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Purpose: The study evaluated the distributions and prognostic significance of ABO and rhesus (D) groups in MBC patients.Patients and methods: The data of 137 patients were retrospectively reviewed. Clinical, histopathological data and ABO/Rh blood groups of the patients were recorded. The ABO/Rh blood group distributions were compared to the healthy men control group (n:120,160) by the chi-square test. Results: Overall distributions of ABO blood groups were different between the patients (17.5% AB, 38% A, 19% B, 25.5% O) and control group (7.88% AB, 42.06% A, 15.22% B, 34.84% O) (pConclusions: The frequency of the AB blood group in MBC patients is increased than in the healthy control group. AB blood group may be a risk factor for MBC, whereas O blood group may be a protective factor.

Upon completion of the Yukari Gokdere Dam, designed as a clay-cored rock fill dam for irrigation purpose, in Egirdir district of Isparta, the water started to accumulate in the reservoir. Following this, reservoir's water level has dropped sharply, and it was completely empty. In the winter season, the dam has accumulated water again; however, two water leakage areas were observed on the downstream side of the dam. Three different survey data were utilized to investigate the seepage paths of the dam. The first data set, before the construction phase, involves the lithological units and rock quality designation indexes in the cores recovered from boreholes, and the in-situ ground water table characteristics and Lugeon's tests applied in the boreholes. The second data set, electrical resistivity, was collected in three campaigns performed in June 2017, August 2017, and February 2018. Resistivity data were measured using dipole-dipole electrode array with electrode spacing of 1.7 m and 2.5 m in the reservoir, and 3 m on the crest. The last data set includes benchmark readings. With the evaluation of resistivity, geotechnical, and survey data, the leakage in the dam is interpreted to be due to damaged parts in the clay fill material forming the main body of the dam.

Recently, neoadjuvant treatment approach has gained importance in locally advanced HER-2 positive breast cancer. Adding pertuzumab increases pathological complete response (pCR). In this study, we aimed to examine the clinicopathologic features that predict the pCR in patients receiving neoadjuvant pertuzumab, trastuzumab, and chemotherapy in locally advanced HER2 positive breast cancer.Locally advanced HER2 positive breast cancer patients who were followed up in 4 different oncology centers and received 4 cycles of pertuzumab, trastuzumab and taxane were retrospectively evaluated. A total of 58 (92%) patients received anthracycline chemotherapy before combination of dual her-2 blockade and taxanes. Fisher's and chi-square tests were used for nominal variables and numeric data analyses.A total of 63 female patients were included in the study. Their median age was 46 years (21-75) and 40 (63.5%) patients were premenopausal. Median tumor size was 25 mm (2-70) and there were 22 (34.9%) patients with Stage 3a. pCR was 66% and 75% in the whole group and in the hormone negative group, respectively. Statistically significant increase was found in pCR in patients with grade 3 tumors and cerbB2 with 3+ immunohistochemical staining. No relationship was found between pCR and age at diagnosis, menopausal status, tumor infiltrating lymphocyte, dose-dense anthracycline, Ki67≥40, body mass index (BMI) ≥ 30 kg/m2 and accompanying DCIS.Four cycles of pertuzumab, trastuzumab and taxane after neoadjuvant anthracycline for locally advanced HER2 breast cancer are associated with increased pCR in patients with grade 3 tumors and high cerbB2 expression.

ALK (anaplastic lymphoma kinase) inhibitors may be used to treat patients with ALK mutant metastatic nonsmall cell cancer (NSCLC). This study aimed to investigate the factors affecting the patients response to treatment with ALK-positive metastatic NSCLC. Data of the patients were investigated retrospectively. Binary regression analysis was performed to evaluate response predictors of treatment. Furthermore, we determined the cut-off value of the ALK-positivity for objective response to the therapy using ROC analysis. A total of 68 patients were included in the research. The median overall survival was observed 39.2 months. The overall response rate was 66.2%. The ratio of ALK positivity (P = .02), gender (P = .04), and the total number of metastatic sites (P = .02) all were detected as predictors of the response to ALK inhibitor in binary regression analysis. ALK inhibitor type (P = .56), primary tumor location (P = .35), pathological subtype (P = .68), de-novo metastatic disease (P = .28), and age (P = .94) were not predictive indicators for response. The cut-off level of ALK positivity was found to be 33% in patients with an objective response. The real-life effectiveness of ALK inhibitors in NSCLC patients with ALK mutations was shown in this research. We determined that having less than 3 metastatic sites, having a high ALK positivity ratio, and being female were all good predictors of ALK inhibitor response.

