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Recent scholarship on socialist Eastern European amateur cinema has provided fruitful discussions on state-supported institutional frameworks and the production of formally and ideologically subversive films. This study expands this research by focusing on the state-funded Hungarian filmmaking platform Balázs Béla Stúdió (BBS) during the transitional period of the early 1970s. While the BBS functioned as a stepping-stone for aspiring film professionals throughout the 1960s, it opened up during the following decade to a range of industry outsiders, including neo-avant-garde artists who were societal and cultural outsiders as well. This essay sketches how the studio’s distinct institutional framework allowed this move toward deprofessionalization to occur. It also explores how ambiguous yet purposeful conceptualizations of the amateur legitimized these filmic activities within the BBS and negotiated a sociopolitical context that denied independent modes of creative expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how John Dewey's 'Report and Recommendation upon Turkish Education' (published in 1924) and some of Dewey's related travel narratives reflect 'civilizing mission' imperatives and involve multiple utopian operations that have not yet attracted political-philosophical attention. Such critical attention would reveal Dewey's misjudgments concerning issues of diversity, geopolitics, and global justice. Based on an ethicopolitical reading of the relevant sources, the aim here is to expose developmentalist and colonial vestiges, to raise searching questions, and to obtain a heightened view on the stakes of Dewey's utopianism and progressive pragmatism. The article concludes that the acknowledgment of the Armenian genocide constitutes a major challenge to Dewey scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the late H Patrick Glenn discussed the working of ‘confluence’ among legal traditions in his seminal work,Legal Traditions of the World, and its sequel,Common Laws, this essay appreciates the significance of his view and tries to extend it for the understanding of the dynamism in the making of hybrid legal system now active especially in East Asia and Japan. Thus, the focus of this article is the drive of what the author calls normative translation by legal intellectuals in accommodating various legal perspectives for their crystallization in provisions of legal code, using the famous Article 416 of Japanese Civil Code as an example. Also emphasized in relation to this is the possibility of the outlook of ‘law as translation’ as a key to the understanding of the transformative shaping of legal system at the intersection of divergent legal perspectives and traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses contemporary engagement with the theory and analysis of discourse in international relations. It argues that discourse understood as 'meaning in use' has emerged as one of the core concepts in constructivist scholarship, being of tremendous theoretical and analytical value. The paper identifies two distinct types of discourse analysis around which most contributions in this field converge: micro-interactional approaches that emphasize the communicative, pragmatic aspects of discourse and macro-structural approaches focusing on discourse as structures of signification. What unites these studies is their interest in the diffuse power relationships that characterize social interaction in international politics and the productive effects of power that the term 'discourse' serves to underline. Through a combination of these two different strands of discourse research, with two different conceptualizations of power (deliberative and productive), the paper develops a taxonomy of discourse approaches that reflects four distinct variants of discourse research. These variants are illustrated by means of an in-depth discussion of recent innovative studies. In conclusion, the paper points to a number of limitations in the present conceptualization of power through discourse as well as in terms of the uneasy combination of positivist epistemology and constructivist ontology in much empirical discourse research. Discussing the overlap between discourse and practice scholarship, the paper sketches future directions for research in this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first foreign-language publication of The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money by John Maynard Keynes was published in German in the same year as the English original in 1936. The article discusses some quality problems of the translation, but focuses in particular on the controversies which evolved around interpretations of the Preface Keynes wrote for the German edition. Whereas a margin of doubt remains as to the responsibility for the text which finally appeared in German, any accusations that Keynes had sympathies for or was indifferent to the Nazi regime are clearly rejected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1911 Sombart published Die Juden und das Wirtschaftsleben (Jews and Economic Life). As is well known Sombart conceived his essay - a response to Max Weber's Die protestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus (Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism) - as an attempt 'to study more carefully' the influence of religion on economic life, to focus on the relationship between religion and the spread of the 'spirit of capitalism' and to explain the historical evolution of modern capitalism (from early to late capitalism). This analytical work has partially been overshadowed by Sombart's endorsement of Nazism (1934), especially with reference to the suspicion that he was anti-Semitic. In this chapter we deal (Parts 2 and 3) with the 'ambiguous relationship' between Sombart and Nazism, and Sombart's reflections on the scientific irrelevance of racist theories. Then (Parts 4 and 5), we focus on the limits of Sombart's methodological approach to the analysis of modern capitalism. The erroneous conclusions of his inquiry emerge if we compare them with those of scholars like Simmel, Schumpeter and Max Weber. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship at the development-security nexus has called for greater attention to space to better understand grounded encounters with security and insecurity. Through an examination of embodied engagements with space, this paper details the way migrant women in Southeast Turkey experience security and insecurity in their day-to-day lives in regards to gendered violence. Against the backdrop of state investment in gendered development as a mechanism of conflict mitigation, the reach and mobility of women in and across new spaces in the city has grown. At the juncture between these spaces – the classroom, courtroom, and home – lie conflicting narratives about nation, community, and family that pose implications for the physical well-being of women. To this end, interviews with migrant women and development administrators and teachers suggest that (human) security be understood as embodied and relational, experienced differentially across time and space. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The concern with space and, more fundamentally, the formulation of a larger, guiding spatial theory, was central to achieving Nazi objectives during the Third Reich. We disclose critical elements of that theory, focusing on two contributions: the first by the jurist and international legal and political theorist Carl Schmitt (1888–1985) and the second by the geographer Walter Christaller (1893–1969). Applying the perverted biopolitical logic of National Socialism required the military accomplishment and bureaucratic management of two interrelated spatial processes: deterritorialization and reterritorialization. Deterritorialization involved moving non-Germanized Germans (mainly Jews and Slavs) off conquered Eastern lands to create an “empty space” that was then “reterritorialized” by the settlement of “legitimate” Germans (although often not German citizens). Although many German academics were involved in designing and implementing these spatial strategies, we single out two. Carl Schmitt provided a politico-judicial justification for reterritorialization involving the geographical expansion of the Third Reich:Großraum(greater space). Conceived four months before Germany'sBlitzkrieginvasion of Poland that triggered World War II,Großraumprovided the (literal) grounds for Nazi reterritorialization. Walter Christaller brought his peculiar spatial imaginary of formal geometry and place-based rural romanticism in planning the “empty space” of the East after non-Germanized inhabitants were removed. His central place theory re-created the Nazis' territorial conquests in the geographical likeness of the German homeland. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

