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This special issue inaugurates a scholarly and creative conversation that seeks to detach the future of Kashmir from the narrative, aesthetic, and political frames of powerful nation-states that have sought to keep Kashmiris confined to a long and seemingly enduring colonial present. It seeks, moreover, to inspire radical imaginations of possible futures in danger of foreclosure by occupying states, and asks us to think about occupation as a temporal as well as spatial regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shadi Hamid proposes "democratic minimalism" as a system and means of governing and rotating power with no prejudice to substantive ideological outcomes. Democratic minimalism is meant to decouple the question of actualizing an ideal society, even a liberal one that provides maximum freedom for the maximum groups of people, from the mechanism of transferring power between groups with opposing beliefs. I sympathize with Hamid's arguments. Hamid, I believe, correctly identifies the tension between liberal democracy and Islam in the Muslim world in that Muslims if given the choice may not support liberal policies. He also, I think, rightly concludes that the way to live with this dilemma consists of preserving plurality and the possibility of change through persuasion and thoughtful contestation, and not autocratic leadership. However, I argue, he does not sufficiently problematize the nation-state in his analysis. Drawing on the Islamic tradition, I argue we can make progress in this regard by deconstructing the nation-state to make room for communal selfgovernance and moral heterodoxies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the concept of national sovereignty – the right of a nation to self-determination and autonomy. Drawing on the theories of popular sovereignty and social contract, the authors trace how the idea emerged that nations united by identity could claim legitimate political authority over themselves. A key milestone was the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which codified the territorial sovereignty of nation-states. The authors analyse how eighteenth- and nineteenth-century nationalism transformed national sovereignty into a powerful force fuelling revolutions and movements against foreign domination. It explores how national sovereignty was exercised through the historical examples of France, Germany and the formation of a sovereign Kazakhstan after the collapse of the Soviet Union. While national sovereignty is based on self-determination, its exercise has led to both the assertion of independence and ethnic conflict and confrontation over national identity. The article concludes with an assessment of how theories of national sovereignty continue to emphasize autonomy and self-governance, but must be balanced with contemporary international norms and a system of global interdependence. National sovereignty remains one of the basic tenets underlying the nation-state system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores change and continuity in the institutional objectives and actions of the British Geological Survey across independent South Asian countries, namely India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Ceylon/Sri Lanka, and Burma/Myanmar. By focusing on this geographical space from the 1960s, the article tells a political tale of adjustment, in which the colonial background of the British presence in the region was overlain by the Cold War foreground of international competition. The Geological Survey had the required pedigree to prolong the British presence in important technical arenas of these emerging nation-states, albeit within the redefined parameters of development, overlapping interests, and competing benefits. The article sketches the Survey's history of exchange and collaboration across South Asian countries (except Bhutan), as its projects adapted to national preferences and global pressures. It traces how and why its proposals prioritised certain interactions over others and tracks the ways-and-means through which it pursued geological and attendant commercial aims. The article also attempts to situate these interplays within regional and ideological frames, within which politically conscious technocrats sought capital and influence to reorient earth science objectives so that these could simultaneously accrue national products and generate neo-colonial prestige. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU has committed itself to ambitious environmental, social, and techno-productive goals, and national development banks (NDBs) in the European financial architecture can be key actors in investment to finance them. However, not all EU member states have large and mature NDBs. In this light, this article examines the role of Spain´s mid-sized Instituto de Crédito Oficial and concludes that its dual nature, between the investment state and the private sector, provides it with levers to pursue EU goals effectively. Certain elements of this case could be used as lessons for other EU countries with smaller or underdeveloped NDBs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most accounts of the Indonesian revolution in South Sulawesi have focused on the two groups fighting for power: the Republic of Indonesia as a new nation-state and the Dutch, who wanted to regain control. What is absent from this way of viewing history are the views of local elites, who wanted to retain their traditional authority and whose ideas about the nation-state were based on their oral traditions, which have the potential to affect the reconstruction and politicisation of collective memory in the struggle for cultural rights and political authority. This article examines how the Polombangkeng community used oral traditions to justify local input into the cause of the revolution in South Sulawesi. During the Indonesian revolution, the Polombangkeng people drew on their oral tradition to define leadership positions, claims of political authority, and alliance formation. Their narratives about their identity were supported by ritual ceremonies. The article argues that the Indonesian revolution in Polombangkeng was more than just a power struggle between ‘Indonesian’ and ‘Dutch’ groups: it was also a process of negotiating and/or renegotiating identities, driven by the desire to stake traditional authority claims through the justification of oral traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractDespite considerable efforts, progress in the implementation of sexuality education (SE) has been uneven. This study identified six “positive-deviant” low- and middle-income countries, i.e., countries that had scaled up, sustained and enhanced their SE programs when many others—in similar social, cultural and economic circumstances—were not able to do so. In other words, they were significantly and consistently more successful than the norm. Countries were shortlisted using a validated framework and were analyzed using three other validated frameworks on political priority setting, scaling up, and stakeholder engagement. The study found that India, Pakistan, Nigeria, Senegal, Mexico, and Uruguay had scaled up (either nationwide or in some states/provinces), sustained and enhanced their SE programs in very different contexts. In all six, SE was a political priority, the national or state/province level SE scale up effort had been carefully planned and managed, and a mix of methods were used to build support and/or to overcome resistance. The study points to what needs to be done better/more energetically/differently in research, program support-tool development, and policy and program support to change the status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Probable maximum precipitation (PMP) has been an important criterion for designing hydrological infrastructure and it is likely to change with respect to global warming. To assess the potential risk that hydrological infrastructure in the U.S. state of Utah may encounter under the least mitigated emission scenario of Representative Concentration Pathway 8.5 (RCP8.5), this study identified historical (1950–2005) and future (2006–2100) PMP estimates to quantify the range and degree of change for extreme precipitation. The results show that an averaged RCP8.5 simulated 19.2% (3.43°C) increase in dewpoint temperature will result in a 39% (88.39 mm) increase in 24‐h 100‐mi2 (259 km2) PMP values. It is also found that the rapidly growing metropolitan areas of the state would experience a greater PMP increase (106.43 mm) than that in the state's National Parks and forested areas (93.98 mm). This discovery indicates a vulnerability that could affect both hydrological and metropolitan infrastructure. The planning of the state's infrastructure needs to consider the changing PMP under global warming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Naomi Goldenberg's model of religion as a "vestigial state" is an excellent interrogation of how religion interacts with the state. To Goldenberg, religions traditionally functioned in the same manner as nation-states before being conquered and delineated as semi-autonomous institutions under the larger secular apparatus. However, I argue in this paper that Goldenberg's "vestigial state" fails to account for the dynamism that religions have in their relationships to the state. I propose seeing religions as "alternative authorities", which can be subordinate, cooperative, or hostile to the secular state. These perspectives as an alternative authority are seen best in the evolution of American fundamentalism and Christian nationalism, whose adherents have historically distinguished themselves from the state while simultaneously engaging in the effort to reshape it. In looking at how these movements develop, we understand that religions are constantly evolving in how to achieve and maintain power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to explore the interrelationships between a national government and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in terms of the power and legitimization of education reforms, here based on the reciprocal dependence of the two actors. Although the current case study only analyses the shifting relationships between Sweden and the OECD, the assumption is that the case is quite representative of the ambiguities of power in the relationships between the OECD and its smaller member countries and the Nordic countries in particular. To explore the relationship between the Swedish national government and OECD, we make use of discursive institutionalism as a general framework. For a closer understanding of the standpoints of the OECD and Sweden on different matters and at different times, two explanation logics are used. The discourses we found characterizing the different kinds of relationships over time are a discourse of opposition, a discourse of mentorship and a discourse of subordination. We argue that there are both ideational and institutional reasons affecting the conditions for cooperation on educational policy. Although institutional reasons strengthen the maintenance of the cooperation, ideational reasons both challenge and develop the nature of the collaboration between the OECD and Sweden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political philosophy has long treated the nation-state as the starting point for normative inquiry, while paying little attention to the ongoing legacies of colonialism and imperialism. But given how most modern states emerged, normative discussions about migration, for example, need to engage with the colonial and imperial history of state immigration controls, citizenship practices, and the nation-state more generally. This article critically reviews three historical studies by Adom Getachew, Radhika Mongia, and Nandita Sharma that engage in depth with this history. The studies historicize concepts that are central to discussions in political philosophy: the categories of citizen and migrant, the concept of 'nationality,' and the principle of self-determination. I argue that this historicized form of conceptual analysis helps us challenge the default authority of concepts that are deeply embedded in the political structures that we inhabit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although both the two-string plucked lute dombyra and two-stringed horsehair fiddle qyl-qobyz possess strong ties to the nomadic heritage of the Kazakhs, the dombyra embodies a much