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The article analyzes the life and work of L. Rebet, his general theoretical views on the formation and development of the nation. Considerable attention is paid to the characterization of L. Rebet’s fundamental scientific works on the theory and history of the Ukrainian nation, in particular: “The Formation of the Ukrainian Nation”; “Theory of the Nation”; “The Origin of Ukrainians, Russians, Belarusians in the Light of Modern Soviet Theories”; “The Light and Shadows of the OUN”, etc. It is shown that in his scientific concept of the formation and development of the nation, Lev Rebet examined in detail the causes of the decline, economic and cultural isolation of the Ukrainian community during the Golden Horde, analyzed the causes of the territorial fragmentation of the Ukrainian principalities and determined the importance of the Galicia-Volhynia State for the continuation of the state life of the Ukrainian people. Using historical examples, L. Rebet identified the negative impacts on the Ukrainian population under the Lithuanian and Polish occupation of Ukrainian lands. L. Rebet rightly noted that during the revival of the Ukrainian people, religion and the Orthodox faith played an important role, opposing Catholicism and polonization and becoming the bearers of Ukrainian tradition and the formation of national consciousness. It was the Ukrainian bourgeoisie, part of the petty gentry, and artisans who proved to be the bearers of culture and state traditions. However, it was only the independent Ukrainian military Cossack stratum that became the military and organizational force that quickly acquired the features of a national state, and in the era of Bohdan Khmelnytsky’s hetmanship, thanks to the military and political success of the Cossacks, one of the most powerful Ukrainian states of that time emerged, which played a significant nation-building role and for several years “crystallized the Ukrainian community, approaching a higher type - the nation”, in which the Cossacks were the main political force. The article reveals that L. Rebet in his works considered nationalism as an ideology that should be based on feelings of national dignity, self-respect and national consciousness. L. Rebet convincingly argued in his writings that the Ukrainian people have the right to political self-determination and the creation of their own state. L. Rebet believed that in order to build one’s own state, first of all, it is necessary to raise the national consciousness and culture of the people. According to L. Rebbetzin, this requires the Ukrainian people to return to their national roots, to their own history and culture, in order to preserve and establish their national identity. In his scientific concept, Lev Rebet emphasized the importance of preserving Ukrainian culture and language, and of preserving the national identity of Ukrainians. Nationalism should be democratic and social. He sought to create a national liberation organization that would unite different segments of the population and work for the benefit of the entire Ukrainian people. L. Rebet favored the creation of national statehood, but believed that the source of power in the state should be the people, not the political elite. Rebet’s views on the importance of moral virtues and cultural values, such as freedom, justice, honesty, diligence, creativity, traditions, religion, and language, are particularly relevant. Rebet believed that these values are important for Ukrainian and other nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper addresses and contributes to one of the core debates concerning the usage of terminologies such as 'loyalists' and 'rebels', often ascribed to actors involved in the anti-colonial movements across the world. By taking the case of the Indian rebellion of 1857, the paper argues that moments such as this, more often than not, have subtle and nuanced reflections, and the trajectories of responses transcend simplistic categorisations. In the mid-nineteenth century colonial Bengal 'loyalism' of the middle-class intelligentsia towards the foreign rule contained internal contradictions, which was far more nuanced than has been portrayed in the last one and half centuries. Based on the contemporary reports, memoirs, and writings, the paper argues that while the nature of opposition and resistance were reflected in a rhetoric that was different, they emanated from similar sets of discontents, and would play a pivotal role in shaping the later-day discourse of nationalism in South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the narration of China as a nation in history education in two regions – mainland China and Hong Kong – that share cultural roots but different socio-political contexts. Inductive analysis of data from junior-secondary Chinese history textbooks used in the regions in the late 2010s revealed that whereas mainland China's textbooks constructed China as a nation by stressing its constitutive territory and ethnic inclusiveness, Hong Kong's highlighted its constitutive ethnicity and changing territory, more frequently and directly narrated interethnic conflicts, and more explicitly promoted Han superiority. The study proposes constructing the nation in history education as a contextualised and socio-political exercise of