Search

This study examines the relationship between Christian nationalism—a political theology and cultural framework that seeks to amalgamate the Christian faith and a country's political life and privilege Christianity in the public square over other faith traditions—and attacks against religious minorities in the United States. Some Christian nationalists believe that it is justifiable to undertake violent actions in order to realize the goals of Christian nationalism. We theorize that the political empowerment of Christian nationalist ideology in the form of politicians expressing Christian nationalist sentiments corresponds to physical attacks on religious minorities carried out by self‐professing Christians. We test this theory using a cross‐sectional, time‐series analysis of antiminority violence in the United States. The results provide robust support for our theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In conflict bargaining models, variation in initial conditions is expected to have a significant impact. Better initial conditions should make the status quo more acceptable and likely to persist, and worse initial conditions should make crisis and conflict more likely. At the same time, players' preferences over the different possible bargaining outcomes are expected to influence perceptions of initial conditions. We use conflict bargaining experiments in ethno‐territorial conflict settings—in which participants are asked to advise leaders—to investigate these relationships. First, we find that variation in leaders' nationalist preferences indeed affects perception of initial conditions. Next, preference‐influenced, goal‐oriented descriptions reduce the effect of variation in initial conditions by making factually better initial conditions seem more similar to factually worse ones. As a result, the conflict‐reducing effects of better initial conditions are weakened. In addition, and perhaps counter‐intuitively, those advising moderate nationalists react more confrontationally to goal‐oriented descriptions of initial conditions than those advising extreme nationalists. The main policy implication is that, as a general rule, more factual, less goal‐oriented description of initial conditions is likely to improve conflict outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how and why, during the War of Resistance (1937–1945), Nationalist China revitalised the dynastic system of transportation and communication (yiyun zhidu). Due to the blockade by the Japanese Imperial Army, it shows, everything essential to the war effort was in short supply. If essential items were available, the difficulties in securing transportation were overwhelming. This was exacerbated by the transfer of the capital to Chongqing. The relocation moved the Nationalists further away from China's emerging modern transport infrastructure. This article examines the yiyun campaign by referring to primary sources and recent Chinese scholarship. The campaign entailed mobilising the population to partake in the transportation of goods using the age-old systems of caravans, boats, and human porters. The Nationalists, however, did not see this as resurrecting an old system. In line with their revolutionary agenda and modernising ethos they held that revitalisation would be informed by 'scientific management' (kexue guanli). The article illustrates the complexity of the campaign through the controversy surrounding the 'management fee' (guanlifei). As time progressed it became clear that recruiting people to participate in the yiyun campaign would be challenging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I use imperial nationalists in this article to describe Russian nationalists because they have not sought to create an independent state, understanding 'Russia' to be bigger than the Russian SFSR and Russian Federation in the form of an empire and union. Russian imperial nationalists have not recognised Ukrainians as a separate people, but instead part of the inner core of their empires and unions. Imperial Russian nationalists believe a pan-Russian people is composed of Great, Little, and White Russians, or Russians, Ukrainians, and Belarusians respectively. In the USSR, Ukrainians were defined as a separate people to Russians, but also understood to be very close 'brothers' who were born together in Kyivan Rus and would always remain together. Imperial nationalism in Vladimir Putin's Russia has stagnated from this Soviet recognition of a Ukrainian people to a Tsarist and White Russian émigré (anti-Bolshevik forces who fled from Russia after the victory of the Bolsheviks) denial of Ukrainians. This article is the first to analyse how this stagnation of Russian imperial nationalism in Putin's Russia mentally prepared Russian society and provided ideological legitimisation for Russia's February 2022 invasion with the goal of destroying Ukrainian identity and replacing it with a Little Russian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This viewpoint delves into the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) determined efforts to transform itself into a prominent political force in Tamil Nadu, a state dominated by Dravidian parties for over half a century. Despite the formidable stronghold of regional parties, the BJP has strategically undertaken a series of measures to position itself as a credible alternative. As a Hindu nationalist party, it has navigated the complex political landscape by adopting innovative strategies. This viewpoint examines