more public, accessible, and officially endorsed musical representation of Kazakh-ness than the mysterious and complicated qyl-qobyz. This article will explore the characteristics that have come to define the dombyra and qyl-qobyz in the Kazakh national imagination, and how musical instruments participate in “nation branding” by reinforcing a desirable image of the nation-state – and by extension promoting a particular narrative of national identity – while also complicating that image by embodying complex and occasionally difficult histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractFiguratively speaking, the COVID-19 pandemic (2019–22) stripped nations naked, exposing the bare structure of how nationalism, as the driving force behind the nation-states, operates on the ground. Based on a survey conducted in April 2021 in five countries (Sweden, Serbia, Germany, Ireland and England), we thematically analyze two open-ended questions on who should be remembered as the heroes and villains of the pandemic, demonstrating that people’s perception of COVID-19 is shaped and reimagined through the category of their own nation-state. Two main arguments are put forward: (1) the vast majority of answers show that heroes and villains are found in small group encounters; (2) yet in-group micro-solidarity is referential to the existing organizational and ideological power of the nation-state. We utilize the notion of “naked nations” to show that, in times of crisis, people’s selfhood is profoundly grounded in micro-solidarity encounters that are tightly linked to nation-states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hospital CEO salaries have grown quickly over the past two decades. We investigate correlates of rising nonprofit hospital CEO pay between 2012 and 2019 by merging compensation data from Candid's IRS 990 forms with hospital data from the National Academy for State Health Policy Hospital Cost Tool. Almost half of the measured increase in CEO compensation (44.5%) accrued to a "base case" CEO, who was leading a non-teaching hospital system or independent hospital with fewer than 100 beds that earned 0 profits and provided no charity care. Another 28.5% of the measured salary increase resulted from changes in the generosity with which observable metrics were rewarded, particularly the reward for heading a system with 500 or more beds. The remaining 27% resulted mostly from hospital systems or single hospitals that increased their profits or bed size over time. The increase in CEO compensation associated with leading larger healthcare systems and earning greater profits may explain the increase in healthcare system consolidation which has occurred over the last several years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jacques Delors (1925–2023) was the most influential Europeanist of our time. The close relationship between ideas and pragmatism characterized his social, cultural, and political commitment from his years of militancy in the Confédération Française des Travailleurs Chrétiens and La Vie Nouvelle to his leadership of the European Commission (1985–1995). He pragmatically relaunched the European integration process, especially in the period between the Single European Act (1986) and the Maastricht Treaty (1992), without failing to uphold the values of solidarity, equality, and social justice. He demonstrated a pragmatic approach as soon as he took office at the European Commission and the completion of the Single Market ‘by 1992’ became a concrete goal. He applied Jean Monnet’s theory of the spillover effect to create a virtuous mechanism in the progress of the European design, as demonstrated by the realization of the Economic and Monetary Union– real prelude of the single currency. However, after the birth of the European Union, he called for a federating mechanism to make up for the impotence of intergovernmental cooperation; the ‘new European concert’ was to merge into a ‘Federation of nation-states’ that could be realized through the advantages of the ‘federal approach’ and the preservation of nation-states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I propose a reading in a Foucauldian key of the so-called "Conquest of the Desert", which took place in Argentina during the 19th century, as a founding event in the formation of its nation-state and its society, and whose effects are still in vigor in the current political, economic, social and cultural scene of the country. After a brief presentation of the "Conquest of the Desert", I examine the concepts and guidelines offered by Foucauldian thought to analyze this event and its implications and consequences. Next, I outline some ideas, tools and lines of study and comprehension of the event "Conquest of the Desert" based on research works that are derived from or discuss with Foucauldian thought and that address the particularities and specificities of this event. Finally, I present a series of tentative conclusions about the ideas, tools and guidelines analyzed, weighing their scope and potential, as an epilogue to the questions raised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores failures of the U.S. as a modern nation-state in Toni Morrison's "Paradise" from the perspectives of Silvia Federici's works which place the figure of the witch at the center of anti-capitalist struggle and shows the transition from feudalism to capitalism. It discusses the heteropatriarchal racially supremacist capitalism in communities, capital accumulation, silenced social position of women, social reproduction obfuscated by capitalist ideology, and capitalist relations.

