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Gaming disorder (i.e., gaming addiction) is a relatively common mental health disorder with a worldwide prevalence rate of 3.05%. In the present research, we examined whether emotion dysregulation mediates the relation between adverse childhood experiences and problematic gaming in two samples of current video game players. The first sample consisted of 1,262 students recruited from five universities across Canada. The second sample comprised 417 community adults residing in Canada. Both samples of participants completed an online survey which included measures of adverse childhood experiences, problematic gaming, and emotion dysregulation. A total of 45.64% (n = 576) in the university sample and 49.76% (n = 205) in the community sample met the threshold for problematic gaming. In the student sample, adverse childhood experiences were positively associated with problematic gaming. In contrast, there was no significant association between adverse childhood experiences and problematic gaming in the community sample. In both samples, adverse childhood experiences were positively associated with emotion dysregulation, and emotion dysregulation was positively associated with problematic gaming. Importantly for the present research, emotion dysregulation mediated the relationship between adverse childhood experiences and problematic gaming in both the university and community sample. Although adverse childhood experiences are distal and static risk factors for problematic gaming, emotion dysregulation is a more proximal and modifiable risk factor. The results suggest that increasing adaptive emotion regulation skills may decrease the risk of problematic gaming among individuals who have experienced an adverse childhood experience.

Meditation practice may be a useful intervention to reduce cravings and impulsivity among gamblers. Fifty-nine participants (90% female, mean age = 21.6 years) completed pre-intervention questionnaires including the Gambling Craving Scale (GACS) and a delay discounting task. Next, they were randomly assigned to one of two conditions: (1) audio-guided mindfulness-based meditation exercises or (2) audiobook recordings (control condition). After listening to 10-min daily audio recordings for a week, participants completed post-intervention measures. Contrary to hypothesis, gambling measures were not correlated with delay discounting. However, dispositional mindfulness was inversely related to a self-report measure of impulsivity and problem gambling severity. The hypothesized interaction between time (pre- vs. post-intervention) and condition (meditation exercises vs. audiobook recordings) was significant for gambling cravings among gamblers (n = 39), with those in the meditation condition showing a significant reduction in gambling cravings which highlights the potential benefits of meditation practice to reduce gambling cravings.

In the current research, we examined whether the known link between relative deprivation and disordered gambling (via delay discounting; i.e., preferences for immediate smaller rewards relative to delayed larger rewards) is moderated by the extent to which gamblers have a financially focused self-concept. Specifically, we hypothesized that delay discounting would be a strong predictor of disordered gambling among those who base their self-worth on their financial success. To test this moderated-mediation model, a community sample of gamblers (N = 239) completed measures that assessed relative deprivation, delay discounting, financially focused self-concept, and disordered gambling severity. As predicted, people who felt more relative deprivation reported more severe symptoms of disordered gambling and this association was mediated by delay discounting. Importantly, this mediated relationship was moderated by the extent to which participants' self-concept was focused on financial success. Among participants whose self-concept was high in financial focus, greater delay discounting (stemming from relative deprivation) was a strong predictor of disordered gambling. Among people whose self-concept was low in financial focus, delay discounting (stemming from relative deprivation) was a weak predictor of disordered gambling. Thus, the magnitude of the indirect effect of relative deprivation on disordered gambling severity was larger among people with a more financially focused self-concept-an effect mediated by delay discounting. These findings suggest that targeting gamblers' financial focus in prevention and treatment interventions may be instrumental in curtailing the development and maintenance of disordered gambling.

There is a current lack of descriptive information on college students who gamble on the Internet. With the increasing popularity of Internet gambling, this study aimed to better understand the profile of Internet gamblers among a sample of college students. Of 909 students at the University of California-Los Angeles who completed an online survey, 8.1% reported gambling for money on the Internet at least once in their lifetime and 5.7% reported Internet gambling within the past year. Approximately one third of Internet gamblers were identified as either at-risk or probable pathological gamblers. Males were much more likely to gamble on the Internet compared to females. Those who gambled on the Internet gambled more frequently and were more likely to report indicators of potentially harmful lifestyles (e.g., drinking alcohol, smoking, using marijuana, using illicit drugs, and unhealthy body mass indices) compared to non-Internet gamblers and nongamblers. Poker, the predominant gambling activity, is discussed in terms of its role as the driving force behind Internet wagering among college students.

