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En Inde, les transitions énergétiques vers le charbon et l’hydroélectricité exercent une pression sur les ressources naturelles qui affecte gravement les communautés marginalisées, en particulier autochtones. Le modèle libéral de la transition « juste », centré sur la consultation et la participation des « parties prenantes », légitime en réalité les processus d’expropriation en ce qu’il ignore les asymétries et les violences d’État.

Many newcomers to Canada experience significant difficulties adjusting to life in their new community, with few more challenging than learning English. While Canada's Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada (LINC) program suggests a pathway to social integration, ideologies pertaining to language and diversity that inform the LINC program can lead to the assimilation and marginalization of immigrant and refugee newcomers. The disruptions that COVID-19 brought to LINC classes exacerbated these issues. Here, we explore these themes in an ethnographic study of one LINC site and suggest that the incorporation of digital technologies could offer a space for a translingual pedagogy to take root. With appropriate guidance, the adoption of a translingual pedagogy could work against the problematic discourses perpetuating within LINC and improve English learning outcomes by providing increased opportunities for digital literacy socialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amidst mounting alarm over plastic waste’s impact on ecosystems and health, Thailand has gained global attention as one of the top six contributors to marine plastic debris. Narratives that Thai people are ‘addicted to plastic’ circulate widely in local and international media. This article unpacks this and related tropes by investigating their historical development and everyday usage. Based on ethnographic research among regulators, activists, plastic industry members, and recyclers in Bangkok, and a media analysis, I demonstrate how co-constructed civic epistemologies frame plastic waste solutions in Thailand. As public knowledge-ways that inform decision-making, these epistemologies drive plastic pollution by perpetuating neoliberal ideologies of personal responsibility and deregulation. In doing so, they reframe Thailand’s plastic waste challenges as a question of individual morality that requires consumer-based solutions rather than a question of structural production that requires a regulatory response. While scholars have addressed plastic pollution from technical, governance, and new materialist perspectives, this article offers a socio-cultural geography approach that accounts for the cultural narratives that mediate plastic pollution debates and drive plastic production and policy in Thailand and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the case study of Canada's private refugee sponsorship program, we show how neoliberalization heightens the power of non-immigrant civilians to broker immigrants' transnationalism. Private sponsors respond differently to two common and interrelated forms of refugee transnationalism in which they are structurally empowered to intervene. They encourage family reunification while discouraging remittances, although the former often depends on the fulfillment of the latter. Reflecting on these power imbalances, we classify private refugee sponsorship as part of a North American trend to devolve the management of noncitizens from state actors to ordinary citizens. We conclude by encouraging scholars of transnationalism to look down and investigate how non-immigrant private civilians in receiving countries increasingly shape newcomers' cross-border linkages. We also urge them to look up and attend to the broader neoliberal context empowering and structuring the behavior of citizen brokers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jurnal Reviu Akuntansi dan Keuangan (JRAK) is the property of Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Les politiques néolibérales au Brésil ont été introduites sur la scène politique et économique à partir des années 1990, déclenchant un processus de néolibéralisation qui a été tardif dans le développement du pays par rapport au scénario latino-américain. En 2003, malgré l’élection d’un gouvernement dit de gauche, les politiques néolibérales ont continué à se perpétuer dans l’agenda économique, coexistant de manière contradictoire avec une série de politiques sociales adoptées, révélant la tendance des gouvernements Lula vers ce que l’on appelle le "néo-développementalisme". L’objectif de cette recherche est d’analyser les plans et programmes nationaux pour le développement du tourisme, élaborés par le ministère du tourisme, à la lumière de la propagation et de la reproduction supposées des tendances néolibérales et néo-développementistes. Pour ce faire, l’analyse a été réalisée par le biais d’une recherche bibliographique et documentaire dans les organismes officiels. La conclusion est que ces paradigmes étaient présents sous le gouvernement Lula da Silva (2003 - 2011), guidant les plans et les programmes destinés au développement du tourisme brésilien.