reinterpreting the past to reflect current contexts and needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the interconnections between crisis, war and undocumented migration focusing on the crisis at Evros borderzone, Northeastern Greece, in February/March 2020. It puts forward an analysis of public discourse that posits Greece as “a nation under threat” and reflects on the notion of crisis both as a dimension of the present historical moment and a governmental device for strengthening state power. The paper suggests that crisis and war be understood as parts of a security continuum and that the Evros crisis of 2020 rendered visible the mutual constitution of the processes of illegalization and securitization of migration. Formulated as an open threat for Greece and Europe, undocumented mobility feeds into the (in)security spiral promoting more surveillance, tighter border control and deepening the social hierarchy that positions illegal(ized) migrants at the lowest social strata. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an analysis of the French Revolution, which profoundly influenced political and social structures from the 18th century in the world, alongside the social class structures in pre-revolutionary France. The analysis employs a historical and methodological framework to examine the definitions, positions, ideologies, and political stances associated with these structures. The first focus addresses the pre-revolutionary social class structures, while the second investigates the ideological and political manifestations of these classes. Key concepts from economic, social, and political theory will be utilized to inform this examination. Furthermore, the article discusses the reasons the French Revolution is regarded as distinct compared to other revolutions within Europe's political history. By comparing the perspectives of Anglo-Saxon and French historians, the article analyzes the fundamental theses underlying these contrasting approaches. Additionally, it examines the political and ideological representations of social classes during the Revolution and explores how class tensions evolved into a revolutionary movement. The main finding of the article is that ideological and imagined assumptions regarding the French Revolution lead to a paradigm shift in the history of the French Revolution as empirical and monographic research is conducted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food television offers a new and unique lens on national identity, the Anglo-Scottish relationship, and their cultural representation in contemporary Britain. This article is based on the analysis of three British travelogue cooking shows, first broadcast between 1995 and 2011, about Scotland and its food. The programmes analysed exemplify and reinforce long-standing cultural constructions of the relationship between England and Scotland as sub-state nations of the United Kingdom, as well as illustrating and creating new national scripts, notably in relation to class and gender. These 'homeland' travelogue cooking shows consistently associate Scotland with a defined set of local and traditional foods, closely associated with a Romantic construction of Scotland, its history and landscape. However, the programmes also indicate wider changes in British and Scottish food culture during this period, including the rise of the local food movement and the increasing economic success and cultural confidence of the Scottish food and drink industry. The article highlights the role of celebrity chefs in the cultural construction of contemporary British sub-state national relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on research highlighting the disruptive potential of migratory (e.g. Ahmed, S., 2000. Strange Encounters. Embodied Others in Post-Coloniality. London: Routledge, Heimböckel, D., and Weinberg, M., 2014. Interkulturalität als Projekt. Zeitschrift für interkulturelle Germanistik, 5 (2), 119–144) and urban encounters (e.g. Closs Stephens, A., 2013. The Persistence of Nationalism. From Imagined Communities to Urban Encounters. London: Taylor & Francis), this paper examines the everyday encounters in Ozan Zakariya Keskinkılıç's debut poetry collection Prinzenbad (2022). More specifically, the analysis focuses on the question of how the depicted encounters unsettle a nationalist imaginary characterised by homogeneity, linearity and unity. The speaker of Keskinkılıç's largely autobiographical poems navigates a distinctly transnational, intersectional identity – he is gay, Muslim, a third-generation immigrant from an Arab Turkish family and a German national. The poems detail casual discriminations at airport security checks and intimate encounters with men in urban cruising spots, like Berlin's outdoor pool Prinzenbad. While the poems highlight the ubiquity of the nationalist imaginary, e.g. in personal relationships and language, they ultimately disrupt it by exploring alternative models of community and belonging in the speaker's queer encounters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2015 Refugee Crisis was the European media event of the decade. It shed new light on European migration policies and narratives of migration. Through the device of intermedial references, Jenny Erpenbeck's (2015) novel, Gehen, Ging, Gegangen, presents intercultural encounters as a