the BJP's journey, highlighting its nuanced steps to gain a foothold in a historically challenging environment. By scrutinising these measures, the viewpoint sheds light on the party's evolution, emphasising its determination to emerge as a viable option amidst the enduring influence of Dravidian politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cahiers d'Études Africaines is the property of Editions EHESS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examines the foreign policy behaviour of the Nationalist Action Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi, MHP) in Türkiye, both in the coalition government of 1999–2002 and the electoral alliance since 2018 with regard to Cyprus, relations with the Turkic republics (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan), and the Xinjiang/East Turkestan issue. It does this by drawing on the foreign policy analysis literature which focuses on the impact of party politics and coalition decision-making on foreign policy. The article contends that although the MHP has pan-Turkic aspirations, these may be sacrificed in the face of opportunities and risks for Türkiye. Moreover, the party may even forego kickbacks offered to it if Türkiye's perceived vital interests are in danger. Lastly, the author argues that the MHP as a coalition partner had more resources at its disposal than as an electoral alliance member when it came to influencing foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses British policymakers’ efforts to court Enos John Mabuza, Chief Minister of the self‐governing South African homeland of KaNgwane, in the final years of apartheid. It contends that despite taking place nearly 30 years apart, there were striking similarities between British policy at the end of apartheid and in the era of decolonisation, particularly the efforts to build relations with moderate nationalists in an effort to maintain long‐term influence. While KaNgwane was a small territory lacking in material resources, Mabuza, as a moderate Black leader working within the law to challenge apartheid, took on greater importance in the minds of British policymakers seeking a peaceful transfer of power in South Africa. This was helped by Mabuza's ability to maintain relations with a diverse range of important political actors including the South African government, KwaZulu Chief Minister Mangosuthu Buthelezi, and the African National Congress in exile. Additionally, KaNgwane's close proximity to Mozambique, which at the time was in the midst of a civil war, also gave the territory greater prominence. This article will highlight how Mabuza used these interconnecting factors to demonstrate his value as an important ‘interlocutor’ for Britain, which in turn saw him extract important resources for both the KaNgwane people and his own family, as well as a degree of protection from interference by the South African government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I look at the social media activism of two queer activist groups based out of India, one Muslim and one religiously nonaffiliated. I ask how they navigate and deploy languages of secularism, paying particular attention to their use of art and their interactions with current events. I argue that both groups rely on shifting secular tropes within their activism to build community and respond to challenges, but that their relationship to secularism is complicated by tensions in what secularism means, both to their members and to the nation more broadly. In examining these shifting tropes, I identify two broad approaches to secularism, a pluralist approach and a universalist approach. By exploring how both groups navigate between these two approaches and examining how universalist conceptualizations of queerness and humanity underpin their activism, I consider the implications of their deployment of languages of secularism for their activism. Drawing connections between a universalist approach and Hindu nationalist strategies, I suggest that the universalist aspects of both groups' approaches can unwittingly support Hindu nationalist projects, even as they position themselves against the Hindu right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how the nationalist, business-centric, elite-led and labour-subsuming logics of development in contemporary China are mirrored in contingent and locally-mediated ways in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). In China's present 'de-revolutionary' moment [Wang, 2006], non-elite populations are conceived as labour inputs to be used and moulded in the pursuit of national development through market means. This same developmental ethos, mediated by a plethora of Chinese and non-Chinese actors, underpins the authoritarian tendencies of BRI-branded projects across the world. While authoritarian practices in China have both Leninist and capitalist genealogies and drivers, I argue here that Global China's most tangible and remarkable impacts on international authoritarianism are found in the practices required to secure capital accumulation along the BRI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the special issue dedicated to Akhtaruzzaman Elias's novel Khwabnama , examining its contribution to understanding Bangladesh beyond traditional nationalist narratives. Topics include the novel's innovative literary techniques, its role in rethinking historical and conceptual aspects of Bangladesh, and the diverse academic perspectives on Elias's work from different disciplines.