This article conceptualizes the market as a concept to ask 'how is neoliberalism able to go on?' A question that was raised in the aftermath of the 2008 Great Financial Crisis and the persistence of market-based policies. It argues that one of the reasons is to be found in the performance of failure. Recent contributions have started to point to the cultural and ideological preconditions of failures. The following discussion seeks to contribute to this debate by identifying three distinct notions of failure: as empirical fact, as communication and as institutional fact. These three notions give rise to technological, reflexive and critical debates respectively. This article argues that market-based problematizations of failure translate communicative and institutional failures into empirical ones with the consequence that reflective and critical debates morph into technocratic ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Several scholars point out that racism now resides under the guises of equality, meritocracy, non-racialism, and multiculturalism. The term 'colour blindness' has gained noticeable currency in international and local scholarship on racism and race. In the context of South Africa, while several authors are using the term 'colour blindness', very few studies offer a systematic analysis of colour-blind racism (CBR). This article examines how Whites deploy CBR in historically white universities, and it considers the relationship between colour-blind racism and neoliberalism in post-apartheid South Africa. The article advances the following two arguments. First, colour-blind racism is an ideological resource that Whites can use in post-apartheid South Africa to silence discussion about historical injustices; to resist interventions intended to address racial inequalities, and to express racialised feelings without appearing defensive. Second, colour-blind racism has proven to be useful to proponents of neoliberalism (White and Black) in their pursuit to erase race from the affairs of the state, and to assign responsibility for development and justice to the market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1980s, there has been a growing anti-vaccination movement in English-speaking Canada created by a small number of people with alternative understandings of health and medicine, and by parents who believe their children were harmed by vaccination. The anti-vaccination movement of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries was fuelled by growing concerns about environmental toxicity, skepticism about the motivations of the pharmaceutical industry, neo-liberal ideas about health that encouraged patients to take health and health care in their own hands, and the intensive parenting styles characteristic of late twentieth century Canada. To combat vaccine hesitancy, it is vital to understand the arguments of those opposed to vaccination, which are often far more complex and nuanced than the pro-side would like to admit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Ileti-s-im is the property of Universite Galatasaray, Faculty of Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This article explores two youth programmes, YTK (Yuvati/Yuvak Talim Kendra) and IPDC (Integrated Personality Development Course), created by BAPS (Bochasanwasi Shri Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha), a global Hindu community. Both programmes rest on BAPS's vision of the good life while recognising globally circulating ideas of success that associate economic mobility with self-motivated and disciplined workers. In the context of neoliberalising India, BAPS programmes provide a toolkit for attaining devotional objectives and aspirational success where each depends on refashioning the self into an optimised ideal. BAPS's emphasis on the continuous and affectively intensive work of self-making in order to attain devotional goals draws attention to the translatability of devotional labour to those market arenas that demand affective responsiveness and flexibility. The youth programmes highlight the global discourse of self-improvement, filtered through BAPS conceptions of self in relation to others and point to the continued salience of religion in entrepreneurial times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes how liberal, American-curriculum universities and neoliberal entrepreneurship centers play a role in shaping the religious subjectivities of millennial Muslim women in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). It is grounded in 2 years of fieldwork and interviews conducted with middle-class, migrant Muslim women living in the UAE, a highly cosmopolitan urban setting shaped deeply by processes of globalization. Examining how 'global forms' materialize in local contexts, the article scrutinizes how the 'assemblages' emerging in educational and entrepreneurial contexts play a vital role in shaping women's practices and sensibilities, conceptualizations of God, and relationships to others. Tracing one woman's intellectual and religious trajectory through her self-narrative, the article intervenes in debates on the global reach and resonance of American educational 'imperialism'; the entanglement of religious and entrepreneurial subjectivity; and the contemporary forms of Islamic religiosity in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses and expands the concept of a 'political moral economy' to better understand