superable challenge. The novel suggests that media like television continue to function as national mediums, and while they may serve as an impetus for engaging with others, encounters between strangers necessitate modes of engagement that extend beyond listening and watching. The references in the novel encourage a discussion of national frameworks, limits of seeing, embodied nationhood, hospitality, and the enduring relevance of unmediated testimony, especially in light of constant new developments in media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective is the scientific and theoretical basis of the pedagogical conditions of the ethnic component in the contents of a higher education institution and the identification of the effectiveness of its implementation. The article conducts a theoretical and methodological analysis of the theory under study, reveals the essence of the concept of "ethnic component in the contents of a higher education institution", defines approaches, pedagogical conditions for the formation of an ethnic component in the contents of an institution of higher education, and presents a set of principles for its structuring. An experiment was carried out regarding the pedagogical conditions of the ethnic component in the contents of higher education. The results depicted the stages of formation and development of the ethnic component, the history of Kazakh education and the leading trends in current global practice are characterised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the concept of national sovereignty – the right of a nation to self-determination and autonomy. Drawing on the theories of popular sovereignty and social contract, the authors trace how the idea emerged that nations united by identity could claim legitimate political authority over themselves. A key milestone was the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which codified the territorial sovereignty of nation-states. The authors analyse how eighteenth- and nineteenth-century nationalism transformed national sovereignty into a powerful force fuelling revolutions and movements against foreign domination. It explores how national sovereignty was exercised through the historical examples of France, Germany and the formation of a sovereign Kazakhstan after the collapse of the Soviet Union. While national sovereignty is based on self-determination, its exercise has led to both the assertion of independence and ethnic conflict and confrontation over national identity. The article concludes with an assessment of how theories of national sovereignty continue to emphasize autonomy and self-governance, but must be balanced with contemporary international norms and a system of global interdependence. National sovereignty remains one of the basic tenets underlying the nation-state system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humanitas: International Journal of Social Sciences / Uluslararasi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Humanitas: International Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal is the property of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the construction of "Indian literature" as an object of enquiry in William Jones's essays in the Asiatic Researches (1788-1794). In the first section it studies Jones's method of employing the nation as a frame of reference in geographical and cultural terms in order to construct a "national" literature for India. Extending the scope of his comparative philology, the second section argues that Jones sought to establish an equivalence between diverse literary traditions such as the Indo-Persian and the European, for the benefit of his European readership. The paper concludes by exploring the role of what Bernard Cohn terms the "enumerative modality" as a specific method of investigation through which the Asiatic Researches classifies and thus defines India's diverse and multitudinous literatures. Being informed by colonial discourse studies as well as periodicals research, this paper focuses on the rhetorical construction of the widely accepted nexus between Orientalism and British imperialism in late eighteenth-century India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the transformation in Vietnamese political thought from the concept of “state” associated with the “Son of Heaven” in Confucianism to the concept of “nation” in Nguyen Trai's ideology. The focus is on comparing Confucian thought, which regards the “state” as a part of the governance system of the “Son of Heaven,” with Nguyen Trai's perspective, who expanded the notion of “state” into an independent national ideology, affirming Dai Viet as a sovereign nation with its own identity. The study clarifies the inheritance and development of Nguyen Trai's thoughts on “state” and “nation” regarding national sovereignty, the concept of “governing the state,” the philosophy of “humanity and righteousness,” and his approach to diplomatic relations. Using historical and logical methods, the article demonstrates the evolution of Nguyen Trai's thought while illuminating his unique contributions to the construction of the national ideology of Dai Viet. The expected results affirm the timeless vision of Nguyen Trai and provide insights into the formation of the concepts of independence and sovereignty in Vietnamese history.

