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The latter half of the twentieth centuiy in western society has been described as a period of flux, uncertainty and rapid cultural change (Bauman, 1983; Giddens, 1990; Marwick, 1990). Distinct transformations in the structure and functions of social institutions are said to have generated a complex mix of liberties and constraints (Giddens, 1991; 1994; Hughes and Fergusson, 2000: 3). As the process of globalization continues to disperse through economies, cultures and political institutions, the connectivity between global and local activities has become more perceptible (Beck, 2000a: 27; Robertson, 1992, Tomlinson, 1999; Waters, 1995). These properties of global convergence, rapid fluctuation and routine indeterminacy are accentuated by the phenomenon of risk. In contemporary culture, risk has become a ubiquitous social issue, casting its spectre over a wider range of everyday practices and experiences (Adam and van Loon, 2000: 2; Lupton, 1999: 14). At a global level, current concerns about the development of genetic technology, the expansion of environmental pollution and the spread of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) are all underscored by risk. Despite such omnipresence, the meaning of risk remains indeterminate, being fiercely contested by experts, academics and the general public. Since the Enlightenment period in Europe, the development of scientific, technological and medical knowledge has facilitated an assemblage of expert practices of risk calculation, assessment and management. Indeed, the application of knowledge about risk has enabled western cultures to eliminate a consecution of threats to public health that blighted earlier epochs (Giddens, 1991: 116). The proliferation of technical and scientific knowledge has undoubtedly fostered more acute forms of public risk consciousness. In addition, the extension of public knowledge about risk has engendered discernible lifestyle changes, particularly in relation to health, fitness and diet (Beck-Gernsheim, 2000; Lupton, 1999a: 62). However, despite improved health and longevity, society is currently confronted by a batch of risks of immense magnitude, such as nuclear power, biotechnology and global warming. In this sense, the implicit bargain for technological development and enhanced risk consciousness appears to be an amplification of uncertainty within everyday life. Certainly, advancements in knowledge about risk have not resulted in a more secure social climate. As the means of combating certain threats are promulgated, more complex questions and issues emerge. In matters of risk, it would seem that 'the more we know, the less we understand' (van Loon, 2000: 173). This paradox perhaps enables us to appreciate why individuals in the West live comparatively longer and healthier lives, whilst simultaneously feeling less safe and secure (Pidgeon, 2000: 47). In the last tlnee decades, the dissemination of information about risk has been aided by the diffusion of media technologies. The broader circulation of risk communications has undoubtedly enhanced awareness of risk and intensified public scrutiny of social institutions (Wynne, 1996; Fox, 2000: 1). Further, the rising cultural profile of risk has also catapulted forward fundamental concerns about the relationship between individuals, institutions and society. In this respect, it is probable that contestation and deliberation about risk have acted as a conduit for the articulation of broader ethical concerns (ESRC Report, 1999: 20; Vera-Sanso, 2000: 112). These social trends indicate that risk is now interpreted as both a political and a moral issue within western cultures (Caygill, 2000: 155). The intensification of interest in risk within the public sphere has been mirrored by a fascination in the subject within academia. Scholars of economics, employment relations, politics, science, health and the enviromuent have all contributed to a lively and expanding debate about risk. Whilst the language of risk may be prolific, the concept itself remains cloaked in ambiguity. This residual confusion about the constitution and the social impacts of risk have made it an irresistible subject for social and cultural theory. The thesis does not seek to provide a historical examination of perspectives on risk within social and cultural theory. The project explicitly focuses upon the credibility and value of the risk society model as a vehicle for interpreting contemporary patterns of social experience. In its entirety, this study challenges the risk society thesis by exploring and re-evaluating the relationship between risk, social structures and lived experience. In particular, I will dispute the claim that the emergence of manufactured risks heralds a radically 'new mode of societalization' (Beck, 1992: 127). In critically analysing the everyday negotiation of risk, it is hoped that the thesis will constitute a novel contribution to the developing body of literature on risk and provide a long overdue analysis of the risk society perspective.