Several lines of research have provided evidence for a relation between personal relative deprivation and gambling. Despite this knowledge, little is known about possible psychological mechanisms through which personal relative deprivation exerts its influence on gambling. The authors of this research sought to examine one such mechanism: the desire for immediate rewards. Using complementary approaches to studying psychological mechanisms, they tested in four studies the general hypothesis that personal relative deprivation translates into gambling urges and behavior in part via increased desires for immediate, even if smaller, rewards. Study 1 showed that an experimental manipulation of personal relative deprivation increased participants' preferences for smaller-sooner over larger-later rewards during a delay-discounting task. Studies 2 and 3 showed that a decreased willingness to delay gratification led to increased gambling behavior. Study 4 showed that preferences for smaller-sooner over larger-later rewards statistically mediated the relation between self-reported personal relative deprivation and gambling urges among a community sample of gamblers. The implications and potential applications of these findings are discussed.

Parental attitudes and behaviors are significant factors in the gambling behavior of their children yet few attempts have been made to explore them in depth. The current study compared mothers and fathers on these factors with particular attention paid towards the gambling of their own teenage children. Surveys were completed by 3,089 parents across Canada with at least one child between the ages of 13 and 18 years. Participants responded to items in three general areas: (1) parental attitudes towards gambling among adolescents, (2) parental involvement in gambling with their children, and (3) parental awareness of and involvement in youth gambling education and prevention measures. Several gender differences were revealed. Fewer fathers compared to mothers viewed gambling as a serious issue among teens, particularly fathers of teenage boys. Mothers were more likely to report gambling on raffle and lottery scratch tickets with their children; fathers were more likely to report engaging in gambling activities with their children, particularly sons, involving sports or competitive themes (i.e., poker, games of skill, sports lotteries, and sports pools). Mothers were also more likely to report having conversations with their children about gambling and to be more aware of educational materials to which their children are being exposed. Given the differences between mothers and fathers in how they view and react to youth gambling as a serious issue, prevention programs should aim to address the gender-specific attitudes and behaviors of parents.

Children and adolescents are at increased risk of developing gambling problems compared to adults. A review of successful prevention campaigns targeting drinking and driving, smoking, unprotected sex, and drug use suggests that public service announcements (PSAs) featuring celebrity spokespersons have strong potential for raising awareness of the risks associated with excessive underage gambling. In developing these PSAs, the psychological processes underlying persuasion should be considered along with the source characteristics of prospective spokespersons. Having a celebrity spokesperson associated with gambling should lend credibility to the message and increase issue relevant processing among youth highly involved in gambling. The recent surge in popularity of poker and Internet poker participation among youth suggests that a gambling prevention campaign may benefit from soliciting the endorsement of celebrities who have been associated with poker or even professional poker players themselves.

Previous theorizing and research suggest that the need to believe in a just world develops when children begin to understand the benefits of foregoing their immediate gratifications for more desirable, long-term outcomes. Drawing on this previous work, we propose that an extant just world threat may induce a desire for smaller, immediate rewards at the expense of larger, delayed rewards. Participants were exposed to the suffering of an innocent or non-innocent victim and then, in a different context, completed a temporal discounting task that assessed, across six time delays, their preferences for smaller, immediate monetary rewards versus a constant, larger, delayed reward. Consistent with our reasoning, participants exposed to the suffering of an innocent versus non-innocent victim more steeply discounted the value of the delayed reward—that is, they were willing to accept smaller immediate rewards in place of the larger, delayed reward. The theoretical and practical implications of these results are discussed.

There is an established link between risk-seeking behavior and problem gambling but it remains unclear whether problem gamblers are specifically attracted to the uncertainty of risky situations. We examined the relation between problem gambling severity and probabilistic discounting of monetary gains and losses among gamblers. Fifty-nine regular gamblers completed two discounting tasks in which they made choices between small, certain outcomes and larger, probabilistic outcomes. Contrary to our hypotheses, results showed that problem gambling severity did not relate to either type of discounting which is inconsistent with the idea that problem gamblers have a general tendency towards more risky choices relative to non-problem gamblers. Participants also completed the Gambling Expectancy Questionnaire (GEQ) that assesses affect-regulation expectancies of gambling. Based on responses to the GEQ, participants were subtyped into one of three groups and degree of discounting was compared across groups. Participants subtyped as having strong expectations that gambling augments positive mood made significantly riskier choices on both discounting tasks versus those subtyped as having strong expectations that gambling relieves negative mood and those subtyped as having neither expectation. This finding suggests that viewing gambling as a way to enhance positive mood may be related to the risk-taking element of gambling.