Wellbeing has firmly established itself within contemporary practice, politics and policy. Indeed, the cultural, commercial, and terrestrial landscape of the concept is staggering and manifests within popular discourse and across global organisations and institutions, national governments, workplaces, and consumer lifestyle products and services. Notably, the field of sport, exercise, and physical activity has been identified by the World Health Organisation (WHO), the United Nations, and the OECD as a key sector with the potential to contribute to people's wellbeing. This should not be surprising given that there is a large body of literature espousing the benefits of regular physical activity (in myriad forms) as part of a healthy lifestyle. However, there are increasing concerns that wellbeing's global ubiquity may be leading to a range of unintended consequences and/or unscrupulous practices within both international organisations and nation-states. This largely conceptual essay focuses on the concept and process of wellbeing washing by (1) tracing the historical roots and evolution of wellbeing; (2) exploring its reconceptualization within the framework of neoliberalism; (3) offering a preliminary outline of the concept of wellbeing washing; and (4) briefly describing how wellbeing washing is manifesting within the context of sport in Aotearoa/New Zealand. Overall, this analysis explores wellbeing as a contested terrain of interests marked by a range of complexities and contradictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In today's globalised era, the limitations of the nation-state model are increasingly apparent. This model often demands homogeneity, leading to identity conflicts and separatist demands by national minorities. However, national and cultural identities remain politically relevant, making post-national ambitions difficult to achieve. To address this problem, we compare the thoughts of Otto Bauer and Abdullah Öcalan, who both emphasise overcoming the limits of the nation-state without dismissing national and cultural identities. Öcalan's ideas prioritise autonomy and multiplicity, while Bauer's contribution is based on a deterritorialised notion of national identity. As we argue in this article, the two authors share interesting points of convergence that have been understudied in academia. What is more, this comparison provides valuable insights for understanding contemporary challenges and solutions to multinational societies and identity conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the colonial homogenising policies of the Syrian Ba'ath regime and the subsequent decolonisation processes that led to the emergence of Rojava as a pluriverse. In 1963, the Ba'ath regime implemented nation-state colonialism in the predominantly Kurdish region, using agricultural modernisation as a tool for its colonisation efforts. This modernisation bolstered the central state, perpetuated the underdevelopment of the region as a periphery, and asserted control through the settlement and distribution of land to Arab families loyal to the regime. Following the regime's collapse in Rojava in 2012, the communities that comprise the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) dismantled the colonial agricultural system. They developed a decentralised governance and agrarian development approach, referred to here as the decolonisation of agriculture. Based on interviews and fieldwork in the region, this article explores the interplay between agricultural development and colonial politics, as well as the critical role of agriculture in the broader struggle for decolonisation. We conclude that in the anti-colonial struggle, people and the rhizomatic governance structures they develop challenge colonial submission to the central state, exploring life beyond the nation-state, which is crucial for a decolonial shift. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The globalisation of political power into structures 'above' or 'beyond' the nation-state has increasingly been called into question as part of a 'sovereigntist turn' in contemporary politics. While such demands for local control by bounded peoples may be democratic, empirically they often also take a nationalist form. Building on Hannah Arendt's analysis of how 'the nation conquered the state', I argue that the slippage from democratic to national sovereigntism is rooted in fundamental conceptual instabilities within the concept of the nation-state. Whereas the first term in this hyphenated construct favours certain individuals based on their ethnic background, the latter is a universal concept that demands the equal treatment of all. My basic thesis is that these internal contradictions help to explain the nationalist tendency in calls to return political power to the nation-state. I illustrate these points by drawing on examples from the 'illiberal democracies' of Central-Eastern Europe, focusing on Poland and Hungary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indonesia is one of the few nations to have an official, state-produced translation of the Qur'an, namely Al-Qur'an dan Terjemahnya (QT). The King Fahd Glorious Qur'an Printing Complex (KFQPC) in Saudi Arabia produces its own edition of this translation, which it distributes to Hajj pilgrims and through its global distribution network. This article compares the Indonesian and Saudi editions of QT, in terms of the translations' paratextual features and wording, and challenges the prevailing narrative that these two editions are identical. I argue that the KFQPC is more than a mere third-party publisher of QT because changes have been implemented reflect specific exegetical trends related to the KFQPC's Salafi leanings, as opposed to the more local relevance assumed by the translation that is produced in its country of origin. This has significance for two very relevant research questions: 'how is the translation process affected when a Qur'an translation is produced by an official institution?', and 'what transpires to such a work when a different institution with different interests collaborates in its production?' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an analysis of Allahabad University's functioning, this article argues that independent India's ideas of federalism reimagined university education. New visions of the educated person – linked to ideas about the ideal citizen – changed the kinds of disciplines and universities being funded. With support from industrial elites to buttress the new nation-state's development plans, the state prioritised technical education over arts and humanities to serve a unified economic policy. This change manifested through increased scrutiny over university functioning and crackdowns on student protests. The Indian postcolonial state's "centralised" federalism to manage the national economy and promote national integration impacted university funding. Ultimately, decisions about university funding were tied to the state's vision of the ideal apolitical citizen student, who would contribute to national development. This article highlights the complicated relationship between capital, the postcolonial nation-state, and university autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While specialized literature has discussed the conditions necessary for economic development, such as the role of institutional frameworks, the implementation of an entrepreneurial state and national innovation systems or industrial policies and the creation of markets, less attention has been given to the role of energy and its relationship with the performance of industrial enterprises. This paper analyzes the links between the energy system and industrial policy in Argentina, revealing that the segmentation led to industry paying more for energy than residential users, although well below full cost, resulting in a transfer of tax revenues to industrial businesses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present essay aims to provide a brief critical assessment of the so-called "pan" phenomena, particularly those related to the American continent ("Pan-Americanism") and the European continent ("Pan- Europeanism"). With this in mind, and based on various authoritative voices regarding this matter, we will examine certain factors that have contributed to the formation of these "identity" processes (or "macro-communitarian") throughout history. In this regard, it is illustrative to observe what happens with the notion of the "nation-state", an element that will ultimately allow us to identify the "limitations" and "contradictions" that these regional movements under study may reflect, and thus to determine their degree of durability, if any, in our present times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the debate about the integration of refugees in European nation-states, several scholars have recently noted a so-called 'agency paradox' (Klaver et al., 2018), which draws a contrast between, on the one hand, the initiative and inventiveness of refugees during their flight and, on the other hand, an allegedly lethargic attitude upon arrival in a new country. In this paper, we will unpack this paradox in a critical analysis of civic integration in the Netherlands. We shall write 'against integration' (cf. Rytter, 2019) by recovering the muted voices of a group of Eritrean refugees whose future depends on the obligation to complete civic integration exams. Using Dialogical Self Theory (DST), we will demonstrate that a seemingly passive attitude among migrants must not be interpreted as a lack of agency. Instead, we will show that their agency is silenced and subordinated by the integration process, but that they are simultaneously involved in a hidden dialogue with the new society in order to negotiate a future in which their multiple identifications as both Eritrean and Dutch are recognized. By facilitating the recovery and recognition of the muted voices of Eritrean refugees, Dialogical Self Theory contributes to their empowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Contaduría y Administración is the property of Facultad de Contaduria y Administracion-Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Energy Charter Treaty is a multilateral international treaty that contains regulations that, among other things, provide investors of other contracting parties with protection for their investments in the energy sector. Some States, including the Russian Federation, have provisionally applied the Energy Charter Treaty for several years in the wording of Article 45 of the Energy Charter Treaty. This provisional application under Article 45 of the Energy Charter Treaty raised issues that were considered in arbitrational and court proceedings. In this article, the author analyses several Awards on Jurisdiction and Admissibility of Tribunal, namely the Decision on Jurisdiction of Tribunal in the matter of Kardassopoulos v. Georgia and Interim Awards on Jurisdiction and Admissibility of Tribunal in the matter of investors of the former Russian Oil Company Yukos v. Russian Federation. The proceedings for annulment of Awards of the Tribunal in the matter of investors of former Russian Oil Company Yukos v. Russian Federation were brought before courts in the Netherlands, with the proceedings reaching the Supreme Court of the Netherlands, which decided the case on 5 November 2021. On the basis of the aforementioned decisions in the Kardassopoulos v. Georgia and Yukos oil company investors v. the Russian Federation cases, the author of the article focuses on the assessment of the effects of the provisional application of the Energy Charter Treaty, the interpretation of Article 45 of the Energy Charter Treaty, analysing the question of how the provisional application of the Energy Charter Treaty may be limited by the national law of the state that provisionally applies the Energy Charter Treaty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States' national security strategy is an influence strategy--the effectiveness of which cannot be measured. The strategy's effectiveness is unmeasurable because influence operations still have not solved the assessment problem. The Department of Defense influence doctrine relies on unreliable practices from advertising and has never taken up a program of research to apply the very advanced psychological science of influence to the national security domain. Robust methods of operational design, variable control, and measurement are absent from national security influence, and there is no organization or mechanism to coordinate and deconflict operations across the whole of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Europarecht (05312485) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Aposta is the property of Aposta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Majalat Monazaat Al-Aamal is the property of Majalat Monazaat Al-Aamal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The expansion of "BRICS Plus" indicates a more explicitly hierarchical world order. The putative equality of nation-states enshrined through the UN General Assembly's one state–one vote formula is