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Why did Hong Kong protestors choose a symbol of former oppression – the old colonial flag – as a banner for their fight for democracy, rights and autonomy in 2019? We propose to answer this puzzle by studying the colonial-era flag as a displacement device. The waving of the colonial-era flag is shown to induce non-linear temporal and extraterritorial displacements, as well as contradictory interpretations of Hong Kong's core values, national sovereignty and cultural identity. The flag's displacements are amplified against the contested colonial history of the former British enclave. Conceptually, this pragmatic definition of the flag moves beyond approaches that study flags as representations of a structure of symbolic meaning. The flag is neither an unimportant prop nor is it a free-floating signifier; its materiality elicits significant political effects. Methodologically, this translates into an exploration of the flag's second-order agency. The old colonial-era Hong Kong flag, in combination with discourse and institutional arrangements, is shown to be integral to contentious politics. The flag and its displacements shed new light on a city uneasy with its past, dissatisfied with its present and uncertain about its future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

L'existence et la persistance de mouvements nationalistes peuvent avoir plusieurs explications, dont l'une est liée aux générations – à la façon dont elles ont été socialisées à la politique dans des contextes sociétaux distincts, et comment les générations plus âgées sont remplacées par les plus jeunes à travers le temps. Pour mieux comprendre l'évolution du nationalisme au Québec, cette étude s'appuie sur les six dernières Études électorales québécoises (2007–2022) et utilise un modèle âge-période-cohorte pour examiner la relation entre les groupes générationnels et divers indicateurs du nationalisme. Les résultats révèlent effectivement une histoire générationnelle. Les baby-boomers se distinguent particulièrement des autres générations par leur attachement au Québec, leur soutien au projet d'indépendance et leur appui au Parti québécois, tandis que les millénariaux soutiennent davantage Québec solidaire et les membres de la génération X appuient davantage la Coalition avenir Québec. Ainsi, il cohabite actuellement différentes « générations nationalistes » au Québec. The existence and persistence of nationalist movements among substate nations can have various explanations, one of which is related to generations – how they were socialized to politics in distinct societal contexts, and how older generations are replaced by younger ones. Hence, to better understand the evolution of nationalism in Quebec, this study draws on the last six Quebec Election Studies (2007–2022) and uses an Age-Period-Cohort model to examine the relationship between generational groups and various indicators of nationalism. The results reveal that there is indeed a generational story to tell about nationalism in Quebec. The generation of the baby boomers is particularly distinct from other generations, in terms of its attachment to Quebec, its support for Quebec's independence, and its support of the Parti Québécois; whereas the Millennials are more supportive of Québec Solidaire and GenXers are more likely to support the Coalition Avenir Québec. There are currently distinct "nationalist generations" that cohabitate in Quebec. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the relationship between French-Canadian nationalism and economic liberalism in the work of journalist and public intellectual Étienne Parent (1802–1874). Despite numerous studies of his thinking on politics, few have considered Parent's economic thought in any depth. Yet a thorough analysis of his writings shows that this French-Canadian intellectual considered economic liberalism a necessary condition for the preservation of French-Canadian nationality. This article thus sheds light on this aspect of Parent's thought through the analysis of speeches that he delivered in Montreal and Québec City after the Union of 1840. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abbé Lionel Groulx (1878-1967) is the most influential intellectual in Quebec history. A historian and nationalist activist, he asserted that the French language was the guardian of the Catholic faith in North America. He edited L'Action française de Montréal (1917-1928), a magazine inspired by the traditionalist thinking of Maurice Barrès and Charles Maurras. Groulx advocated Quebec independence as early as 1922. He denounced Anglo-Saxon cultural infiltration of French-Canadian society, through both British imperialism and American capitalism. He harshly criticized the "Quiet Revolution" of the 1960s, which de-Christianized Quebec under the pretext of modernizing it, and in particular the educational reform that distanced French culture in America from the living axis of ancient Greco-Latin civilization.