Since approximately 2003, the popularity of poker has quickly risen to unprecedented heights. This study examined poker play among university students who gamble on a regular basis. A total of 513 undergraduate students (females = 344, males = 170; mean age = 22.1) who gamble in some form at least two times per month completed an online questionnaire; 62.2 per cent (n = 319) of the respondents reported playing poker for money in the past year. A logistic regression analysis showed that poker players were more likely to be male, younger, have higher scores on an index of alcohol abuse, spend more time gambling and gamble more frequently compared to non-poker players. A second logistic regression showed that online/casino poker players were more likely to be male, have higher scores on an index of problem gambling, spend more time and money gambling, and gamble more often compared to social/non-poker players. These results are discussed in terms of the potential of poker's newfound popularity to lead to an ...

The present article explores the hypothesis that gambling might serve a justice-seeking function for some people, as gambling might offer a means to pursuing desirable outcomes that people feel they deserve but might be unable or unwilling to attain through conventional means. In Study 1, across two separate samples, self-reports of personal relative deprivation predict problem gambling and gambling urges over and above relevant control variables. In Study 2, the authors manipulate personal relative deprivation by informing participants that they have either less or more discretionary income than "similar others." They then give participants $20 and the opportunity to gamble. The results show that a greater percentage of participants who are "relatively deprived" (vs. "not relatively deprived") opt to gamble. Two manipulation validation studies demonstrate that the "relatively deprived" participants are preoccupied with justice during a modified Stroop task and feel resentful. Implications for understanding why people gamble are discussed. © 2008 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc.

Policies regarding advertising of professional services by psychologists have become somewhat less restrictive over time; however, there remains a tradition within the discipline to avoid any semblance of competitive advertising practices. This paper presents an historic review of policies concerning self-advertising by psychologists in the United States and Canada. Although not currently prohibited by Canadian guidelines, three advertising practices are still generally regarded as failing to meet expectations of professional integrity: 1) claims of unique abilities; 2) claims of comparative desirability; and 3) appeals to a client's fear and anxiety. The position is taken that psychologists can stay within their ethical boundaries using these types of advertising practices while promoting the welfare of clients and maintaining the profession's ethical standards. Significant changes have been made to the ethical standards and codes of conduct concerning the advertising of psychological services (Frisch & Rebcrg, 1991; Koocher, 1977, 1994). It was not very long ago that even the use of boldface type was considered a violation of the American Psychological Association's (APA) policies regarding appropriate advertisements in telephone directories (Gocbel & Beach, 1981). Canadian guidelines regarding advertising have also become somewhat more liberal in recent years, yet there remains some stigma within the profession associated with advertising practices that have the slightest semblance of competing for clients. The argument most often made against these practices is that they fail to meet expectations of integrity and, in doing so, harm public confidence in the discipline (College of Alberta Psychologists, (IAP, 2002). For example, the following advertising practices are still generally discouraged within the psychological community: 1) claims of unusual, unique, or one-of-a-kind abilities; 2) claims of the comparative desirability of one service over another; and 3) the use of statements appealing to a client's ear and anxiety if services are not obtained. This paper discusses the evolution of restrictions on advertising by psychologists in the United States and Canada. The discussion will focus on the cowieM/ of conventional advertising by psychologists rather than on different yorwi of advertising that may be generally regarded as distasteful (e.g., television commercials). With this review completed, it will be argued that it is possible to abide by the ethical standards of the profession and maintain public confidence in the profession, even while using more assertive advertising strategies in the announcement of psychological services. In contrast to previous stances that individual advertising is not in the best interests of the profession (Frisch & Reberg, 1991), we offer the position that individual advertising is feasible and that fewer selfimposed restraints on these practices can promote the welfare of clients and maintain the ethical standards of the profession. The paper concludes with a general injunction that encourages more bold advertising practices among psychologists, both as an expression of freedom of advertising, and as a service to psychological clients. The History of Restrictions on Advertising by Psychologists As early as 1953, one of the APA's ethical principles regarding advertisements stated that a psychologist should "describe his /Mc^ services with accuracy and dignity, adhering to professional rather than to commercial standards" (APA, 1953, p. 27). These principles became even more specific over time. For example, Principle 1Ob of APA's 19R7 Ethical Standards of Psychologists stated that: Individual listings in telephone directories are limited to name, highest relevant degree, certification status, address, and telephone number. They may also include identification in a few words of the psychologist's major areas of practice; for example, child therapy, personnel selection, industrial psychology. …