This article provides an overview of the public attitudes and state policies toward Syrian refugees in Turkey between 2011 and 2020. Turkey’s policies toward refugees and the Syrian conflict have gradually changed over the course of the last nine years (2011–2020). Turkey’s legal approach to Syrian refugees has transformed from nonrecognition to recognition and from recognition to integration. Likewise, its military strategy has grown from one of limited engagement into one of active engagement in the face of ISIS attacks and YPG’s consolidation of power in northern Syria. Contrary to the generous policies adopted toward Syrian refugees during the early years of the Syrian civil war, a nativist turn and the weaponization of refugees against the European Union came to characterize the country’s approach in recent years as the country became more involved militarily in the Syrian conflict.

Museo Storico Navale di Venezia is an essential navigation museum that is active in Italy. Unique work of arts inside it brightens the history and culture of maritime. Among these work of arts, there are some examples belong to the Ottoman era. Galleys that are built by the Venetian shipmasters who left their marks in a period in the field of navigation on 16th century, showed its flag in The Mediterranean sea being in the first place, various seas. Ottomans being a leading nation on navigation caused them to have intense relationships with Venice. Martial, political, commercial and cultural relationships are both documented in archival records and exhibited in concrete work of arts in museums of two states. The oldest work of art belongs to the Ottoman in Museo Storico Navale di Venezia, is a flag which is captured by Crusader fleet on 1571 at the Battle of Leponto and Newest work of arts are nameplates of our ships sunk by Italians at World War I. Besides those, caique that had been made by Venice ambassador who is entrusted at Istanbul, represents Ottoman of sea culture. What makes this caique special by both its style and typology is its similarities between it and the examples exhibited in Istanbul Naval Museum. Also, in contrast to the caique stern-boards of the examples that are made in Istanbul, on this caiques stern-boards, name of the craftsmen who constructed it is written., Museo Storico Navale di Venezia (Venedik Denizcilik Tarihi Müzesi), İtalya’da faaliyet gösteren köklü bir denizcilik müzesidir. Barındırdığı ünik eserler denizcilik tarihini ve kültürünü aydınlatmaktadır. Bu eserler arasında Osmanlılar dönemine ait bazı örnekler de bulunmaktadır. Denizcilik alanında bir döneme damgasını vuran Venedikli gemi ustalarının özellikle 16. yüzyılda inşa ettikleri kadırgalar Akdeniz başta olmak üzere çeşitli denizlerde boy göstermiştir. Osmanlıların da aynı çağda denizcilikte ileri bir devlet olması Venedik ile münasebetlerin oldukça yoğun geçmesine neden olmuştur. Her iki devlet arasındaki askeri, siyasi, ticari ve kültürel ilişkiler iki devletin arşiv kayıtlarında belgelendiği gibi müzelerinde de somut eserlerle sergilenmektedir. Museo Storico Navale di Venezia’da sergilenen Osmanlılara ait en erken tarihli eser 1571 İnebahtı Deniz Savaşı’nda Haçlı Donanması tarafından ele geçirilen sancaktır. En geç tarihli eserler ise Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda İtalyanlar tarafından batırılan Osmanlı gemilerine ait isim levhalarıdır. Bunun yanında İstanbul’da görevli olan Venedik elçisinin yaptırdığı kayık müzede Osmanlı deniz kültürünün zarafetini yansıtmaktadır. Tipolojik açıdan İstanbul Deniz Müzesi’nde sergilenen örneklerle benzerlik göstermesi kayığı özel kılmaktadır. Ayrıca, yine İstanbul yapımı olan kayık aynalıklarında, İstanbul’da sergilenen benzerlerinden farklı olarak, yapan ustanın ismi yazılıdır.