elite attempts to justify and promote capitalist development strategies linked to the proliferation of 'smart technologies' such as big data, mobile communications, and the construction of hi-tech cities. Drawing on an Ideology and Discourse analysis perspective on hegemony introduced by Ernesto Laclau and Chantel Mouffe, it aims to show how market-based 'smart development' across the African continent has discursively incorporated resistance moralities associated with popular critiques of elite corruption, foreign exploitation, and local economic marginalisation for its overall political success. To do so, it will focus on the case of 'Leapfrogging development' discourses and the planned construction of the Technopolis Konza in Kenya. The key advance of this article is showing how dominant ideologies – and the domestic and foreign regimes of elite power they support – can be strengthened through processes of 'moral legitimisation' and 'moral disciplining'. Specifically, this moral dimension of hegemony involves the ongoing incorporation and strategic redeployment of existing and emergent normative discourses for the purpose of providing political legitimacy to these governing ideologies and further attempting to normatively regulate populations in accordance with their core values and interests – even in the face of their practical and ongoing failures as policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social Science Information is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sammendrag I artikkelen spør vi om neoliberalt entreprenørskap ikke bare gjør folk økonomisk fattigere, men også mer trengende på områder som har med livskvalitet og tilhørighet å gjøre. Vi analyserer etablering av virksomheter i en quechua-talende gruppe i høylandet i Peru fra 1963 og til idag og vårt svar er ja, neoliberalt entreprenørskap gjør folk fattigere, og nei, entreprenørskap utarmer ikke nødvendigvis natur og menneskelig fellesskap. Etter en flom etablerte flere familier et kollektivbruk på en tidligere hacienda, Chijnaya. Etter noen år oppløste de bruket og gikk tilbake til familiebruk og kooperativer. Idag er stedet en Centro Poblado, en liten kommune, med familiebruk og aksjeselskaper. I neoliberale forestillinger om entreprenørskap er natur og samfunn kun økonomiske ressurser som kan prissettes. Antropologer forstår natur og samfunn også som verdifulle, men ikke kun som økonomiske innsatsfaktorer. Selve bedriftene derimot isoleres sjelden som egne analyseobjekter i antropologi. Vi viser at de lokale virksomhetene som springer ut av entreprenørskapet både former og formes av natur og samfunn, men kan ikke reduseres til dem. Vi bruker Deleuze og Guattaris metafor «rizom», jordstengel, og et relativt nytt begrep fra arbeidslivsforskningen, «kollektivt entreprenørskap», som analytisk innramming for få grep nettopp om samspillet mellom bedrifter, natur og samfunn.

Le monde agricole connaît plusieurs transformations qui incarnent des façons de penser tirées du répertoire néolibéral. Toutefois, il n’existe aucune référence conceptuelle au néolibéralisme dans les débats et les analyses autour de la politique agricole au Maroc, encore moins à l’égard de l’Agriculture familiale. L’objectif de cet article est d’analyser dans quelles mesures les pratiques néolibérales dans le monde agricole ne sont pas vécues comme une rupture mais font sens avec des pratiques ancestrales ; il s’agit d’un imaginaire impérial familier avec le mode de gouvernement indirect, notamment avec les délégations. Les résultats montrent que l’Agriculture familiale, particulièrement sous les projets pilier II, est gouvernée par la délégation à des personnages choisis en fonction d’un imaginaire politique historiquement construit. Ainsi, cette étude contribuerait à une nouvelle lecture des modes de gouvernement de l’Agriculture familiale, autant qu’elle favoriserait de nouvelles démarches permettant de restituer des séquences historiques du gouvernement indirect du secteur agricole au Maroc.

The pandemic has illustrated the need to examine the vital role of the community nonprofit sector. While the nonprofit sector is known for innovatively responding to societal needs--to be resilient--it is also under-resourced and precariously situated. The hollowing out of social welfare under neoliberalism shifted service responsibility onto nonprofit providers, justified through the framing that precarity drives resilience. With the magnification of need during the pandemic, the "response resilience" of the sector was put to the test. This article studies Canadian reports on surveys of the community nonprofit sector during the pandemic to assess the state of the sector and to examine tensions between precarity and resilience. Evidence illustrates a community nonprofit sector in crisis and the limits of neoliberal resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Homonormativity is a key analytical concept for examining LGBT politics, and Pride events are key spaces of contested politics surrounding LGBT/queer populations. Yet conceptualisations of homonormativity as monolithic do not sufficiently explain grassroots LGBT opposition to the normalizing tendencies of mainstreamed Pride events. This paper explores how an analysis of the spatial dimensions constituting homonormativity in place can instead produce a conceptualisation of variegated homonormativities sufficient for understanding how homonormativity plays out between oppositional