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This article aims to explain the journey of a relevant actor on the political right in the postrevolutionary context of 1974: the Portuguese Federalist Movement-Party of Progress. For this purpose, the party's official weekly newspaper, Tribuna Popular, is taken as a reference, as well as testimonies from former leaders and founders, with other periodical sources of the time and various printed sources as counterparts. The MFP-PP is analyzed by jointly relating the historical-political era with the vicissitudes of the movement, with a particular focus on its relationship with the institutions of revolutionary power, its relationship with other political parties, as well as the structuring of the MFP-PP. In this way, the article is based between the moments following the coup d'état of April 25, 1974 and the political-military movements of September 28, 1974 linked to the intention of the "silent majority", to which a detailed analysis is provided, regarding the involvement of the MFP-PP, due to its inextricable connection with the dismantling of the party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This presidential address on Canada and the study of territorial politics makes four main arguments. The first is that territory is a central component of politics, especially of Canadian politics, and that it should remain a focal point of specialists of Canadian and comparative politics. The second is that territory matters in contemporary politics because it serves as grounding for political communities, their claims, and their politics. The third is that not "identifying" parts of Canadian politics as "territorial politics" risks overlooking the importance of territory in the theorizing of federalism, nationalism and regionalism. The fourth is that, through the case of Canada, political scientists have made significant contributions to the study of comparative territorial politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on historical geographer Cole Harris' published contributions to scholarship, this article offers perspective on a long, productive, and influential career. It weighs the influence of contingency and context on Harris' oeuvre, points to some of the intellectual stimuli that shaped it, offers an initial assessment of its impacts, and considers how intellectual labour is shaped by the circumstances of its production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the nineteenth century the medieval history of the city of Arras became increasingly important for cultivation of the literary and musical history of the French nation. Modern scholars typically cast the remarkable culture of medieval Arras within the context of France, largely erasing the city's complex geopolitical position during the medieval period. This article argues that the historiography is more complicated, revealing scholars who attempted to claim medieval Arrageois culture for Belgium, as well as scholars whose regionalist approach to cultural history defied contemporary nationalist currents on either side of the Franco‐Belgian border. In showing the variety of nineteenth‐century approaches to writing the cultural history of this important medieval center, the article argues that Arras and its history provide a useful context for understanding how the nascent Belgian nation curated and understood its past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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What accounts for the nation's persistence as a central object of identification in anticolonial movements during the 1960s? How can we understand the appeal of nationalism when it simultaneously could signify one path to and a pitfall of decolonisation, as Frantz Fanon warned? This article addresses some of these questions concerning anticolonialism, its political possibilities, decolonial fantasies and desires in Iran. I discuss how Jalal Al-e Ahmad articulated a diagnosis of cultural imperialism, gharbzadegi, that expressed tensions between the translocality to which his framework aspired and the rigid confines of the nation-state model. This imbroglio, I claim, reverberated through the pathologisation of the national group, with the wounds of colonial violence unsettling and reforming different national attachments in Iran. To support this argument, I read the specific conditions, dynamics and sociohistorical processes in which Al-e Ahmad was immersed alongside the transnational structures to which they were related. Juxtaposing this pathological discourse with his travelogues, we can grasp a specific articulation of the translocal-national dyad that informed Al-e Ahmad's life and found expression in his limited theorisation of gharbzadegi. Analysing this particular context, I argue that this entanglement exposes the limits and pitfalls of anticolonialism in Iran. Souffrir pour/contre la nation : gharbzadegi et les tensions de l'anticolonialisme en Iran [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Domestically produced Canadian superheroes face an uphill climb in their bids to be taken seriously. A domestically produced Canadian comic is one that is authored and published within Canada or within a territory on what is called Canada. Canada's troubled sociopolitical relationships with nationalism, colonialism, federalism, and separatism, merge with notorious Canadian stereotypes—like national inferiority complexes and apology culture—and serve to unnerve and disarm the Canadian superhero. While psychosocial in nature, these feelings, unconsciously nationalized, are rooted in cultural economics where imports from Britain or the United States are perceived to have higher financial and social value. These unsettlements continually prompt Canadian readers to question whether they can—or should—identify with a domestically produced Canadian superhero in le neuvième art. The answer tentatively seems to be yes, but only if they are humbled, satirized, or taken down a peg—knowingly or unknowingly, or only if these heroes are, in some manner, reflectively self-deprecating. Richard Comely's early run on the Captain Canuck franchise, particularly in his promotional pre-Captain Canuck no. 1 paratexts, root the character in deprecation as the hero is mocked and satirized by the citizens of his own comic. This fate is uniquely applied to Canuck while other nationalist and provincial superheroes—such as Pierre Fournier's Les Aventures du Capitaine Kébec (1973) and Mark Allard-Will's and Elaine Will's Saskatch-A-Man (2015)—engage in self-mockery without accidental patronization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