In the 1940s and 1950s, the writer H. G. Ajemyan actively participated in a number of important scientific discussions on history and philosophy: a meeting of historians in 1944, a discussion about the movement of Caucasian mountaineers, a philosophical discussion in 1947, a discussion of a report on the nature of nations in 1957, at which he was the main “troublemaker”. His bold ideas about the monistic unity of the state and the people, the harm of class struggle and national liberation movements to strengthen the power of the Russian state, the use of Orthodoxy to fight the Vatican, and the priority of cultural factors over economic factors in the formation of nations were criticized by academic science and party ideologists. At the same time, Ajemyan’s speeches were used by the authorities to identify ideological positions in the professional scientific community, and his interpretation of the reactionary essence of Muridism and Imamate Shamil became official after a while. In 1943, he appealed to Stalin with an absurd plan to end the war.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the analysis of national identity as a socio-political phenomenon. The problem under study is the conceptual ambiguity of the content of the concept of «national identity», signifi cant discrepancies in its interpretation. Theoretical analysis. The purpose of the work is to analyze the content of this concept and to study its essential features. The use of logical and critical methods in the analysis of the concept of «national identity» allows us to identify its important features and analyze its dual nature. The theoretical signifi cance of the work consists in the conceptual analysis of the scientifi c concept of «national identity». Conclusion. The scientifi c novelty lies in the formation of the author’s interpretation of the concept of «national identity»: it is the result of achieving a stable relationship between a person and a national community, the acquisition of a set of signs that allow a person to realize his belonging to the ideals, norms and principles of the existence of the nation. The image of a collective «we» is being formed, supported by the institution of the state. The political side of national identity objectifi es the properties of the nation as a collective «we». The dual nature of national identity includes a combination of the activity of state institutions and the free, active nature of a man as a citizen. The presented understanding of national identity can be used in the process of formation and practical implementation of the state identity policy.

This article addresses the issue of verbalizing the semantics of ethnic disintegration (separation) and integration (unity) through terminological means. The study is based on an analysis of 40 combinations featuring the word “nation” and its derivatives, which are regularly employed in contemporary educational publications on Russian history from the 20th to the 21st century. The aim of this work is to describe the conceptual fields of ethnic disintegration or integration as represented by the terminological tools of educational historical discourse. Through a logical-semantic approach, the boundaries of the terminologies of disintegration / integration and their logical models are identified; the semantics of individual terminological units are described, including their axiological potentials. The structures of the conceptual fields represented by combinations with “nation” and its derivatives are delineated. The author concludes that the terms “national question” and “resolution of the national question” serve as foundational nominations within educational historical discourse, organizing the terminological systems of disintegration and integration. These terms are interpreted as opposing yet complementary fields that reflect the states of the nation and state in their opposition (political distancing of the nation from the state) or identification (political unity), encompassing a border zone filled with characteristics that facilitate the transition of the nation and state from one state to another.

This article presents the outcomes of a study that investigates the perceptions among residents of Russia regarding their membership in the Russian nation or society. The study employs interviews (100) and focus groups (40), carried out across five regions of Russia, as its primary data collection methods. The key methodological approach was to pose questions about societal membership and the integration of various migrant types into Russian society, thus revealing underlying beliefs about the criteria for belonging to the Russian nation or society. This approach was especially insightful for understanding perceptions about groups that are typically not questioned about their societal membership. The study identifies two distinct types of societal membership: “organic” and “acquired”. Organic membership is socially ascribed to individuals born in Russia or those with ancestors born in Russia. This category often overlaps with national identity, rendering ethnic Russians born in Russia the quintessential members of Russian society. However, organic membership is not exclusively reserved for ethnic Russians; it extends to other ethnic groups considered part of “the peoples of Russia”, though they are seen as less typical members. Interestingly, the perception of these membership categories varies between regions with distinct national identities and those without such distinctions. Acquired membership, on the other hand, is contingent upon fulfilling specific criteria, such as familiarity with Russian (or regional) culture and a desire to be part of Russian society. Exceptionally, notable achievements can override these criteria. Unlike organic members, individuals with acquired membership can lose their societal status, except in cases of betrayal, which is nearly impossible for organic members. The findings are contextualized within citizenship studies, positing that the described constructs serve as a foundation for the institution of citizenship rather than the converse. Additionally, the study contributes to the ongoing cognitive turn in ethnicity research, offering new insights into the conceptualization of national and societal belonging.