LGBT Pride groups in Glasgow. Drawing on archival material, interviews, and participant observation I place debates of homonormativity within the national and local contexts through which they are produced and embedded within. My analysis reveals how homonormativity in Glasgow manifests in uniquely Glaswegian ways along dimensions of politics, commodification, and inclusion/exclusion. These dimensions arise from local histories and governance that in turn shape Glaswegian homonormativities in contradictory ways to reveal the depth that deploying homonormativity as a variegated rather than monolithic concept adds for producing a more nuanced, place-sensitive analysis of national and local sexual politics. Conceptualizing homonormativities as variegated is shown to be a necessary analytical tool for understanding the complex ways that normativities are produced, altered, and resisted through space at Pride events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Global Strategis is the property of Universitas Airlangga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The 1970s energy crises was a decisive point in US culture and in the development of neo-liberal geographies. After the post-war period of rapid economic growth, Western economies sputtered and stalled. Cutting across political, economic, and cultural spheres, the discourse of energy crisis brought narrative coherence to what was, in fact, a heterogenous historical moment. In doing so, energy crisis discourse facilitated dramatic social and economic restructuring, as well as shifts in the distributions of lived spaces and times. More broadly, energy crisis discourse played a significant role in configuring the emerging processes of neo-liberalization and bringing about a set of historical outcomes, herein elucidated in three figures: the suburb, energy, and the entrepreneur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, there has been a revival of social protest and labor union activity in Chile. In this article, we examine the effects of this phenomenon to analyze its influence on working-class identity. Using International Social Survey Programme surveys from 2009 and 2019, we investigate whether class location and union membership affect people's subjective identification with the working class and how that effect may have changed over the decade. Our findings suggest that subjects who are situated in a 'subordinated' class position (unskilled workers or informal self-employed workers) are more likely to identify with the working class compared to subjects located in a privileged class position (employers, experts, or managers). However, surprisingly, our analysis does not indicate that working-class identity is reinforced by union membership. In addition, our results do not demonstrate that the effect of class or union membership has strengthened over the past decade. At the end of this article, we offer some possible explanations for these findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Focusing on four jurisdictions where abortion facilities and providers faced violent attacks following the Morgentaler decision of 1988, this study compares provincial government responses to core feminist demands in the area of women's reproductive health: enhanced hospital access, public funding of clinic abortions and safe zone protections. Consistent with previous research on childcare and anti-violence policies, the study finds that in neoliberal times, the presence of left governing parties in Alberta, British Columbia and Ontario generally favoured abortion rights interests while conservative regimes disadvantaged them. The article contributes valuable new insights in revealing (1) the importance of centrist leaders in Ontario and at the federal level to pro-choice policy changes, (2) the significance of feminist critical actors to these outcomes, and (3) major variation among New Democratic Party provincial governments on abortion policy. The conclusion discusses implications of these results and proposes directions for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article interrogates critiques of the contemporary university elaborated by scholars under the umbrella of critical university studies (CUS) by grappling with the theoretical and conceptual commitments to neoliberalism as a framework to discuss the political economy of higher education and its concomitant practices. Through a Black feminist critique of CUS's engagements with the "neoliberal function" of higher education, this article suggests the inability of neoliberalism as an analytical frame to consider the history of colonization and chattel slavery in the structuring of the contemporary university. Put another way, the emphasis on neoliberalism in many cultural critiques of the contemporary university disallows an analysis of Black fungibility as the internal logic of neoliberalism and the necessary relation that stabilizes the modern university and allows for the reproduction of post-slavery university subjects. Specifically, this argument coheres to the materialized scene of the university as a site of struggle. Reading Black student leaders' denigration of the university through a Black feminist lens, this article invites a reconfiguration of the contemporary university critique that both constitutes the current neoliberal paradigm and exceeds the onto-epistemic configurations of the educational subject that enable the emergence of