Against the backdrop of global decolonization, nationalist movements, and civil upheavals in the early and mid-20th century, a renewed form of cosmopolitanism emerged through the intercultural encounters between African American and Chinese intellectuals. This cosmopolitan ideal was cultivated and embodied by these two historically, culturally, and geographically distinct communities and ultimately exerted lasting influences on a global scale. Despite initially perceiving China as a distant Other, African American authors such as Langston Hughes and W.E.B. Du Bois made their journeys to China in search of cultural inspiration for literary creations and social endeavors. While actively promoting the works of African American authors in China, the Chinese intellectual community in turn viewed the African American people as the Other Self and potential allies in international affairs. Mutual understanding and appreciation were pursued from both sides, leading to a co-reinvention of cosmopolitan ethos. By delving into the interconnected narratives, this article seeks to elucidate the nuanced dynamics and reciprocal influences that characterized the Sino–African American intellectual relationships in the context of international solidarity, decolonization, and the quest for social justice in the early and mid-20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The settler nature of Québécois society makes it a distinct case of minority nationalism. Québec's claim of self‐determination is necessarily more complex and intricately woven with parallel claims from the Indigenous peoples of the territory. This paper argues, first, that Québécois society holds significant obligations toward Indigenous peoples reflected in the commitments made in the historical French treaties and second, that the normative principles embedded in those treaties should be used to transform the relationships it holds with Indigenous peoples and Québec's nationalist project itself. Overall, the paper suggests that Québécois nationalism needs to move away from settler colonialism by considering more seriously the shared nature of the territory it purports to have sovereignty over and by upholding the principles that allowed settlers to stay on the land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism in Asia and Africa is generally understood as a modern secular movement for independence. However, this idea is contestable. Analysing nationalism in India and the Sudan, this paper argues that nationalist movements there actually had their origins in Islamic religious resistance against the British colonial rule preceding the development of secular nationalism. Depending on political development following the colonial advancement, the secular elite‐led nationalism also largely fostered religious communal nationalism in India and the Sudan. This substantiates the argument that religion never ceased to play the most central role in the nationalist movements in India and the Sudan. Following an inter‐continental approach to study nationalism, this article explores exclusively the connection between religion and the first ever generic nationalist movements in the context of colonialism in India and the Sudan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the fall of the Saddam Hussein regime in 2003, Iraqi Shi’a political actors have been the main forces leading the country, dominating the domestic legislative scene over their Sunni and Kurdish counterparts. This article brings innovative analysis and classification of actors, such as Islamic Da’wa Party, Badr Organization, Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq (AAH), Harakat Huquq, Al-Hikma, Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI), Sadrist Movement, or Imtidad, bringing more light on the Iraqi political scene since the parliamentary elections in 2021. The ideological anchorage of the parties is evaluated in two dimensions, religious and sectarian, placing them on the Islamic-secular and sectarian-nationalist axes, reflecting their approach towards intra-religious issues, vilayet al-faqih, possible normalization of relations with Israel, sectarianism, and nationalism. The methodology of this research is based on Chapel Hill Expert Survey data collection, semi-structured interviews with politicians and political experts from the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and Iraq, Jordan, and the United Kingdom, content analysis of examined actors’ statements on social and official media and opinion polls, reflecting the voices of the Iraqi society. The main results of this research singled out clusters of more pro-Iranian actors (Badr Organization, AAH, Harakat Huquq), with the highest tendency to use Islamic and sectarian policies, followed by more traditional Iraqi political actors such as Islamic Da’wa Party and ISCI. Al-Hikma, Sadrist Movement and Imtidad then inclined to be more nationalist and secular. Finally, it shows the Iranian influence as a crucial factor in shaping the domestic and foreign policies of thoseactors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The deliberate efforts of Nigerian World War II veterans to advance their material interests amid the wave of radical anticolonial nationalism helped them to mediate colonial rule in Nigeria. Most literature on World War II and nationalism in Nigeria portrays veterans as objects of nationalist mobilization. Drawing on colonial records and newspapers from archives in Nigeria and the United States, this paper argues that Nigerian veterans were far more interested in their social and material interests than being objects of radical anticolonial nationalist mobilization in postwar Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how Chinese netizens view Russia and how contested memories shape perceptions. It identifies and categorizes