For two years in the turbulent mid-1930s, the Royal Anthropological Institute co-convened an expert committee tasked with scientifically evaluating Nazi claims about race. Called the Race and Culture Committee, this body was created at the behest of Charles G. Seligman and given the unofficial objective of producing a strong anti-racist statement attacking the anthropological notion of a pure Aryan race. Scientists and other scholars of Jewish descent were intentionally excluded from the Committee to pre-emptively avert attacks on the report’s validity by anti-Semites. However, such a report was never produced due to the interference of members who were committed to defending Nazi Germany and the country’s racial policies. Using newly uncovered sources, this article argues that the Committee was doomed to failure from the start, and that its demise prevented the collective British anthropological establishment from attacking Nazi views on race with a unified voice before the Second World War despite an emerging consensus that the German government’s pronouncements were scientifically indefensible. More significantly, there is also now evidence that the obstructionist faction within the Committee was taking its ideological direction directly from German scientific practitioners with their own agendas during this period, raising questions about the relationship between science, politics, and interactions between academics and the state. It was only with the later publication of We Europeans that mainstream British scientists would declare their opposition to Nazi racial views, but by then the opportunity to make a more impactful stand had been lost. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Critical scholarship has warned against basing the prevention of terrorism on a concept of ‘radicalisation’ which implies that violence is inherent to Islam, but various approaches disagree on how to base the critique. This article argues for reading counter-radicalisation policies as narratives in order to identify their potential in terms of conflict escalation. Analysis of the official Danish counter-radicalisation action plan, reactions to it, and reactions to the reactions finds that criticism from the targets of the policy and engaged scholars based on attention to conflict dynamics has had some success in modifying policy from securitising to governing risk. Nevertheless, the potential for re-securitisation remains. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It is not easy for a scholar to be or to stay true, as academia is attracting not necessarily true scholars, nor always serves the purpose of true scholarship. The true scholar does not place her/himself in the middle, but is the middle person, who allows the sources to speak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a discussion on attitudes within the academic field of 20th-century German agricultural economics. Particular attention is paid to the flourishing of this academic discipline under national socialist government, developments in academic focus after 1945, and the discipline's historiographical choices to repress or deny its relations to Nazi Germany. Further comments are made concerning the generational relations among agricultural economists after World War II, the Nazi-led dismissal of agricultural economics professors Karl Brandt, Carl Ludwig Sachs, and Friedrich Aereboe in 1933, and the extent of mutual professional affirmation and dependence in the field after 1945.

Written in 1971 in one of Eritrea's languages, Our struggle and its goals is a controversial manifesto in Eritrea's political history. For some Eritreans, it is a malevolent document that has produced an unexpected sectarian project with disastrous consequences. For others, it is one of the best political documents ever written in the history of the Eritrean struggle. In any case, it is significant to scholarship especially to those who care about nation-building in ethnically and politically diverse societies. To make it easily available to researchers, an English translation is provided, following a short explanatory note. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the political role of the disciplines of history, Germanic studies, and Slavic studies at the German University in Prague, Czechoslovakia, which was related to Charles University, from 1918 to 1945. It is said that scholars at the university aided the German occupation and were related to Sudeten German separatism and growing Nazi ideological influence.