the "neoliberal critique" of the university itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After encountering the writings of neoliberal economist Friedrich Hayek in the late 1970s, the political scientist Tom Flanagan became one of the most well-known Hayekians in Canada. Over the course of a career devoted mainly to the study of Louis Riel, Metis history, and the policies of Canadian settler colonialism, Flanagan developed a particular kind of "settler-neoliberalism." This article takes a broad view of Flanagan's intellectual development in order to show that, once Flanagan is situated transnationally in the appropriate intellectual currents, his work stands out and represents the most thoroughgoing effort, if not the only one, to deploy neoliberal ideas systematically in the service, or the defence, of a settler-colonial project. By examining the ways in which neoliberal ideas enabled Flanagan's defence of settler colonialism, this article concludes ultimately that neoliberalism has been a collaborative companion to the Canadian settler-colonial project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Social Science Information is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Blant forskere og praktikere har det de siste tiårene vært et økende søkelys på evidensbasert praksis (EBP) i sosialt arbeid. EBP vært gjenstand for omfattende kritikk, blant annet har forskere og sosialarbeidere hevdet at det tilhører positivistiske tradisjoner, og utgjør en trussel mot tradisjoner i sosialt arbeid. Dette har ført til forvirring, misforståelser og barrierer for implementeringen av modellen. EBP har også vært gjenstand for nytolkninger i implementeringsøyemed. I denne artikkelen redegjør vi for to overordnede tolkninger av evidensbasert praksis: den kritiske vurderingstilnærmingen og retningslinjetilnærmingen. Den kritiske vurderingstilnærmingen forutsetter at sosialarbeidere skal kritisk vurdere best tilgjengelig forskningskunnskap og inkorporere denne kunnskapen med sin praksisutøvelse, samtidig som de ivaretar klientenes verdier og preferanser. Tilhengere av retningslinjetilnærmingen mener at kritisk vurdering av forskning i hovedsak bør overlates til eksperter på området. I denne artikkelen redegjør vi for forståelser og fortolkninger av EBP-modellen, presenterer vitenskapsteoretisk kritikk av de to tilnærmingene og diskuterer hvilken innflytelse de kan ha på sosialt arbeids praksis.

In France, successive Ministers of the Interior systematically come to the defense of the police. By contrast, their colleagues in Higher Education and Research don't hesitate to join in attacks on academics. This is how Frédérique Vidal ended up in 2021 echoing the polemics launched the year before by the President of the Republic, Emmanuel Macron, and then by the Minister of National Education, Jean-Michel Blanquer. However, the campaign against "Islamo-leftism" was preceded by other offensives against higher education and research: university autonomy was thus challenged ... in the name of autonomy. As the reforms have progressed, higher education and research have been subjected to an authoritarian neoliberal regime, under the leadership of managers rather than colleagues, in a logic of competition that is supposed to guarantee excellence at the service of the economy. Just like a company, isn't the CNRS run by a CEO? Today, the takeover of ESR is inseparably ideological and economic. Thus, the increase in university fees for non-Europeans has used xenophobia to promote a neoliberal conception of studies. The threats to the academic world cannot be understood without articulating these distinct but intertwined logics. How can we tell the story of the attacks we are suffering, without erasing the struggles we are waging? For there is a great risk, in taking power as the object, of underestimating the role of counterpower that academics can still play in a country that is heir to a tradition of the "intellectual" as a figure of commitment. On the one hand, the multiple offensives of successive governments, whether directed at university policy or academics, have met with considerable resistance. Far from being reduced to inaction, the academic world is mobilizing strongly. But it's not just a question of reaction. On the other hand, the governmental campaigns themselves must be understood as forms of reaction against the politicization of academics: far from being passive victims, they play an active role. This is precisely the reason why ministers try to bring them into line: in France, the university is not isolated from society, as a campus can be. Critical knowledge circulates with social movements. In other words, campaigns targeting the academic world are proof that it is not without political importance. It's a form of recognition of the role it plays and can play. Anti-university politics today can be understood as a game of action and dreaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este proyecto analiza la campaña publicitaria #YoNoMeQuito, lanzada en 2016 por la compañía automotriz puertorriqueña Bella Group, como un punto de articulación de identidad nacional puertorriqueña dentro del contexto de una crisis económica y fiscal bajo el neoliberalismo. Después de que el gobernador Alejandro García Padilla anunciara que la deuda de Puerto Rico era impagable, un ambiente de incertidumbre plagó la sociedad puertorriqueña. A pesar de que las palabras del gobernador parecían abstractas, los