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The scientific article discusses bicameralism in Slovenia using a three-dimensional approach. The main objective is to identify whether Slovenian bicameralism is weak or strong, using the criteria of symmetry, congruence, and perceived legitimacy. To achieve this, the authors use the descriptive and analytical method. In their opinion, Slovenian bicameralism has always been categorized as weak based only on its formal powers in the legislative procedure. Therefore, all proposed changes related to the National Council aim to change its formal powers without taking into account the congruence and perceived legitimacy criteria. The authors provide a unique insight into the other two criteria and suggest that calls for reform of the National Council should primarily deal with the congruence and perceived legitimacy criteria. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that no scientific papers have dealt with bicameralism in Slovenia using a three-dimensional approach. The authors believe that the article has cognitive value in times of constant calls for reform of the National Council.

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Iuridica Lublinensia is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article identifies the ways to improve the standards of media work during the electoral process in the context of Ukraine's European integration and takes into account the experience of leading European countries. The influence of the media on the establishment of democracy in Ukraine is especially relevant during the electoral process, so the scientific community needs to develop a unified approach to understanding the standards of media work, including during elections. At the level of the European Union, a number of acts have been adopted that are sources of media standards and are applied during the electoral process: The European Union Charter of Fundamental Rights, the Audiovisual Media Services Directive, the Enhanced Code of Practice on Disinformation, and the Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters. In some EU countries, there are self-regulatory bodies, such as the Press Council or the Broadcasting Council, which are responsible for monitoring media compliance with ethical and professional standards. At the international and regional levels, there are organizations that participate in the formation of media standards, such as The International Federation of Journalists and the European Federation of Journalists. Ukraine is represented in these international organizations by The National Union of Journalists of Ukraine and the Independent Media Trade Union of Ukraine. Undoubtedly, Ukraine should continue to take into account international and EU practices in the field of media standards, as well as introduce mechanisms of media self-regulation, in particular, codes of conduct and internal ethics committees, establish an independent ombudsman to mediate between the media and citizens in cases of alleged violations of media standards during the electoral process, and change the procedure for appointing members of the National Council on Television and Radio Broadcasting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Austrian Federal Constitution, adopted in October 1, 1920, was the result of long debates and political compromise between the Christian Socialists and the Social Democrats. It enshrined a system of parliamentary democracy with standard triple division of power into legislative, executive and judicial. Legislative power was exercised at the federal level by two formally independent bodies: the National Council and the Federal Council. Executive power consisted of government based on the confidence of the National Council and the Federal President. From view of political science, it was a purely parliamentary system. The 1929 amendment of constitution brought Austria closer to the German political system, bringing about significant strengthening of the powers of head of state. Austria's constitutional definition was undoubtedly democratic, but political elites chose the path of gradual curtailment of political pluralism due to growing difficulties under the influence of the Great Depression. Although the Austrian constitution has long been criticized for being overly complex and fragmented, it is today one of the oldest written European legal norms.

The December 1st acts for the unification of South Slavs in a common state represented the end of the realization of the great idea of unification and the beginning of the process of the dissolution of the new state. The face of the realization of this idea is the chronology of events, which points out the ascending path of the work of Serbia and the National Council on the ultimate unification. The back is represented by the confusion of the dissolution of Austria-Hungary and the work of the National Council in those circumstances. Often with some of its members having no feeling for the reality of events, the Central committee of the National Council formulated a "Naputak" (binding instructions for its delegation sent to Belgrade on 28th November 1918.). Pressed by the speed of events and real dangers (Italian pretensions, the impossibility of maintaining order without armed forces etc.), the delegation gave up on the contents of the instructions and adjusted it in the Address to regent Aleksandar, which was followed by the declaration of the unification into a common state on the 1st December 1918. The consequences of this kind of union are felt even today.

Introduced in 1975, the new administrative division of the country has made many changes at various levels, including a new administrative map of the country, in which 49 new provinces were presented. Due to the reform, a significant economic growth occurred in most of the new voivodships. One of the newly-created provincial centers became the Bialskopodlaskie province, located in the central-eastern part of Poland. The next step was the creation of the Provincial National Council in Biała Podlaska, the aim of which was to supervise the whole of Bialskopodlaskie Province. Wprowadzony w 1975 r. nowy podział administracyjny kraju, poza znacznym wzrostem ilości województw do 49 oraz likwidacją powiatów, spowodował również wiele zmian na różnych poziomach życia społecznego i państwowego. Dzięki reformie znaczny wzrost gospodarczy nastąpił w większości miast będących siedzibami nowych miast wojewódzkich. Jednym z nowo powstałych było województwo bialskopodlaskie, położone w środkowo-wschodniej części Polski. Skutkiem reformy było też powołanie Wojewódzkiej Rady Narodowej w Białej Podlaskiej, której zadaniem było wykonywanie roli terenowego organu władzy państwowej.

