage, the journalistic practices, and the use of anonymous statements. Most significant were the extent of the exposure, attacks on personal and moral attributes, harmful effects on significant others, and betrayal by political colleagues. It was difficult to publicize their own version of the story or correct dubious facts. They experienced stress both in direct encounters with media and related to the reactions of their family members, friends, and colleagues. Long-term effects were loss of trust in others and avoidance of public exposure. Media coping strategies included approaching personal media contacts, counterattacks, and keeping a low profile. Emotional coping strategies involved conducting business as usual and self-control instructions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Collaboration and networking are ubiquitous, versatile features of social service provision in most Western countries. However, it is an open question whether networking means and entails the same across countries. Comparing regulatory frameworks in three jurisdictions representing distinctive ' worlds of welfare services' - Germany, Norway and Quebec - this article aims at eliciting the normative rationales that underpin and inform local service networks in child welfare and protection ( CWP) systems. In Norway, where services are little diversified and largely insular, networking appears as a way of opening up for greater organizational plurality, within and beyond the public sector realm. In Germany in contrast, where services are highly pluralized and fragmented, networks are seen as an instrument for streamlining complexity. As for Quebec - an intermediate case in some respects - networking is envisioned as a catalyst for aligning two co-existing service streams and mitigating the child protection- family support divide. Interestingly, in all three places, networking is now being enforced through similar highly formalized, top-down regulatory provisions, even though the intended directions of change differ markedly. This has implications for CWP policy as well as research on networks at large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study shows that although Norway and Sweden have rather similar family policies, the seemingly small differences that exist reflect different national ideals of care, and these differences encourage parents to employ different gendered moral rationalities. However, Sweden's ideal of 'equal-sharing/professional care', encourages fathers to take longer leaves than the Norwegian ideal of 'partial sharing plus choosing between professional or parental care'. Given their different national ideals of caring, different gendered moral rationalities emerge. While in Norway the dominant gendered moral rationality among our interviewees is 'man-doing-his-duty', in Sweden two different rationalities arise: the 'breastfeeding-plus-sharing' rationality and the 'male-opt-out'. This conclusion is based on 60 interviews with mothers and fathers in Oslo and Stockholm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food security has emerged as a relatively new policy issue in agricultural policy making in developed countries. This policy problem is addressed within an institutional landscape in which agricultural ideas and institutions are well-established. In this article, food security policy making in Australia and Norway is compared. In Australia, agricultural normalism (agricultural markets and production are considered to be similar to those of other economic sectors) has been dominant since the mid-1980s, while Norwegian agricultural policy making has been dominated by agricultural exceptionalism (agriculture is considered a unique economic sector with special market and production conditions). It is demonstrated in the article how these two opposing institutionalised ideational foundations have influenced the nature of the food security debate in the two countries. In Australia, the debate emphasises the positive role of the market and trade in providing global food security. In Norway, the debate highlights the need to regulate market forces and restrict trade in order to allow countries to develop their own agricultural sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The parish church held a central place in local communities in the 18th century, both physically and symbolically; however, the institutions and practices governing the churches differed significantly between the Scandinavian countries. This article traces the development of local church government in Norway from its position under 18th-century absolutism to its inclusion into the new system of local self-government, established in 1837. It is compared to the very different institutions of self-government in Sweden in the same period. Although there were many lines of continuity within local government across the political dividing line marked by the Norwegian constitution of 1814, both local church offices and the parish community underwent conceptual changes related to the new constitutional system. Local church government therefore provides an example of how the notion of the population in general changed from absolutism to constitutional rule; from commoners in contradistinction to the state to communities constituting the very foundation of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The ‘problem’ of designing a professional intelligence education conforming to nationally accredited standards for higher education is resolved by the Norwegian Defence Intelligence School’s accredited programme offered to professional intelligence officers from the broader Norwegian intelligence community. The programme provides an opportunity to develop academic knowledge of intelligence without interrupting career progression, and serves as a forum for developing a shared sense of community within Norway’s security and intelligence bureaucracy. Focusing on four core ‘academic’ intelligence modules, this paper introduces the origins of the school and the rationale for the programme, presents and discusses the subject matter taught throughout the programme and concludes with reflections of the realization of the initial vision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose -- The purpose of this paper is to examine three substantial trends in public administration research from a Norwegian perspective with a special focus on administrative reform that addresses organizational arrangements rather than changes of policy by focusing on government capacity and good government. Design/methodology/approach -- The paper is synthesizing trends in Norwegian public administration research over the past 30 years by using existing publications and also by contrasting it to development in other countries. Findings -- The paper describes, first, the theoretical development toward meso-level theories and an institutional turn in public administration research. Second, it focuses on the methodological development toward more time series analysis and comparative and objective data. Third, it addresses the trend from processes and administrative behavior to performance and effects. Originality/value -- The paper addresses the increasing internalization of public administration research, the strengthened focus on empirical studies of "living" organizations, the need to address the big issues and large forces in public administration and also the transformative periods and unsettled situations going beyond settled stable situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Inter-municipal cooperation is gaining in popularity in many Western countries, making it a matter of pressing importance to better understand what factors might contribute to the success of such arrangements. This article focuses on three Norwegian inter-municipal cooperative arrangements in the field of child welfare that are deemed to be successful, and the aim is to identify common features across the three cases with a focus on the governance structures of the collaborations. The study combines document studies and qualitative interviews, and reveals three main factors that can explain success: a sense of urgency, political and administrative support combined with incremental processes. The study also indicates that these factors interact, and can thus not be viewed as explanations taken individually. Furthermore, the potential negative effects on allocative efficiency are highlighted. Since the success of inter-municipal cooperation seems at least partly to depend on whether the task in focus is "moved out" of the ordinary activity and embedded in a higher political and administrative level, it is argued that this may further fragment the municipalities' ability to make priorities between sectors and services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the Norwegian governance of maritime security that surrounds the accommodation of armed private security provision on board Norwegian-registered ships, and questions the role of Norwegian public authorities. In 2011, the Norwegian government introduced a new legal framework that explicitly permitted the use of armed private security for ships transiting piracy-prone waters. Through an in-depth examination of the agenda setting, implementation and evaluation phases of the new policy, the article analyses the roles and responsibilities performed by the involved actors. Comparing the empirical case study of Norway with the governance literature, it is argued that public actors neither ‘steer’ nor ‘row’, rather they function as facilitators in and for a governance arrangement that is essentially industry-driven in character. This facilitating role encompasses elements of both acceptance and contribution, where a low degree of public control was accepted in return for a flexible and low-cost/risk scheme against piracy. As such, the facilitating role does not support the view that contemporary security governance is a zero-sum game between public and private actors. Instead, the facilitating capacities of public authorities are seen as their competitive advantage in an increasingly fragmented security environment. This article contends that although maritime governance inhabits peculiarities related to both the shipping industry’s global competitive character and the maritime domain’s geographical distance from public authorities, the Norwegian governance of maritime security is nevertheless deeply embedded in global governance structures. This underscores the need to address the maritime domain as constitutive of global politics and, in turn, treat the ‘facilitating argument’ developed here as potentially relevant for the broader governance literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The field of ministerial durability, showing why some ministers are dismissed and others not, has increased in size over the last decade. Specifically, linking ministerial performance through resignation calls with durability has been applied to both majoritarian and semi-presidential systems, whereas this link is less explored in consensual electoral systems. Thus, this study explores the relationship between ministerial performance and durability in postwar Norway, drawing on the principal-agent theory for parliamentary democracies and the accountability link between party leaders and ministers. The main finding is that there are many similarities to other studies' ministerial durability and performance. By measuring performance in resignation calls coming through the media, it is found that ministerial durability is decreased when performance is low: the more resignation calls a minister gets, the more likely the minister is to be removed by the party leader. Consequently, it is argued that ministers generally are held accountable by their party leaders whenever they are perceived to perform badly. Even though it is argued in the article that studies on ministerial durability and performance would benefit from alternative performance measures, the analysis shows that resignation calls give a good indication of how party leaders hold ministers accountable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we investigate how victims pursue legal participation when they are confronted by legal barriers and dilemmas that arise from tensions between legal formality and lay expectations and contributions of legal proceedings. We use the trial against Anders Behring Breivik as a case. Breivik placed a bomb in Norway's Government District before he shot and killed 69 people on a small island. We analyze interviews with 31 victims who testified against Breivik in court. We argue that the circumstances of the trial against Breivik can be characterized as 'ideal' in terms of victims' rights. The exceptionality of this case facilitates a focus on unquestioned obstacles to victim participation concerning the professionalization of the legal system. We question the presumption prevalent among some theorists that the professionalization of the legal system excludes lay participation, by arguing that legal formality both alienate and empower lay participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]