puertorriqueños ya atestiguaban los crecientes costos de vida, el deterioro de las infraestructuras públicas, los esfuerzos de privatización, el alza en criminalidad, la falta de oportunidades profesionales, y el incremento en la migración. Ante un futuro incierto para los habitantes de Puerto Rico, campañas como #YoNoMeQuito buscaban ofrecer una seguridad ontológica nacionalista basada en discursos de libertad individual, productividad y resiliencia. En este artículo, el autor realiza un análisis discursivo de la campaña #YoNoMeQuito que contextualiza la formación discursiva dentro de los procesos históricos y decisiones que llevaron a la crisis económica y fiscal de Puerto Rico. Luego de contextualizar los procesos históricos que contribuyeron a las condiciones materiales de la crisis, el artículo analiza como #YoNoMeQuito construye una identidad nacional basada en soportar las realidades socioeconómicas del territorio. This essay analyzes the 2016 ad campaign #YoNoMeQuito, organized by the Puerto Rico-based automotive dealer Bella Group as an articulation of Puerto Rican cultural nationalism within the context of an economic and fiscal crisis shaped by neoliberalism. After Governor Alejandro García Padilla announced in 2015 that Puerto Rico's public debt was unpayable, uncertainty plagued Puerto Rican society. Although the words of the governor seemed abstract, Puerto Ricans were already witnessing increasing cost of living, deteriorating public infrastructure, privatization efforts, a surge in criminality, a lack of professional opportunities, and soaring migration. As Puerto Ricans confronted an uncertain future, campaigns such as #YoNoMeQuito sought to provide nationalist ontological security to individuals through messages based on individual freedom, productivity, and resilience. In this article, the author conducts a discursive analysis of the #YoNoMeQuito campaign that contextualizes the historical processes and decisions that led to Puerto Rico's economic and fiscal crisis. An economic and fiscal crisis is both material and affective. After discussing the historical processes that contributed to the material conditions of the economic crisis, the article analyzes how #YoNoMeQuito constructs a national identity based on enduring the harsh socio-economic realities of the territory. Ce projet analyse la campagne publicitaire #YoNoMeQuito, lancée en 2016 par l'entreprise automobile portoricaine Bella Group, comme un point d'articulation de l'identité nationale portoricaine dans le contexte d'une crise économique et fiscale sous le néolibéralisme. Après que le gouverneur Alejandro García Padilla a annoncé que la dette de Porto Rico était irremboursable, une atmosphère d'incertitude a pesé sur la société portoricaine. Bien que les paroles du gouverneur aient semblé abstraites, les Portoricains étaient déjà témoins de l'augmentation du coût de la vie, de la détérioration des infrastructures publiques, des efforts de privatisation, de l'augmentation du nombre de crime, du manque d'opportunités professionnelles et la hausse de l'immigration. Face à un avenir incertain pour les habitants de Porto Rico, des campagnes telles que #YoNoMeQuito ont cherché à offrir une sécurité ontologique nationaliste basée sur des discours de liberté individuelle, de productivité et de résilience. Dans cet article, l'auteur effectue une analyse discursive de la campagne #YoNoMeQuito qui contextualise la formation discursive dans les processus historiques et les décisions qui ont conduit à la crise économique et fiscale de Porto Rico. Après avoir contextualisé les processus historiques qui ont contribué aux conditions matérielles de la crise, l'article analyse comment #YoNoMeQuito construit une identité nationale basée sur le soutien aux réalités socio-économiques du territoire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Industrial Relations / Relations Industrielles is the property of Universite Laval, Department of Industrial Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Les reformes d’aquestes últimes dècades derivades del procés de Bolonya han inserit cada vegada més la universitat europea dins un règim de capitalisme acadèmic, segons el qual l’educació superior i la recerca se supediten a interessos mercantils. Amb l’enfocament teòric de l’anàlisi crítica del discurs, examinem un dels aspectes clau d’aquest nou règim als webs de les set universitats públiques de Catalunya: el vincle entre universitat i empresa. Desenvolupem primer una anàlisi descriptiva del contingut, els agents empresarials, els idiomes i el llenguatge que hi apareixen. La segona fase de l’anàlisi, de caràcter qualitatiu, determina els principals temes i significats que sorgeixen i, a la vegada, posa al descobert les ideologies inherents en el discurs. Els resultats demostren que el discurs universitari analitzat adopta un llenguatge empresarial que celebra l’emprenedoria i la competitivitat. Argumentem que aquest discurs contribueix a construir des de l’interior de la universitat una visió del món determinada, segons la qual els coneixements vàlids són els transferibles al mercat, els investigadors esdevenen emprenedors potencials i l’educació superior i la recerca han d’estar al servei de l’esfera productiva capitalista. L’article conclou amb una crida a qüestionar la vinculació de la universitat pública amb l’empresa i a obrir viaranys per a alliberar la universitat de l’hegemonia neoliberal que hi ha actualment.