L'histoire des leaders du nationalisme au Vietnam a déjà été maintes fois abordée mais celle de leurs lieutenants comporte encore de nombreuses zones d'ombre. Cet article vise à combler une lacune historiographique en analysant la carrière professionnelle et sportive de Hoàng Đo Thúy et Pham Văn Bính. Ces deux acteurs ont joué un rôle important dans la transformation des élites indochinoises et l'avènement de l'indépendance du Vietnam; ce faisant ils ont utilisé des pratiques culturelles occidentales pour provoquer la libération de leur pays. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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A l’orée des années vingt, Simon Kimbangu fut à l’origine d’un mouvement qui désarticula les fondements religieux, économique et politique de la colonisation belge au Congo. En demandant le départ des Blancs et l’autonomie du pays, pour que ce dernier soit gouverné par ses propres fils, les adeptes du mouvement kimbanguiste affichèrent clairement un élan nationaliste. Les Noirs n’ont plus peur. A certains endroits, les adeptes du mouvement kimbanguiste vont même jusqu’à interdire aux Congolais de payer l’impôt. C’est le cas dans la Province du Bas-Congo, plus particulièrement dans les villages du Territoire des Cataractes Nord (chefferies de Yanga, Kimata, Kimbata, Biongo Bidi, Mamba et Fuenta) et dans les villages aux environs du Territoire de Thysville ; à Lusambo, dans la Province du Kasaï (avec les relégués envoyés à Katako-Kombe) ; dans le Territoire de Oshwe à Lokolama. Pour l’autorité coloniale, il s’agit, sans détour, d’une rébellion et d’une désobéissance civile, capable de compromettre l’avenir de la colonie.

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Copyright of Recherches Sociographiques is the property of Recherches Sociographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the structure, content, and function of widely circulating prophetic narratives in contemporary Greece and Cyprus. Prophetologists play a key role in recycling and disseminating prophecies through traditional and modern means of communication in an attempt to explain conditions of crisis and to promote conservative moral values and nationalistic aspirations as salvific remedies in the public sphere. Their highly politicized prophetic discourse blurs the differentiation between religion and politics that characterizes secular modernity. But at the same time, the use of modern media and secular strategies for sacred purposes have unintended secularizing effects on the religious field. Finally, the article explores the reasons why prophecy belief finds fertile soil for proliferation in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Les sports occidentaux font partie des activités de loisirs qui ont été transférées en Indochine par les conquérants français. D'abord réservées à ces derniers, ces activités sont ensuite pratiquées par certaines fractions des élites locales en quête de transformation individuelle et collective. Un gouverneur général a joué un rôle essentiel dans ce processus d'acculturation: Pierre Pasquier a ainsi utilisé les sports pour rapprocher les élites indochinoises de la France dès 1929. Il a donc élaboré la première politique des sports en Indochine. Cet article analyse les motivations et les moyens utilisés par ce haut fonctionnaire entre 1929 et 1934. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1885 Louis Pasteur successfully treated two boys from different parts of rural France, Joseph Meister and Jean-Baptiste Jupille, with his experimental rabies vaccine. Arguing that the boys played an important role in shaping images of Pasteur and his vaccine in French culture, this article reconstructs their long relationships with the scientist and then traces their evolving cultural representations during the Third Republic up to 1940. Meister, a young child from Alsace who sought salvation in Paris, was particularly assimilable to nationalist narratives that Pasteur himself encouraged. Jupille, in fighting with a rabid dog to save young children from attack, could provide an exemplar of the selfless yet virile male adolescent whom late nineteenth-century authorities sought to produce. Both boys' stories produced associations that reflected favorably on Pasteur and the Pastorians, yet each also held an independent appeal at particular moments in modern French history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo presenta los resultados de la macroencuesta de valores, aplicada en 2019 a 11,322 estudiantes de América Latina y el Caribe (de ellos, 406 de Puerto Rico), a 1,041 cubanos y a 2,476 españoles. Estos datos serán comparados con otras preguntas idénticas que se hicieron en 1993 a 36,515 escolares latinoamericanos y caribeños (de ellos, 2,478 puertorriqueños) y a 5,168 españoles. Los temas que se tratan son nacionalismo, prejuicios, racismo, imágenes negativas y positivas sobre la colonización española en América, la confianza en las instituciones, opciones políticas y el cambio de valores en América Latina y Puerto Rico desde 1993 a 2019, en referencia al machismo, la moral sexual, religiosidad y el grado de felicidad. This article presents the results of the values' macro survey results, applied in 2019 to 11,322 students from Latin America and the Caribbean (406 from Puerto Rico), 1,041 Cubans, and 2,476 Spaniards. These data will be compared with other identical questions that were asked in 1993 to 36,515 