In this paper the author connects conceptual and methodological development, typically presented as distinct processes. She argues that these processes are-or should be- underpinned by a common philosophical and theoretical stance. Using Gramsci's The Prison Notebooks (1971), usually considered for its theory of social relations, the author outlines the work's epistemological tenets. She then discusses the methodological ramifications of Gramsci's perspective, relating his ideas to contemporary scholarship, especially by those working from feminist, critical race theory, and other critical perspectives. Because social theory and research methodology tend to be discussed as separate spheres and Gramsci's work generally is taken up for its social theory, much of the methodological work reviewed here is not identified as Gramscian. Nonetheless, Gramsci's ideas can have currency especially for qualitative researchers. An important message to take from The Prison Notebooks is to consider epistemology, theory, and methodology together rather than sequentially. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers the author's views on the study of German Orientalism scholarship in critical reappraisal of Orientalism. The author says that the study is an area of analysis which has developed its scope and refined its models. He explores its conflicted connection with Edward Said's omission of the German role in Orientation. He discusses the history of German Orientalism scholarship showed on sources such as the oriental renaissance and the connection between Ottoman and Roman empires.

Abstract: Does the former Soviet space have any historico-regional significance, or is it really no more than an area occupied by an imperial aspirant, taking advantage of the weakness of European and Asian powers following the First World War? The author argues that the term “Eurasia” is merely a convenient way of referring to what had been Soviet territory. Recent history has seen attempts to endow it with a larger civilizational significance, but these attempts are rooted in Russian myth-making. Those areas which understand themselves as European and are part of historical Christendom will return to the “democratic,” consumer culture of Europe as rapidly as they can. The nationalities and small nations of the Caucasus and central Asia, predominantly Islamic, are becoming part of the “Middle East,” as it is commonly understood in contemporary geopolitical discourse. Portions of what had been the eastern and southern parts of the Soviet Union are drifting into the orbit of China, and even India may exert a certain influence. The methods used by non-Soviet and Soviet scholars alike to study the Soviet Union are almost entirely irrelevant to contemporary scholarship. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The generational properties of organization theory are an increasing topic for analysis, usually in terms of what is addressed and how it is addressed. Some writers have alerted us to the importance of those social issues that are not addressed. Combining the idea of generational scholarship with the idea of those non-issues that remain unaddressed, this paper highlights how some of the events of the Second World War, which authorities agree was a generational defining and demarcating experience, have been neglected in organization theory. Nowhere is this more clearly demonstrated than in the Holocaust. Strangely, this practical experiment in organizational design and practice seems to have elided almost all interest by organization theorists, whether functionalist or critical. The paper addresses this elision and draws on the work of Goffman, Foucault and Bauman to address the very material conditions of organizational power and raise some ethical issues about the commitments of organization scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Law & Society/Revue Canadienne Droit et Societe (University of Toronto Press) is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Law & Society/Revue Canadienne Droit et Societe (University of Toronto Press) is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of McGill Journal of Education is the property of McGill Journal of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This editorial essay addresses the importance of independent thinking in the process of developing outstanding scholarship. Through analysing the difficulties of maintaining independent thinking in the Chinese culture, the paper proposes four approaches: understanding the power of the minority; transforming outside pressure into intrinsic motivation; listening with an open mind; and developing a passion for research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pierre Bourdieu's interventions since the mass strikes and demonstrations that rocked France in December of 1995 have been the object of oft-violent condemnations by the Parisian journalists and media intellectuals whose power he mercilessly dissected in his writings on television and journalism. This compressed recapitulation spanning three decades shows that Bourdieu's political interventions cannot be separated from his scientific writings, even if the reading of his works has too often been neutralized by their academic conditions of reception. Hence, resituating the engagements of the sociologist in their historical and intellectual contexts thus leads not only to displacing the boundary between scientific research and political action. It also reveals the work of controlled conversion of social pulsion into critical intellectual impulsion that endows sociology with the epistemological vigilance necessary to break with the preconstructed social and political problems of current affairs.

Discusses the report of the Historical Commission which focused on how the victims of Nazi Germany in Austria have been treated both in the period 1938-45 and subsequently. Declaration of Austrian independence; Notion of collective victimhood; Relationship between politics and scholarship for the Historical Commission.

This article attempts to highlight the factors that account for the neocolonial status of scholarship in Africa. The paper began with the general premise that scholarship in Africa had a false start several decades ago and has since remained, in general, a mere extension of Western scholarship and interests. European scholarship on Africa was started to provide materials for the effective colonization and exploitation of Africa and its enormous resources. Thus, research was directed at the maximization of European objectives in the colonies and not to serve the needs of the indigenous peoples. Africans believed that after independence, control of the apparatus of government by indigenous elite would provide scholars the opportunity to reinvent scholarship and thus lead to the design of research programs that were sensitive to the needs of the African peoples. Due to several constraints, the most important of which has been lack of funds, scholarship in the continent has continued to be controlled during the post-independence period, by Westerners.