Prior studies on work–faith integration have only explained professionals' negotiation of religious and professional identities within one occupational setting, overlooking how the negotiation diverges in the soaring force of neoliberal regime that intersects with gendered workplace culture. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Korean evangelical women professionals, the article demonstrates how women, proportionately more religious than men, arrive in the alignment of two identities at the workplace. The research finds two patterns of alignments: (1) individual moralising, which is achieved through displaying the narratives of calling and participating in expressive activities, and (2) selective compartmentalising, which is obtained through the practices of setting flexible boundaries and turning evangelical language off. Bringing a neoliberal and gendered perspective to the categorisation of workplaces, this study argues that women are likely to display higher degrees of faith and more evangelical language within less neoliberal-oriented, feminised workplaces than in neoliberal-oriented, masculine ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates about the future of small municipalities in Canada are set against a backdrop of economic, political, and social restructuring processes that have displaced former state investment policies in favour of neoliberal public policy approaches. Small municipalities struggle with outdated financial and governance structures and a provincial public policy agenda that asks them to become more creative, innovative, and "entrepreneurial" in their approach and responsibilities. Drawing upon key informant interviews with eight case studies in British Columbia, Canada, this research examines the tensions between municipal reforms mandated by the provincial government over the past 30 years and commensurate fiscal levers and capacities in place to address these broadening responsibilities for small municipalities in volatile staples‐dependent regions. Our findings demonstrate how successive provincial governments have mobilized New Public Management objectives through a host of legislative and regulatory changes that have increased the responsibilities and requirements on local governments without commensurate fiscal or jurisdictional capacity. Key Messages: Municipal reforms are mobilized through legislative changes, planning and regulatory requirements, partnership and program requirements, and restrictive fiscal levers.Reform pressures are exacerbated by the limited staff capacity and expertise at the municipal level to implement new measures.Outdated funding powers and mechanisms for municipalities limit the capacity of small municipalities to support long‐term planning and infrastructure investments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neoliberalisme menjadi persoalan dalam realitas sosio-politik di Indonesia karena mengubah peran hukum dan pemerintahan sebagai pelayan pasar. Akibatnya, kebijakan pemerintah kerap kali meletakkan kepentingan bisnis di atas kepentingan publik. Namun, sikap kekristenan terhadap neoliberalisme masih ambigu karena sebagian menilainya selaras dengan kekristenan, sedangkan sisanya berpendapat sebaliknya. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis neoliberalisme guna menyelesaikan ambiguitas tersebut. Untuk memenuhi maksud penelitian, penulis mengumpulkan data dengan metode studi kepustakaan. Karya Walter Lippmann menjadi fokus penyelidikan karena gagasannya merupakan pionir perkembangan neoliberalisme. Sementara itu, teologi John Calvin digunakan sebagai lensa untuk mengkritik neoliberalisme. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa tujuan neoliberalisme adalah menata orientasi hukum dan pemerintahan agar menyelaraskan diri dengan kepentingan pasar. Jika keselarasan sudah tercapai, Lippmann meyakini kebebasan individu otomatis terwujud. Setelah membandingkan dengan teologi Calvin, penulis berpendapat neoliberalisme bertentangan dengan kekristenan karena telah mereduksi natur manusia menjadi instrumen ekonomi belaka. Dengan demikian, sikap kekristenan adalah mengawasi neoliberalisme dengan kritik untuk mengantisipasi dampak negatifnya bagi masyarakat.