Latin American and Caribbean schoolchildren (2,478 of them from Puerto Rico) and 5,168 Spaniards. The topics covered are nationalism, prejudice, racism, negative and positive images of Spanish colonization in America, trust in institutions, political options, and the change of values in Latin America and Puerto [End Page 113] Rico from 1993 to 2019, about machismo or sexual morality, religiosity, and the degree of happiness. Cet article présente les résultats de la macro enquête sur les valeurs, appliquée en 2019 à 11,322 étudiants d'Amérique latine et le Caraïbe (406 de Porto Rico), 1,041 Cubains et 2,476 Espagnols. Ces données seront comparées à d'autres questions identiques posées en 1993 à 36,515 étudiants latino-américains (dont 2,478 Portoricains) et 5,168 Espagnols. Les sujets abordés sont le nationalisme, les préjugés, le racisme, les images négatives et positives de la colonisation espagnole en Amérique, la confiance dans les institutions, les options politiques et le changement de valeurs en Amérique latine et à Porto Rico de 1993 à 2019, en référence au machisme ou à la morale sexuelle, la religiosité et le degré de bonheur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To problematise Western discourses of a homophobic Africa, there is a need to analyse evidence of homophobia and its interplay with other attitudes, in ways that explore contextual differences. Hence, this article offers an original sociological analysis of quantitative data on homophobia in African states, examining how this inter-relates with xenophobia. Social attitudes data are drawn from the Afrobarometer research project as a unique and important source, and compared in five diverse contexts: Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, Senegal and Zambia. Data are examined from Round 6 (2014–2015) and Round 7 (2016–2018). Findings are interpreted in light of specific national literatures on the relations between sexuality, gender and nationalism, as well as wider critical and postcolonial perspectives – especially conceptualisation of sexual nationalisms, and recent literatures on political homophobia. Whereas analyses of homonationalism in Western societies have explored alignments of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex rights affirmation with anti-immigrant attitudes, this study explores such relationships between homophobic and xenophobic attitudes in alternative patterns within specific African contexts. The analysis delivered not only challenges Western discourses of generalised African homophobia (especially discussing the counterexample of Mozambique) but also advances understanding of the complexity of how attitudes inter-relate in different postcolonial states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article focuses on the ideological debate that interculturalism has aroused in Quebec's intellectual field since the 2000s. While it has long served as a point of convergence between neonationalist intellectuals seeking to combine pluralism and nationalism, the interculturalist model has not, however, prevented the resurgence of calls for tighter control over migrants and minority cultural practices. The thesis advanced is that this trend confirms the eclipse of the attempt to reconcile nationalism and pluralism within interculturalism. To support this thesis, our article documents the weakness of Quebec interculturalism in the face of the ideological blocs formed by federal multiculturalism, conservative nationalism, and the rise of anti-racist and decolonial criticisms in Quebec. Vis-à-vis these competing positions, the contradictions of interculturalism regarding the alleged privilege of the majority over minorities have come to light in the course of the controversies that the article examines over a period of twenty years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the Yes-No cleavage over Quebec independence is in decline, it would be wrong to assume that this phenomenon is characteristic of Quebec nationalism in general. Quebec nationalism is still a driving aspect of political debates in the National Assembly. For a majority of respondents, the Quebec state continues to play an important role in matters related to identity. Hence, nationalism remains relevant and necessary. It is also closely associated with the francophone character of Quebec. Nevertheless, this nationalism has taken a new form. Mobilizing original polling data, this paper provides a better understanding of the evolution of contemporary Quebec nationalism, as supported by the Coalition avenir Québec and its autonomist political ideology and dynamic. The findings allow us to observe certain divisions on the linguistic and partisan levels. These fault lines may contribute to explain the difficulties the Quebec Liberal Party is now facing in its attempt to reconnect with the francophone electorate without disappointing its anglophone electoral base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Depuis que la Cour suprême du Canada a rendu sa décision dans R. c. Powley en 2003, les revendications d’identité métisse ont considérablement augmenté à chaque recensement. Plus récemment, a émergé un sous-domaine des études métisses qui prône l’existence de communautés métisses dans les provinces de l’Est du Canada (Ontario, Québec, Nouveau-Brunswick et Nouvelle-Écosse). Certains chercheurs actifs dans ce sous-domaine instrumentalisent quelques extraits sélectionnés dans les oeuvres de Louis Riel pour discréditer le nationalisme métis « de l’Ouest » contemporain comme étant « exclusif » et pour étayer les revendications des « Métis de l’Est » comme étant « inclusives ». Cet article se penche sur plusieurs de ces extraits en les plaçant d’abord dans leur contexte textuel immédiat et en considérant leur logique interne. Nous les plaçons ensuite dans l’économie générale des projets politiques de Riel. Un examen approfondi révèle un nationalisme beaucoup plus étroit que le nationalisme métis contemporain, que ce soit en termes ethniques, linguistiques, religieux ou géographiques.