One psychosocial factor that has been identified to motivate gambling is personal relative deprivation (PRD), which refers to resentment stemming from the belief that one is deprived of a desired and deserved outcome compared to some referent. Although several lines of evidence point to a positive association between PRD and the urge to gamble, the factors that might moderate this relation have yet to be investigated. Through a quantitative research synthesis, we sought to test (a) the overall relation between PRD and gambling urges among people reporting recent gambling experience, and (b) whether this relation is moderated by problem gambling severity. Meta-analysis revealed that, overall, higher self-reported PRD was associated with stronger urges to gamble (r = .26). A meta-regression revealed that, across studies, the strength of this relation depended on problem gambling severity, such that the relation between PRD and gambling urges was stronger among samples higher in average problem gambling severity. This pattern was corroborated by an analysis of the aggregated individual participant data (N = 857), such that PRD predicted gambling urges only among participants higher in problem gambling severity. The potential practical implications and limitations of these results are discussed.

Risk factors for youth gambling problems are best understood within an ecological model recognizing the interwoven relationship that exists between the individual and their environment. Empirical studies covering individual, relationship, community, and societal factors associated with adolescent gambling problems are reviewed. The cumulative body of research suggests that males who are exposed to gambling at an earlier age are at greater risk of developing gambling problems. Individuals who report poor family cohesion, have family members or friends who also gamble, and those exposed to and engaged in a wider variety of gambling options are at greater risk. Adolescents with impulsive, high sensation-seeking personalities and exhibit emotion-focused coping styles are more likely to experience gambling problems. Anxiety, depression, ADHD, poor academic performance, substance use, and delinquency are also strong predictors. Many of these risk factors appear to predict a general behavior syndrome encompassed by overall mental health problems, substance abuse, delinquency, and problem gambling. Increased exposure to gambling opportunities and marketing of gambling is recognized as a potential risk factor at a community level while gambling-permissive cultures may instill positive attitudes and beliefs toward gambling. A call is made for more research that can identify the causal risk factors that lead to gambling problems among youth which will ultimately improve our prevention efforts.

Factor scores on a gambling expectancy questionnaire (GEQ) were used to subtype 132 university students who gamble regularly (37.9% male; M age = 22.6 years, SD = 6.04) as: Reward Expectancy Gamblers (Reward EGs)—have strong expectations that gambling augments positive mood, Relief Expectancy Gamblers (Relief EGs)—have strong expectations that gambling relieves negative affect, and Non-Expectancy Gamblers (Non-EGs)—have neither strong expectation. Gambling on a high-low card game was compared across subtypes following priming for either “relief” or “reward” affect-regulation expectancies with the Scrambled Sentence Test (SST). The hypothesized Prime type × GEQ subtype interaction was not significant. When a more stringent set of criteria for GEQ subtyping was imposed, the “purified” sub-sample (n = 54) resulted in the hypothesized statistically significant Prime type × GEQ subtype interaction. Relief EGs gambled more after being primed with the construct “relief of negative emotions” compared to after being primed with the construct “augmentation of positive emotion.” Planned orthogonal contrasts showed a significant linear increase in number of bets made across GEQ subtypes when prime type corresponded to GEQ subtype. The results suggest a need for components in gambling treatment programs that address clients’ expectancies that gambling can provide a specific desirable emotional outcome.

This study explores correlates of psychological distress and relationship satisfaction among concerned significant others (CSOs) of pathological gamblers. CSOs often seek help in dealing with the gambling problem and are influential in recovery, but little is known about the sources of their distress. A sample of 186 CSOs responded to media announcements offering telephone and bibliotherapy support. In multivariate models, CSOs who were spouses and who were younger reported more personal distress, and higher distress was associated with a greater number of CSO emotional and behavioral consequences. Lower relationship satisfaction was associated with more CSO emotional consequences, fewer gambler consequences, and greater severity of gambling problem. Implications for treatment are discussed.