four different perceptions of Russia, held by pro-Russian groups, pro-Soviet groups, anti-Russian nationalists, and liberals on China's social media, who have divergent interpretations of the past. This study contributes a distinct case to the literature on Chinese collective memory and facilitates an understanding of Sino-Russian relations at the social level. Theoretically, it enriches the interdisciplinary dialogue between memory studies and International Relations by highlighting the complexity of historical narratives and the instability between the past and the present. It finds that when a collective memory involves multiple significant but symbolically and ideologically competing historical events, it can become a divisive force that creates confusion in the self-other relationship and motivates different social groups to resist and revise official narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Right-wing ethno-nationalist parties are conceived of as upholders of rigid foreign policy positions. But in what instances might a hawkish party pursue a peace-promoting policy? The present article seeks to examine this question through the case study of the hawkish-nationalist Right in Israel during the 1970s, which eventually led its leader Menachem Begin to sign a peace agreement with Egypt, entailing a commitment to a full Israeli withdrawal from the Sinai Peninsula and the evacuation of the Jewish settlements established in the area. The article examines the process which paradoxically led such right-wing hawkish leadership to signing—with determination and contrary to public expectations—an unprecedented political agreement in the history of the Israeli-Arab conflict. Contrary to the Israeli Right historiography which has, hitherto, focused on Menachem Begin's persona and on his role in the political process—the article emphasizes those broad historical processes eclipsed by the limelight cast on its leader, underscoring the peace discourse evolving within the Israeli right political network, from party activists and supporters to parliamentary leadership. Rather than a personal initiative opposing his network's policy—as considered in academic discourse—Begin's peace project followed the exhortations of his political matrix. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians of the Soviet Union have increasingly turned their attention to the seemingly quiet years of 1958–1962. Turnover in top leadership within the republics has long been noted, but the causes of these changes and their extent are still not precisely known. This study examines turnover rates for each of the republic central committees, then uses Moldova and Latvia as case studies. We conclude that the root cause of the change was a desire to replace the older generation. The targeting of nationalists, the more usual explanation, was in fact a rearguard action by the old guard, which slowed but did not stop the shift. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Schertzer and Woods have written a timely, rigorous, and thoughtful examination of the rise of ethnic nationalism in the West. The book adeptly anchors the political mobilization of white majorities in the defensive postures that define them while simultaneously explaining the broader historical and cultural contexts that are so often missing from contemporary analyses. This critical analysis fell short, however, in its relative lack of engagement on issues related to gender and the gendered mobilization of nationalist and extremist backlash, including violence. But aside from brief mentions of the case of the 2016 U.S. election and the femonationalism of Marine Le Pen and others like her, the arguments put forth in the book suffer from an inattention to gendered dimensions in ways that hollow out the explanatory power of their claims by leaving out some of the most persuasive evidence about the role that gender, hostile sexism, and misogyny play in mobilizing support for violent extremism, political violence, nationalist movements, and other forms of xenophobic and exclusionary ideas. In this book debate essay, I briefly lay out what I think was missed and why it matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with decommunization in Ukraine from 2014 to 2020, examining the motives and actions of the main actors of this policy and societal responses and recounting its most significant developments and outcomes. The decommunization in Ukraine in 2014–2020 was a successful, though belated, effort initiated at a time when Communist symbols had lost their original ideological sense as well as social, cultural, and political significance. The promoters of decommunization reanimated it and managed to contextualize it under actual threat from Russia to justify their policy, which they used to promote a nationalist narrative of memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article summarizes the contribution of national-democratic, conservative and nationalist thinkers to the restoration of Ukrainian statehood based on the analysis of ideological and worldview doctrines of representatives of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the interwar period. The forms and methods of struggle, which are the basis of the state concepts created by them, are summarized. It was established that the defeat in the national liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people at the beginning of the 20th century led to the transformation of the worldview of many Ukrainian scientists and politicians, who, despite ideological differences, had a common strategic goal - the need to restore and establish a sovereign, independent Ukrainian state. The study of the intellectual heritage of the leading representatives of Ukrainian political and legal thought gave reason to conclude that the failure of Ukrainians to