Accelerating globalisation and transnational migration in recent decades has led to an increasing number of women migrants. This phenomenon calls for an investigation of women's identities as migrants. This article examines women migrants' sense of belonging through their everyday material practices. I draw on the concept of diasporic objects to examine the material objects that women migrants take with them, which function as prisms for their relationships to their national cultures. I adopt a theoretical framework of intimacy – including national intimacy, intimate culture and diasporic intimacy – to examine how women relate to their nations via a nation–family continuum. Through an analysis of 18 women migrants' narratives about their diasporic objects, I argue that the diasporic objects of women migrants articulate their domestic and familial life and connect them with their imagined national cultures. Their concept of 'home' is haunted by memories of war, patriarchal oppression and authoritarianism. I conclude by discussing how they use their diasporic objects to transform the idea of home into a rooted and transitive concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the positive changes that have occurred since Kazakhstan's independence to fill in the gaps, such as the protection of fundamental research in Kazakhstan's history to eliminate “gaps” and the results of PhD and doctoral dissertations on important topics, as well as state-funded research projects on important topics. In historical research, an attempt has been made to conduct a comprehensive analysis of certain topics highlighting various stages and directions of the historical path of development of modern Kazakhstan. They became the basis for an in-depth and objective study of historical phenomena, made their own contribution to the development of modern historical science. Integration of Russian historians into the international scientific community is of great importance. They contribute to the development of new conceptual and methodological approaches, expanding access to unique archival sources and obtaining new knowledge on the history of Kazakhstan.

The Question of an Epochal Turn. On Ivan Urbančič’s Article “The Yugoslav ‘Nationalist Crisis’ and Slovenians in the Perspective of an End of the Nation” - - - In the present paper, we try to, with the help of a hermeneutic-phenomenological analysis, show the complexity of Urbančič’s philosophical concepts within the article entitled “The Yugoslav ‘Nationalist Crisis’ and Slovenians in the Perspective of an End of the Nation,” which was published in the framework of the Contributions to the Slovenian National Program of the landmark 57th issue of the journal Nova revija. The study focuses on Urbančič’s philosophical thought as stemming from this end as an epochal turning point, which is characterized by a departure from the modern-age paradigm of the subject as automatic, autonomous, self-establishing, self-defining, and self-determining. Today, this departure or descent into cybernetics is neither clear nor obvious, but remains veiled, obscured, and invisible. Dwelling on Urbančič’s thought of the epochal turn thus exposes at the very core the problem of existence, upon the basis of which we attempt to, in the concluding part, characterize how this veiled epochal turn manifests itself from the standpoint of thinking, that is, philosophically.

In much extant scholarship, Dante is either misused as the prophet of the modern Italian nation-state or dismissed as a naive imperialist. This paper steers clear of both these characterizations and gives serious consideration to Dante’s own understanding of nationhood. I examine the construction of language and national community in De vulgari eloquentia and then place Dante’s idea of the nation in the context of his argument for world government in Monarchia. Grappling with the received view that for Dante, as for Aristotle, language is inherently political, the paper suggests that Dante’s nation is first and foremost a kind of psychological bond arising from the experience and use of common language; it is not embodied in political-juridical institutions, nor is it a suitable sphere for human self-realization through civic discourse and participation. The recovery of Dante’s ‘non-political’ understanding of the nation cautions against a blanket dismissal of premodern ideas of the nation and offers a more nuanced perspective on language, national identity, and the future of nation-states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses Anderson's notions of national imaginings and calendrical coincidence as theoretical framework and the ideas of selected political economic theorists to examine Zebra Crossing's depiction of precarious illegal crossing of national borders by economically desperate Zimbabweans in the years leading up to the 2010 FIFA Soccer World Cup held in South Africa. The novel foregrounds issues of identity by depicting challenges encountered by an orphan teenage girl with albinism not only to cross the physical border but her tragic failure to negotiate various socially constructed boundaries that result when destructive post-colonial African national imaginations collide with the global economy's insatiable anti-egalitarian logic of capital accumulation. With varying degrees of success, Zebra Crossing transgresses prevailing contemporary classificatory systems of literary works and many boundaries related to post-colonial African national