Previous research has shown that the public tends to see some groups as less deserving of social rights. Our focus in this article is whether they are also seen as less entitled to engage in political claims-making. Recent theorists of inclusive nationalism argue that whether minorities are seen as having the right to codetermine the future may depend on whether the majority believes minorities are morally committed to the nation. Drawing on a unique survey experiment, we test this intuition by analyzing how majority perceptions of a minority's commitment to the larger society influence support for claims-making by immigrants and national minorities. We show that immigrants, French-speaking Quebeckers, and Indigenous peoples are judged more harshly about their right to make claims and that this is in part explained by the majority's views that these groups are not, in fact, committed members of the larger political community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé: Cet article a pour point de départ la querelle épistémologique survenue entre Anthony D. Smith et Jon E. Fox et Cynthia Miller-Idriss concernant les différentes approches du champ d'études du nationalisme. Alors que Fox et Miller-Idriss rejettent la pertinence d'une approche sociohistorique dans l'étude ethnographique du nationalisme, Smith considère l'ethnographie comme une pratique descriptiviste dénuée d'intérêt scientifique qui, de surcroit, fait abstraction des recherches sur la nation conduite au cours des dernières décennies. Afin de dénouer cette impasse, nous proposons une démarche méthodologique visant à concilier ces deux approches par l'entremise du concept de lieu de mémoire. À partir d'une étude de cas, la bataille des Éperons d'or et sa résonance dans les pratiques discursives, nous illustrons comment l'historicité du fait national peut s'avérer essentielle pour comprendre le fonctionnement de la nation au quotidien et nous éclairer sur la manière dont les Flamands se construisent en tant que sujets nationaux. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

English Abstract: Over 7,500 American service members are unaccounted for from the Korean War, a legacy of the so-called forgotten war of the past century. But shifting political winds surrounding the US government's care for war dead have breathed new life into the fading memory of these particular unnamed. Through the development of a systematic disinterment programme aimed at meeting congressional goals for the US military's Missing In Action (MIA) accounting mission, the absent war dead from the Korean peninsula have ignited new debates over obligations to these missing combatants and their surviving kin. This article examines both the evolving forensic practice of the MIA accounting efforts as well as the bureaucratic attention now trained on the heretofore 'forgotten' missing. The commemorative and scientific interventions into the legacy of this past conflict reveal how the reappeared and returned dead become conscripted into projects of strategic national remembrance. French Abstract: Dans l'héritage de ce que l'on appelle la guerre oubliée du siècle dernier, il y a 7500 militaires américains de la guerre de Corée portés disparus. Mais l'évolution de la politique du gouvernement américain en matière de soins aux morts de la guerre a donné un nouveau souffle à la mémoire de ces inconnus. Grâce au développement d'un programme d'exhumation systématique visant à atteindre les objectifs du Congrès en matière de comptabilisation des personnes disparues au combat (MIA) par l'armée américaine, les morts de guerre absents de la péninsule coréenne ont suscité de nouveaux débats sur les obligations envers ces combattants disparus et leurs parents survivants. Cet article examine à la fois l'évolution de la pratique médico-légale des efforts de comptabilisation des MIA et l'attention bureaucratique désormais portée aux disparus jusqu'alors « oubliés ». Les interventions commémoratives et scientifiques sur l'héritage de ce conflit passé révèlent comment les morts réapparus et revenus au pays sont enrôlés dans des projets de commémoration nationale stratégique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]