form an independent state was largely connected with the weakness of the national consciousness of the people and the insufficient ideological and political maturity of its leaders. In view of this, Ukrainian political and legal thought was aimed at strengthening the national self-identification of Ukrainians and their awareness of their political interests. It is argued that the scientific approach to substantiating the idea of national-state independence of Ukraine was initiated by Stanislav Dnistryanskyi, one of the founders of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the national-democratic direction. It is characterized (according to Volodymyr Starosolskyi) that the struggle for one’s own (national) state is a historically political factor in the formation of a nation. It is emphasized that disappointment in the ineffectiveness of the republican-democratic methods of organizing power prompted V. Lipinsky and other representatives of conservative opinion to search for more adequate forms of state organization. It is shown that in the interwar period for the Ukrainians of Galicia, nationalist ideology was especially important, which had a powerful influence on the formation of the Ukrainian nation as a self-aware, social, cultural, legal and political community and was a prerequisite for the creation of its own sovereign and independent state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Ernst B. Haas is recognized among European integration scholars as a founding figure of neo-functionalism, his later writing on nationalism is less known to European integration scholars. I contribute to this special issue by discussing Haas' later work on liberal nationalism and by reflecting on its insights for the study of collective identities in the European Union today. In a nutshell, Haas expected that (1) national and supranational identities are inherently rational and the expression of a deliberate choice, (2) citizens shift their identities from the national to the European level due to utilitarian considerations, (3) nationalism is not per se destructive, but it comes in many moulds and can be the basis for the international community. I argue that Haas' emphasis on rational and deliberate identity choice clashes with our current understanding of identity as implicit and subliminal. Moreover, his optimism is challenged by the rise of radical-right-wing parties who have successfully mobilized exclusive nationalist identities against European integration. On the other hand, Haas' emphasis on the double-edged nature of collective identity is an important reminder that also European identity, while striving to overcome exclusive nationalism, can reify its exclusiveness at the supranational level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reconsiders liberal nationalism in light of the current autocratic nationalist threat. I argue that liberal nationalism cannot redress the social ailments which acclimatize people to the sorts of no-holds-barred political contestation favoured by autocratic nationalists – excessive polarization. I then argue that liberal nationalists do not recognize the degree to which 'in-group' racial solidarity motivates members of the racial/ethnic majority to preserve their status, and that the liberal nationalist approach to defending minorities' rights therefore risks either emboldening the majority to embrace autocracy or consolidating social hierarchies between the majority and minorities. On these bases, I show that democrats must seek to not only detach race/ethnicity from nationality but also redress those problematic racial/ethnic hierarchies. This suggests the need to develop liberal nationalism into multiculturalist nationalism. Multiculturalist nationalism, however, promises a sort of bounded solidarity that does not include all citizens: it makes use of targeted political antagonism against anti-democrats like White supremacists and Identitarians to help diffuse any social antagonism that might exist among minorities, inclusive members of the majority, and cultural conservatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gobustan, a prehistoric site 60 km south of Baku, has an impressive collection of rock carvings from different prehistoric eras. Near the site, a national museum presents the prehistoric findings in a narrative that connects them with modern-day Azerbaijan, calling the hunter–gatherer tribes that lived in Gobustan 'our ancient Azerbaijani ancestors'. While many nation-building projects dig deep into the past, reconstruct it, claim ancient civilizations as their own and sometimes even invent historical narratives that never happened, the Gobustan Museum and the narrative it implies (that prehistoric people living in 15,000 BCE were Azerbaijanis) seems like 'overkill', an exaggerated effort to connect the past and the present. The data from the museum points to a larger story: the construction of national identity and collective memory in post-Soviet Azerbaijan. This paper presents some of the author's anthropological field research findings in the museum and explains why the narrative of 'ancientness' is so essential in post-Soviet Azerbaijan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Beijing 2022 Winter Olympics, Eileen Gu attracted considerable attention and sparked numerous discussions on Chinese social media. Using the method of textual analysis, this paper examines the various responses of Chinese women, particularly Chinese feminists, to Eileen's achievements on Chinese social media, framing these responses within recent studies of neoliberalism's undoing of feminism as well as long-standing debates about the relationship between feminism and nationalism. This paper argues that discussions about Eileen on Chinese social media not only illustrate how neoliberalism is absorbed, reworked, and