imaginings as these intersect with the predatory features of contemporary global capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines Carolyn Cooper's intellectual project as a practice of noisy disturbance that anchors her conceptualization of Jamaican literary and cultural discourses within the concrete materiality and exteriority of the island's historical, cultural, socioeconomic, and linguistic realities. Using Edward Said's notion of worldliness, the essay argues that Cooper articulates this via three related tropes—noises, border clashes, and the vulgar body—that address the politics of Jamaican linguistic and cultural hierarchies. Cooper's two groundbreaking publications, Noises in the Blood: Orality, Gender, and the "Vulgar" Body of Jamaican Popular Culture (1993) and Sound Clash: Jamaican Dancehall Culture at Large (2004) are read schematically as strategic interventions that privilege a multifarious disturbing and transgressive orality. Cooper's work is deliberately and self-consciously invested in disturbing and disrupting cultural and linguistic shibboleths that accord epistemological nullity and ontological invalidity to Jamaican vernacular discourses such as Jamaican Creole/Patwa and the musical genres of reggae and dancehall. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the end of the Pacific War (1941–1945) in Papua and New Guinea and the restoration of Australian rule, the Australian Labor government anticipated a self‐governing colony. It was not an act of decolonisation per se. Rather it was a step toward a self‐governing colony under the umbrella of Australia. Independence was for the future. The change of government at the end of 1949, and the replacement of the administrator J.K. Murray in 1952 by Donald Cleland, further weakened the momentum for reform as envisaged by the previous Labor government. Percy Spender, the new Minister for External Affairs and Territories, said that the 'indigenous inhabitants ... will be unable, for many years to come, to play any part in the executive government of the country'. The abandonment of the Ward policy and what it explicitly and implicitly offered was a betrayal of the promises made during and shortly after the Pacifc War, that is, that there would be change for the better and New Guineans would be able to control their destiny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article summarizes the contribution of national-democratic, conservative and nationalist thinkers to the restoration of Ukrainian statehood based on the analysis of ideological and worldview doctrines of representatives of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the interwar period. The forms and methods of struggle, which are the basis of the state concepts created by them, are summarized. It was established that the defeat in the national liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people at the beginning of the 20th century led to the transformation of the worldview of many Ukrainian scientists and politicians, who, despite ideological differences, had a common strategic goal - the need to restore and establish a sovereign, independent Ukrainian state. The study of the intellectual heritage of the leading representatives of Ukrainian political and legal thought gave reason to conclude that the failure of Ukrainians to form an independent state was largely connected with the weakness of the national consciousness of the people and the insufficient ideological and political maturity of its leaders. In view of this, Ukrainian political and legal thought was aimed at strengthening the national self-identification of Ukrainians and their awareness of their political interests. It is argued that the scientific approach to substantiating the idea of national-state independence of Ukraine was initiated by Stanislav Dnistryanskyi, one of the founders of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the national-democratic direction. It is characterized (according to Volodymyr Starosolskyi) that the struggle for one’s own (national) state is a historically political factor in the formation of a nation. It is emphasized that disappointment in the ineffectiveness of the republican-democratic methods of organizing power prompted V. Lipinsky and other representatives of conservative opinion to search for more adequate forms of state organization. It is shown that in the interwar period for the Ukrainians of Galicia, nationalist ideology was especially important, which had a powerful influence on the formation of the Ukrainian nation as a self-aware, social, cultural, legal and political community and was a prerequisite for the creation of its own sovereign and independent state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Fashion, Style & Popular Culture is the property of Intellect Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Society expects history to be objective and factual. Collectively history is the memory of the nation, that group, the imagined community that believes that it has always been together. It could even be said that the nation is about forgetting; forgetting that the people who make up that community were not always together as they are now, or the forgetting of those hurdles and hindrances that create obstacles to cohesion and continuity. Memory is collaborative by nature, and provides a legacy to society, a response to its own mortality in the future. This paper proposes to examine the case of subjective recounting of the past through