increasingly being eroded by neglect or through the emergence of unequal multilateral formats where rising powers have accorded themselves greater primacy in the new structures because of failures to gain greater shares of power or responsibility in global institutions. However, a more explicitly power-based order that dispenses with putative sovereign equality will be more unstable as the primary power-sorting mechanism will tend toward conflict. This article therefore calls for urgent reform for sustaining the multilateral rules-based order underpinned by the United Nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the role and significance of local self-government in countering Russian aggression in modern conditions, as well as in the prospective harmonious reintegration of the de-occupied territories of Ukraine and ensuring sustainable national stability. The author's vision of the system of national strength of Ukraine as a complex of various interconnected elements, which in their totality are able to ensure the detection of threats to national statehood and civil society, is formulated, their differentiation according to the importance and priority of response, permanent monitoring of threats according to their evolution, elimination of the indicated threats to sustainable development. It has been established that the reintegration of the de-occupied territories of Ukraine will be a significant challenge to the national system of state strength. The thoughtfulness of this process, the identification of key problems and obstacles to the effective reintegration of the de-occupied territories, the elimination of security, economic, social, political, legal, spiritual-ideological, culturaleducational, environmental, infrastructural and other obstacles to the organic reintegration of the de-occupied territories of Ukraine will have a profound impact on the national system of strength both on a state scale and on a local scale. It was concluded that the functioning of local self-government based on the principle of subsidiarity in relation to the reintegration of deoccupied territories is the most effective direction for the successful harmonious reunification of previously occupied territories with Ukraine. It is argued that the main emphasis in the field of reintegration of de-occupied territories should be aimed at people living or returning or settling in such de-occupied territories. It is the context of the organic unification of people around the values of the cultural, economic, social, political, spiritual and ideological life of Ukraine after deoccupation that should fill municipal and state policy. This approach of active municipal policy combined with state support based on taking into account local needs, requests and features of the de-occupied territories will ensure their formalization, sustainable recovery and subsequent prosperity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on ethnographic interview analysis of Aboriginal participants in Australia, this study seeks to expand the critical discussions in Applied Linguistics by understanding the concept of translanguaging in relation to its "mundanity" (or ordinariness). Our data shows that rather than perceiving translanguaging as extraordinary, for Aboriginal speakers it is more likely to be considered normal, unremarkable, mundane, and as a long-existing phenomenon. The concept of the mundanity of translanguaging is thereby expanded through three main discussions in this article: 1) negotiating identity and resisting racism, where the Aboriginal speakers choose to translanguage using their full linguistic repertoires, but with appropriate communicative adjustments made for their interlocutor; 2) a display of respect towards their land, heritage and language; and 3) as an inherent and mundane everyday practice where they constantly negotiate between heritage languages, English, Kriol, and Aboriginal English varieties. The significance of this study lies in the normalisation of translanguaging as a mundane disinvention strategy, as this urges us to perceive linguistic separateness as a colonial ideological construct that is used to exhibit control over diverse peoples and to maintain uniformity and stability of nation-states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nation-state is the primary political unit of analysis across the social sciences. It is understood to organize the formal international division of the world as well as social relations domestically. Its emergence is associated with processes that are said to bring into being the modern world, alongside the accompanying displacement of a system of empires, associated with earlier historical periods. Such understandings present nations and empires as distinct political entities and fail to recognize the conjunction of the emergence of the nation-state with European colonial expansion and an ongoing expansion of new overseas European empires. In this article, I set out an alternative account of how we might understand the varieties of empire and varieties of colonialism that characterize the modern period. I shall argue that colonialism is a distinctively modern phenomenon which, in turn, gives European overseas empire a character different from other empires contemporaneous with them. This difference rests, in large part, in the specificity of a political economy of colonialism that is often misidentified as a separate capitalist modernity.

It is no secret that nationalist movements are making their presence felt more throughout the world. This comes as a result of people’s consciousness being marked of the different policies adopted by multilateral institutions which negatively affect the state`s perceived sovereignty. The anarchical structure of the international system reveals how order is only maintained once states hold the power of decision, whether it is through cooperation or independence. Studies underline how sovereignty has become an institution in itself and how states become increasingly dependent on it, in the last seventy years. The concept of a nation-state is not about total independence, but about finding the best economic, social and political solutions for the best outcome through mutual understandings within the Westphalian sphere.