resisted in its transnational circulation but also demonstrate how nationalist narratives can be strategically used by Chinese feminists to validate their feminist positions. It further enriches existing scholarship on neoliberalism with a transnational perspective, reaffirms the importance of contextualizing the relationship between Third World feminism and nationalism, and highlights the significance of uncovering indigenous feminist resources in Third World countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Friedrich Schleiermacher emerged as a prominent advocate for German nationalism in the Wars of Liberation from Napoleonic domination in the early nineteenth century. Alongside his work as a pastor and theologian in Berlin, and also as the co-founder of the University of Berlin, Schleiermacher developed German nationalism from a distinctly Protestant perspective, one that sought the preservation of Protestantism in the German lands under Napoleonic domination. While it would be an overstatement to suggest that Schleiermacher's nationalism was anti-Catholic, he certainly sought to preserve and maintain Protestantism in the German lands. His vision of the German nation-state emphasized Germany's role as a divine instrument of God's will in the world. He assumed the cultural unity of the peoples in German lands, that is, an area of land in which the peoples are bound together by the common use of the German language. In his distinct role as a pastor, theologian, and academic, he was devoted to the cultivation of German national consciousness and the establishment of a German nation-state. Schleiermacher's work would help to provide a cultural foundation for the emergence of the German nation-state more than half a century before the establishment of the German empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores how a Powellite form of nostalgia – named for the anti-immigration politics of former British MP Enoch Powell – connects seemingly contradictory nationalist narratives known as Global Britain and Little England. While the former is typically aligned with an expansive and buccaneering national biography, the latter is held to operate via a more defensive and exclusionary imaginary. This article challenges such a binary distinction by demonstrating how the two discursive strands are intimately connected by nostalgic views about white English racial dominance, cultivated during Britain's pursuit of empire. Drawing on a qualitative analysis of verbal and visual sources from the Brexit referendum, plus 13 interviews with Leave campaigners, the article shows how Powellite nostalgia reproduces gendered and racialised colonial images of the nation amid immigration 'crisis'. Despite the detoxifying effects of much post-referendum Brexit analysis, the article also demonstrates how Powellite nostalgia is shared across the Eurosceptic spectrum and within broader English culture, persisting into the post-Brexit era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article summarizes the book "Cultural World Maps", edited by Paula Bruno and Sven Schuster, which analyzes the Universal Expositions in Latin America between 1867 and 1939. The book is divided into an introduction, an epilogue, and nine chapters that address different topics related to the expositions. The objective of the book is to analyze the universal expositions from a transnational perspective and avoid a nationalist approach. The article highlights the importance of this publication in Spanish and its contribution to the historiography of universal expositions. [Extracted from the article]

This article argues that while nationalist discourses construct "the people" through positive identity practices, populist discourses articulate it through negative identity practices. Nationalism emphasizes who "the people" are, by identifying a number of core positive characteristics that they share, such as ethnicity, language, culture, history, religion, or political rights and civic traditions. Populism, on the other hand, defines "the people" primarily in a negative fashion in opposition to the elites. Here, "the people" do not share any positive characteristics beyond their oppression, exclusion, and marginalization by the elites. In order to empirically demonstrate the above distinction, I compare the political discourse of Rafael Correa in Ecuador during his first term in office (2007–2012) with that of Viktor Orbán in Hungary, primarily during his second term in office (2010–2014). The comparison between these two political projects not only spells out important differences between populist and nationalist articulations of "the people" but also highlights different types of anti-system politics that have emerged in Latin America and eastern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the framework of a broader research project, the results of an analysis of the role of repression and forced recruitment in the Spanish Civil War is presented. This article focuses on a specific region that was taken over by the coup plotters from July 1936 onwards. This region, Galicia (in the northwest of the Iberian Peninsula) was the main recruitment centre for the insurgent (nationalist) side. This article aims to show the role that recruitment played in the imposition of repressive terror in the rearguard, something that has been little studied in war studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the Dawn Watch commemoration in northern Cyprus that has been organised since 2010 to mark the anniversary of Turkey's military operation/invasion on 20 July 1974. I argue that the Dawn Watch utilises the innovative ritual practice of 'keeping watch' to subjectivise participating Turkish Cypriots as the 'guards/watchmen' who have made Turkey's military presence in Cyprus possible. This novel