Copyright of Zgodovinski Casopis is the property of Zveza Zgodovinskih Drustev Slovenije and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bukovina was the second province which made the union with its motherland, after Bessarabia. 100 years ago, on November 28th, 1918, the proclamation of the union of Bukovina with Romania occurred, an important historic moment in the building of the Romanian unitary national state, together with the previous union of Bessarabia – March 27th , - and previous union of Transylvania, on December 1st, 1918. On the same date, November 28th, 1918, the General Congress of Bukovina announced the powers of the Entente that the inhabitants of this territory decided to return to old borders, respectively to the Kingdom of Romania, “in virtue of the rights of the people to decide their own fate”

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The December 1st acts for the unification of South Slavs in a common state represented the end of the realization of the great idea of unification and the beginning of the process of the dissolution of the new state. The face of the realization ofthis idea is the chronologyJ of events, which points out the aSRending path of the work of Serbia and the National Council on the ultimate unification. The back is represented by• the confusion of the dissolution of Austria-Hungary> and the work of the National Council in those circumstances. Oftenth some of its membeis having no feeling for the reality of events, the Central committee of the National Council formulated a ‘Naputak” (binding instructions for its delegation sent to Belgrade on 28th November 1918.). Pressed by the speed of events and real dangers (Italian pretensions, the impossibilityJ of maintaining order without armedforces etc.), the delegation gave up on the contents of the instructions and adjusted it in the Address to regent Aleksandar, which was followed by the declaration of the unification into a common state on the 1st December 1918. The consequences of this kind of union arefelt even today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Časopis za Zgodovino in Narodopisje is the property of University of Maribor and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the establishment of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, the Međimurje region, then part of the Hungarian Zalad County, desired to become part of the newly-created state. After the capitulation of Austria-Hungary, there were riots in Međimurje, better known as the Međimurje Revolution or the Public Actions (narodni istupi). The Hungarian authorities responded by introducing martial law, resulting in over a hundred death sentences being carried out. News on these deplorable events first reached neighbouring Varaždin and the local national council, which thus became a centre of information from where news was forwarded to the central National Council in Zagreb. In the evening of 13 November 1918, a military operation aimed to occupy Međimurje was launched from Varaždin, but it failed due to a lack of preparation. This paper analyses the reasons why the mentioned action failed. The Belgrade Ceasefire was signed on the same day, and Međimurje remained within the borders of Hungary. Intense preparations for the organisation of a new military operation followed. The central National Council in Zagreb turned to the Serbian army for help, but was turned down. On 24 December 1918, a second attempt to occupy the area was initiated. Lieutenant Colonel Slavko Kvaternik was appointed to lead the Croatian forces, while their field commander was Lieutenant Colonel Dragutin Perko. In only a few hours, the army of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes occupied Međimurje without facing any resistance. In this way, the area bordered by the Mura and Drava Rivers was annexed to the other Croatian lands, i.e. the newly-established Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Middle East Yearbook / Ortadoğu Yıllığı is the property of Bilgi Kultur Dernegi (Knowledge & Culture Association) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper gives a detailed description of the situation of the Hungarian national minority in Vojvodina. It covers the debate surrounding the minority issue which has been included in democracy discourses, but never in their mainstream. The aim of the paper is to identify how international and EU regulation of minorities influence the position of Hungarian ethnic minority in Vojvodina where Hungarians have an exceptionally strong presence within the community. For there is a clearly identifiable demand and willingness to have a cultural and teritorial autonomy. The paper has a special focus on the legislative and institutional frmaework of the Serbian minority policy and shows how the minority rights work in practice. The study also notes that efforts have been made to improve legislation in favour of minorities but rebukes the chronic failure to implement this legislation and introduce additional legislative or regulatory measures.

The article deals with the early parliamentary elections in Austria, which resulted from conflicts inside the government. The situation provides a negative example of a long rule of grand coalition. Most Austrians had lost the trust in abilities of the cabinet made up by social democrats (SPÖ) and Austrian People's Party (ÖVP) to deal with problems of the day. The public demanded an end to controversies and change of political style. In the stalemate situation it was ÖVP which initiated irregular elections into National Council. It succeeded in connecting the dynamic and perspective personality of the leader Sebastian Kurz with the image of a new and open movement. During the campaign, it emphasized themes which the Austrian public considered important (migration and asylum policy, better security, reduction of taxes) in combination with professional political marketing. After the elections, negotiations revealed programmatic overlap between ÖVP and Freedom Party of Austria, which placed third, in a number of important areas. The new government worked out an ambitious reform program, for which it secured enough majority support in the National Council; also the favourable economic conditions helped. The article provides analysis of electoral programs and the respective stages of the electoral campaign, making use of extensive electoral materials, including unarchived ones. Besides filling a major descriptive-analytic gap in the Czech scholarly reflection of Austrian politics, the article probes into actual trends of Austrian electoral marketing and electoral behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]