Sixty college students performed three discounting tasks: probability discounting of gains, probability discounting of losses, and delay discounting of gains. Each task used an adjusting-amount procedure, and participants' choices affected the amount and timing of their remuneration for participating. Both group and individual discounting functions from all three procedures were well fitted by hyperboloid discounting functions. A negative correlation between the probability discounting of gains and losses was observed, consistent with the idea that individuals' choices on probability discounting tasks reflect their general attitude towards risk, regardless of whether the outcomes are gains or losses. This finding further suggests that risk attitudes reflect the weighting an individual gives to the lowest-valued outcome (e.g., getting nothing when the probabilistic outcome is a gain or actually losing when the probabilistic outcome is a loss). According to this view, risk-aversion indicates a tendency to overweight the lowest-valued outcome, whereas risk-seeking indicates a tendency to underweight it. Neither probability discounting of gains nor probability discounting of losses were reliably correlated with discounting of delayed gains, a result that is inconsistent with the idea that probability discounting and delay discounting both reflect a general tendency towards impulsivity.

Two large samples of National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) student-athletes in 2004 (N = 18,916) and 2008 (N = 17,675) were surveyed about their gambling behavior. A cross-comparison highlighted gambling trends among college-student athletes across the four-year span. Overall, past-year and weekly gambling rates were lower in 2008 compared to 2004. There were no within-gender differences in the proportion of individuals at-risk or meeting criteria for a gambling problem between 2004 (4.0% males, 0.3% females) and 2008 (3.8% males, 0.4% females). Participation rates were higher in 2004 for all gambling activities, except for past-year Internet gambling and sports wagering, which increased in 2008 among males. Across sports, gambling participation was notably highest among golfers of both genders. Collectively, the results suggest that gambling activity among student-athletes is on a downward trend in spite of ongoing expansion of gambling opportunities.

We presented arguments in favour of loosening self-imposed restrictions on advertising by psychologists (Shead & Dobson, 2004). Dr. Koocher's commentary on our paper suggested that these practices may, in fact, be viable. We view the implementation of these strategies as part of an evolution in advertising within the field of psychology, rather than a revolution that aims to encourage extreme business practices. A review of the historical changes in advertising practices by psychologists in North America indicates that progress has been slow (Shead & Dobson, 2004). Although regulatory bodies have tended to liberalize their guidelines concerning advertising practices, it appears that individual psychologists continue to favour a more traditional approach to announcing their services. Specifically, three types of advertising strategies that were once subject to disciplinary action are now typically permissible under current regulatory guidelines: 1) claims of unusual, unique, or one-of-a-kind abilities; 2) claims of the comparative desirability of one service over another; and 3) the use of statements appealing to a client's fear and anxiety if services are not obtained. Despite their official acceptability, the majority of advertisements abide by a time-honoured template that consists of very little distinguishing information about services offered. We presented arguments to suggest that each of the above three advertising approaches could be implemented in a manner that is consistent with ethical standards (Shead & Dobson, this issue). It is our contention that the movement towards more assertive advertising would be beneficial for both the psychologist, in terms of recruiting potential clients, and for the public, in terms of providing valuable information about available services. Dr. Koocher's response to our paper suggested that these practices may, in fact, be viable (Koocher, this issue). He also includes an "opt-out clause," however, noting that if these recommendations do not end up benefiting both psychologists and public stakeholders, then the blame can be placed on Canada. His response suggests our recommendations were revolutionary in nature. It was not our intention to revolutionize the way psychologists advertise, however, but to present arguments in favour of practices that seem long overdue. As noted above, the current approach to advertising professional services has changed very little in recent decades. The arguments we present seem in line with practices that might currently be employed had the discipline followed a more natural evolution. We were careful, however, not to suggest the deployment of distasteful and unscrupulous business practices that potentially benefit the professional more than the potential consumer. Other professions have begun to approach, or in some cases may have already crossed, the crooked line between assertive advertising and unscrupulous business. Today's marketplace has many examples of avaricious practices that aim to prey on naive consumers. …

Bingo has a long history as a popular gambling game. Previous research on bingo has been almost exclusively limited to qualitative research. Consequently, little is known about the prevalence of bingo playing, the potential risks associated with regular bingo playing, and its possible influence on the development of problem gambling. The present paper provides a review of the literature on bingo in Western countries using published articles focused on bingo and reports of broad-based gambling surveys containing data on bingo participation. Available data show relatively high rates of past-year bingo participation among adolescents. Within the adult population, females and individuals in poor health reported the highest bingo participation rates. Three general groups of bingo players were identified: low-income individuals, seniors, and young adults. It is argued that although bingo is generally viewed by the public as a "soft" form of gambling, it has the potential to lead to significant problems.