commemoration seeks to address growing disinterest in Turkish nationalist narratives and commemorations in northern Cyprus, which conventionally reduce Turkish Cypriots to historically unimportant figures who were merely 'liberated' by Turkey. By adopting the innovative ritual practice of 'keeping watch', the Dawn Watch provides participants with a new way of participating in an old nationalist narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the convention in Anabaptist historiography that Menno Simons (1496–1561) and in his wake Dirk Philips (1504–1568) increasingly stabilized the Anabaptist movement and built an extensive Anabaptist network in the Habsburg Netherlands/Northern Germany, from Friesland and Groningen to Holland and Flanders in the west and to Westphalia and Schleswig-Holstein to Poland in the east and back. The focus is on the development of Anabaptism on the Lower Rhine, in particular on the de-centralized religious leadership of local, cross-border Anabaptist bishops. It challenges the consensus narrative in the historiography of an alleged central role of Menno and Dirk and demonstrates that during the formative years 1540–1550, Anabaptism on the Lower Rhine and in the Habsburg Netherlands/Northern Germany was polyphonic, represented by itinerant local bishops, each with their own – albeit overlapping – network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the split amongst Russian nationalists in 2014 over their approach to events in Ukraine, many of them had to leave Russia to avoid repression. Some travelled to Ukraine to support the Ukrainians in their fight against pro-Russian rebel proxies. How do these Russian nationalists legitimise their fight against Putin's regime and the Russian state? This article argues that their refusal to accept the legitimacy of the Russian state and their linking of Putin's authoritarian regime to Soviet totalitarianism allow them to legitimise their oppositional political activities, including their involvement in the conflict on the Ukrainian side up to and including the February 2022 invasion of Ukraine by Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Flashes from the Dark was the 1941 debut by Jamaican poet Ferdinand Levy, published in Dublin while he was a medical student. It brought something of the Harlem Renaissance to Lower Baggot Street. Despite favorable reviews by Irish poets such as Austin Clarke and others, Levy has vanished from literary posterity. His many passions—literary, political, musical—situate him at a properly intersectional literary history of mid-century Dublin, and he critiques the particular structure of systemic racism in 1930s and '40s Ireland. Levy's "decolonial cosmopolitanism" mounts a challenge to nationalist tendencies within the mainstay of Irish postcolonial thinking, a factor in his occlusion. His awkward poetics—wavering between a belated signature of the Harlem Renaissance and parodies of English sonnets and ballads—constitutes "mimicry" in Homi Bhabha's sense—destabilizing white discourse with "flashes from the dark." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars generally argue that nationalism and secessionism pose important dilemmas for national, regional and global order. Yet, there is inadequate discussion on the varied contexts of nationalist secessionist movements and how they influence or are influenced by domestic and global forces. Addressing this concern, this article undertakes a three‐case comparison of the Western Togoland separatist movement in Ghana, Southwest and Northwest (Anglophone) Cameroon's secessionist movement and the movement for independent Catalonia in Spain. These dissimilar cases—both from Global South and North—enable a broader examination of how themes such as political history, state capacity and regional/continental organisations affect nationalist‐induced secessionist movements and the measures to address them. Using a thematic comparative approach, this article examines the relevant literature on secessionism, nationalism, regionalism and cognate fields to demonstrate that the dynamics and consequence of secessionist movements depend largely on four interwoven factors: (a) the internal organisation and support for the nationalists' course, (b) state capacity to handle uprisings, (c) political conditions and conflict context of neighbouring countries and (d) interest and (re)actions of regional bodies and international allies. The comparative approach thus offers nuance, illustrating the critical angles of variations and intersections in secessionist movements and the effect on global order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role played by magazines in the sustaining, recruiting, defining, and defending of a nationalist community within the British far right. In particular, it focuses on John Tyndall's Spearhead magazine during its period of support for the National Front, perhaps the most prominent and broad-based nationalist movement of the post-war period in Britain. By examining how Spearhead spoke about several key issues – women, homosexuality and faith – the article shows the way magazines bind together a disparate movement that is often small and spread over a geographical distance into a community. Further, the article contends that due to the ostracization from the mainstream that such extreme communities foster, that such communities move beyond surface connections and into para-familial bonds. In making this argument, the article considers the ways that the community is framed around threat and a conspiratorial world war to encourage prioritisation of the nationalist identity and its community, and how the bonds to the nationalist community are deepened through the development of a cultic milieu through the offer of a hidden or sacred truth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on