In this Symposium, scholars across disciplines discuss the key themes of the volume and questions that arise from Containing Diversity: Canada and the Politics of Immigration in the 21st Century. The book’s authors, Yasmeen Abu-Laban, Ethel Tungohan and Christina Gabriel document and analyze the shifts that marked Canadian immigration, citizenship and multiculturalism in the period 2001- 2021. They argue that these policy changes can be understood through the dynamic of containing diversity – a process involving the racialization and control of specific groups, alongside contradictory impulses exhibited in all these policies between closure to threatening outsiders and openness to valued workers and citizens. This symposium further advances the discussion of shifts within immigration, citizenship and multiculturalism policy by featuring the responses of Alexandra Dobrowolsky, Shanti Fernando, Shibao Guo, J. Adam Perry, and Lyubov Zhyznomirska to key contentions of the volume. Dobrowolsky questions whether neoliberalism and securitization are the only dynamics at play. She also invites a further consideration of whether and how interactions existed between migrants and Indigenous peoples historically. Fernando asks the authors to consider the degree to which the state can move beyond the neoliberal logics that characterize current policies and embrace the authors’ call for an ethics of migration grounded in care and relationality. In a similar vein, J. Adam Perry focuses on the role of an ethics of care approach within grassroots mobilizations. Guo’s contribution invites the authors to consider how the process of containing diversity is linked to the increase in the growth of racism and xenophobia and what actions can be taken to achieve racial justice. In her intervention, Zhyznomirska comments on the rise of populism and questions to what extent this development may lead to a more restrictive immigration system. The symposium concludes with the authors’ responses to some of these questions and in doing so, the symposium prompts a call for a broader conversation about the future of these policies and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

L'émergence de nouvelles formes d'expression psychopathologiques s'associe à des signifiants et des pratiques psychothérapiques originaux. Nous proposons de réfléchir dans ce travail aux sources de ces évolutions sociales et culturelles en faisant l'hypothèse qu'il existe un facteur sous-jacent qui aide à les rendre intelligibles. Nous supposons ainsi que ces évolutions sont la conséquence de la disparition progressive d'une pensée de la complexité dialectique – le « noyau rationnel de la dialectique » – du fait d'un empirisme hyper-réductionniste largement influencé par la pensée anglo-saxonne moderne. Après avoir décrit les particularités de ces courants de pensée et leur influence réciproque, aussi bien en psychologie qu'en économie, nous abordons les conséquences de cette hypothèse en soutenant l'idée que, contrairement à l'idéologie et aux discours qui sous-tendent ces évolutions, celles-ci ne sont guère un progrès dans le champ du soin psychique mais qu'elles témoignent en réalité d'une certaine régression intellectuelle et scientifique. Quelques détours du côté du néolibéralisme, de la pulsion de mort et du désir chez l'être humain mettront en perspectives ces réflexions. Nous proposons en conclusion quelques repères relatifs à cet effondrement du modèle dialectique sous l'effet de l'empirisme réductionniste en soulignant le rôle de la psychologie et celui qu'elle pourrait prendre afin de favoriser la qualité des soins prodigués aux patients selon une perspective sociale et anthropologique plus globale. The emergence of new forms of expression in the field of psychopathology is associated with new signifiers and psychotherapeutic practices. In this work, we propose a few thinking about the origins of these social and cultural evolutions by hypothesizing the existence of an underlying factor that helps to make them more intelligible. We thus suppose that these evolutions would be the consequence of the progressive disappearance of a thinking of dialectical complexity – the "core of dialectics" – in favor of a hyper-reductionist empiricism largely influenced by modern Anglo-Saxon thought. After describing the particularities of these currents of thought and their reciprocal influence, both in psychology and in economics, we explore the consequences of this hypothesis by supporting the idea that, contrary to the ideology and discourses underlying these developments, they are hardly a progress in the field of psychic care but that they actually demonstrate an intellectual and scientific regression. A few detours about (neo)liberalism, death drive and desire in human beings will put these contemporary evolutions into perspective. In conclusion, we propose a few points of reference concerning the collapse of the dialectical model in favor of hyper-reductionist empiricism, emphasizing the role that psychology plays in these developments and the role it could play in promoting the quality of care provided to patients from a more global and anthropological perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the conceptualization of freedom in the memoir of the Iranian-American journalist and media activist, Masih Alinejad. It examines The Wind in My Hair: My fight for Freedum in Modem Iran (2018) with respect to Alinejad's activism in the "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement in Iran. The paper utilizes a critical framework drawn from feminist critiques of neoliberal feminism and Derridean hospitality to focus on Alinejad's repetition of the narratives of model minority and American exceptionalism. These neoliheral narratives have the potential to turn both Iran and the United States into inhospitable places for women. The paper concludes that an intersectional examination of Alinajad' s neoliberal approach to the experiences of women in both the United States and Iran will demonstrate that it does not coincide with the demands of "Woman, Life, freedom". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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