a family memory of war, the forgetting, the gaps created in narratives to enable cohesion and to fit in with publicly acceptable discourse. It ultimately attempts to answer the question as to why it might be important to re-examine such stories of an individual nature, in a wider scope of the nation, and links those seemingly antinomic periods of time of past, present, and future, which are not as exclusive as might be believed. This paper focuses upon a deserter ancestor, going against the grain of traditional narratives. Traditionally, soldiers are considered by definition of what is expected from them in the national narrative, as 'war heroes'. However, this paper examines the life of a military ancestor who, in reality, did not fit into that framework, and who deserted from the army (although never on the front line, thus avoiding being shot). Nevertheless, the multiple desertions (deserted five times in total, lost kit twice, was imprisoned, and was detained for desertion three times) only 'resurfaced' recently due to the availability of documentation and research carried out in archives. While the ancestor conformed socially to what was expected of him, the reality of his military files seems to reveal the contrary. Despite the high numbers of times that he did desert, he did also rejoin every time, and ended up spending 3 decades in the same military unit. Or, perhaps the manner in which society views soldiers pre- and post-WWI has been altered, and, as such, desertion was not once what it has become. Forgetting has been the norm in society regarding certain pasts that step outside of the national narrative, rather than remembering. This paper attempts to imagine the nation's past in a different way, by including those who also deserted, an area of ill-defined research in military history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work reflects on the artistic representation with characteristics of Hispanofilia, through the figure of the writer Juan Montalvo materialized in the monumental bronze sculpture, erected in the city of Ambato, which in addition to being a device for the transmission of ideas, has the form of a sign, this being understood as the object that is related to the idea represented in a tacit way, in this case as an unrefusable demonstration of love and respect, has the form of a sign, being this understood as the object that is related to the tacitly represented idea, in this case as an unrefusable demonstration of love and respect for Spain with its own Ecuadorian representative. To review main and secondary sources in journals and documents was made for the development of its corresponding interpretation, Iconographic and qualitative interpretation, which allowed us to determine the relevance of the figure of Montalvo as a modern hero, a defender of civilization and his postulation as a fervent Spaniard, worthy spokesman of the language of Castile, thus contributing to the formation of the social imaginary of the citizenry in favor of the mother country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I attend to how nineteenth-century Italian children's writer Collodi portrayed food, particularly in the schoolbook Il viaggio per l'Italia di Giannettino (Giannettino's travel throughout Italy). My analysis builds on recent contributions – such as Montanari's (2006), Ferguson's (2020), and Pezzotti's (2020), – that examined food and its related cultural background as significant indicators of character, whether individual, regional, or national. Scholars have turned their attention to how governments, writers or even communities employed food as part of material culture to consolidate imagined communities, or invent or recycle traditions. Existing analyses of the relationship between food and nationalism in Collodi's works have limited their focus to Pinocchio, and so have not considered Collodi's schoolbooks, which is what my article contributes to the scholarship. This article analyzes the substantial space Collodi dedicated to local foods in his schoolbooks. I argue that Collodi uses local foods to emphasize the importance of multiculturality as a valuable resource for national bonding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Recent Period Turkish Studies / Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları is the property of Recent Period Turkish Studies / Yakin Donem Turkiye Arastirmalari and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ortaçağ Araştırmaları Dergisi (OAD) is the property of Ortacag Arastirmalari Dergisi (OAD) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the historical novels of Kurdish author Jan Dost, highlighting their role in resurrecting and preserving the silent histories of the Kurdish people. By examining Dost's works through the lens of Georg Lukács's theory of the historical novel, the article delves into how Dost's narratives blend fiction with historical events to cultivate national consciousness and reconstruct Kurdish identity. The study discusses the evolution of the historical novel as a genre and its significance in Kurdish literature, emphasizing Dost's unique contributions. It argues that the nationalist themes and character portrayals in Dost's novels serve as a literary mechanism to reclaim Kurdish history, foster collective memory, and inspire cultural resilience. This analysis aims to understand the reasons behind the success and literary impact of Dost’s works in the broader context of Kurdish and Middle Eastern literature.