sub-state diplomacy has revealed that identity entrepreneurs representing minority nations like Quebec engage in foreign affairs, normally defined as identity paradiplomacy. This article argues that the concepts of the identity entrepreneur and of identity paradiplomacy should be broadened to refer to any sub-state decision-maker, not only those representing minority nations, that disseminates identity or nationalist ideas in engagements with foreign actors. The reconceptualization advances scholarship by incorporating a more diverse array of types of identity paradiplomacy and refines our understanding of both the causes and the consequences of nationalist-driven paradiplomacy. As an empirical illustration of this proposition, the article offers a case study of the diplomatic affairs of Romania's sub-state governments toward the Republic of Moldova, which were dominated by nationalist narratives shared by central authorities and included no references to regional identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arezki Kehal’s penal trajectory and prison experience in Algeria's civil prison, known as Barberousse, provides a glimpse of the judicial and prison response orchestrated in Algeria under the Front Populaire by the colonial authorities to combat the radical nationalism of the Algerian People's Party (Parti du Peuple Algérien, PPA). The detention of Arezki Kehal also reveals how prison, instituted in Algeria by the colonial state at the very beginning of the French conquest, was used in the inter-war period for political and militant purposes by the new independence party created by Messali Hadj in March 1937, after the dissolution of the Etoile Nord-Africaine. The “Bastille de Barberousse” played a central role in the politicization of prisoners, in the face of the repressive colonial machinery designed to counter the independence aspirations of Algerian nationalists. For Arezki Kehal and his fellow PPA prisoners, the prison became a front for political struggle, foreshadowing the strategies implemented by FLN (Front de Libération Nationale) and MNA (Mouvement National Algérien) frontline prisoners during the Algerian War of Independence.

East Asian democracies, long seen as the success stories of the Third Wave, have curiously co-existed with illiberal partisan competition. We argue that such patterns are symptoms of long-standing democratic stagnation, rather than democratic regress. We trace the entrenchment of illiberal competition to nationalist polarization in the early phase of democratization—a common phenomenon in Third Wave democracies where nation-building and democratization pressures coincided. Party polarization can take many forms, but when it centers on mutually exclusive nationalist visions from the outset, it redefines the end of democratic competition as state capture and justifies whatever means necessary, even those that violate democratic norms, to achieve it. Through a comparative analysis of Taiwan and South Korea, we show that when democratization tends to institutionalize, rather than alleviate, pre-existing nationalist conflicts, it can seed endemic barriers to the habituation of democratic norms, imposing a ceiling on democratic progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the nationalist rhetoric of Biden and Trump in the 2020 presidential election, focusing on how the candidates represented, and contested, the meaning of American national identity. To do so, we construct a novel analytical framework to undertake a contextual content analysis of Biden and Trump's campaign tweets (n = 4,321). We demonstrate that the meaning of national identity was a key source of contestation in the election, and that the parameters of this contestation closely tracked a longstanding cleavage in American political culture between civic and ethnic nationalist traditions. Biden largely drew upon the civic nationalist tradition to defend a conception of American national identity that is grounded in liberal myths and symbols. By contrast, Trump largely drew upon the ethnic nationalist tradition to defend a conception of American national identity that is grounded in white American myths and symbols. Critically, both candidates used these opposing nationalist traditions to frame each other as a grave threat to the nation's "true" identity and, ultimately, as un-American. This "nationalist polarization" of presidential politics is a troubling development for the future of American democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Internationality versus Nationality - Felix Klein on his 175th birthday" honors Felix Klein as a pioneer and cosmopolitan. Klein was a significant mathematician who greatly influenced mathematics and its organization. He had close contacts with colleagues, students, and friends from different countries and also supported many Jewish mathematicians. Klein advocated for international cooperation in mathematics and founded various institutes and chairs. Despite his international activities, he was excluded from the Académie des Sciences during World War I due to his signature on a nationalist appeal. Klein continued to advocate for international projects and was later admitted to the Order Pour Le Mérite for Sciences and Arts. [Extracted from the article]

Central Europe is often considered to be a source of nationalist pathologies and plagues that could infect "proper" (Western) Europe. This image is at best outdated, as Western Europe and the United States have (and always have had) their own nationalist and conservative authoritarian resources. Moreover, Central Europe has also been a space of original political thought, albeit often obscure or forgotten, which can contribute to our understanding of the contemporary world beyond the borders of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]