This paper investigates the Gülen movement’s repertoires of action in order to determine how it differs from traditional Islamic revivalist movements and from the so-called ‘New Social Movements’ in the Western world. Two propositions lead the discussion: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against the perceived threat of a trio of enemies, as Nursi named them a century ago – ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to understanding the apolitical mind-set of the Gülen movement’s fol- lowers. Second, unlike the confrontational New Social Movements, the Gülen movement has engaged in ‘moral opposition’, in which the movement’s actors seek to empathise with the adversary by creating (what Bakhtin calls) ‘dialogic’ relationships. ‘Moral opposition’ has enabled the movement to be more alert strategically as well as more productive tactically in solving the everyday practical problems of Muslims in Turkey. A striking example of this ‘moral opposition’ was witnessed in the Merve Kavakci incident in 1999, when the move- ment tried to build bridges between the secular and Islamist camps, while criticising and educating both parties during the post-February 28 period in Turkey. In this way the Gülen movement’s performance of opposition can contribute new theoretical and practical tools for our understanding of social movements. 104 | P a g e Recent works on social movements have criticized the longstanding tradition of classify- ing social movement types as “strategy-oriented” versus “identity-oriented” (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Rucht 1988) and “identity logic of action” versus “instrumentalist logic of ac- tion” (Duyvendak and Giugni 1995) by regarding identities as a key element of a move- ment’s strategic and tactical repertoire (see Bernstein 1997, 2002; Gamson 1997; Polletta 1998a; Polletta and Jasper 2001; Taylor and Van Dyke 2004). Bifurcation of identity ver- sus strategy suggests the idea that some movements target the state and the economy, thus, they are “instrumental” and “strategy-oriented”; whereas some other movements so-called “identity movements” challenge the dominant cultural patterns and codes and are considered “expressive” in content and “identity-oriented.” New social movement theorists argue that identity movements try to gain recognition and respect by employing expressive strategies wherein the movement itself becomes the message (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Melucci 1989, 1996). Criticizing these dualisms, some scholars have shown the possibility of different social movement behaviour under different contextual factors (e.g. Bernstein 1997; Katzenstein 1998). In contrast to new social movement theory, this work on the Gülen movement indi- cates that identity movements are not always expressive in content and do not always follow an identity-oriented approach; instead, identity movements can synchronically be strategic as well as expressive. In her article on strategies and identities in Black Protest movements during the 1960s, Polletta (1994) criticizes the dominant theories of social movements, which a priori assume challengers’ unified common interests. Similarly, Jenkins (1983: 549) refers to the same problem in the literature by stating that “collective interests are assumed to be relatively unproblematic and to exist prior to mobilization.” By the same token, Taylor and Whittier (1992: 104) criticize the longstanding lack of explanation “how structural inequality gets translated into subjective discontent.” The dominant social movement theory approaches such as resource mobilization and political process regard these problems as trivial because of their assumption that identities and framing processes can be the basis for interests and further collective action but cannot change the final social movement outcome. Therefore, for the proponents of the mainstream theories, identities of actors are formed in evolutionary processes wherein social movements consciously frame their goals and produce relevant dis- courses; yet, these questions are not essential to explain why collective behaviour occurs (see McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald 1996). This reductionist view of movement culture has been criticized by a various number of scholars (e.g. Goodwin and Jasper 1999; Polletta 1997, 1999a, 1999b; Eyerman 2002). In fact, the debate over the emphases (interests vis-à-vis identities) is a reflection of the dissent between American and European sociological traditions. As Eyerman and Jamison (1991: 27) note, the American sociologists focused on “the instrumentality of movement strategy formation, that is, on how movement organizations went about trying to achieve their goals,” whereas the European scholars concerned with the identity formation processes that try to explain “how movements produced new historical identities for society.” Although the social movement theorists had recognized the deficiencies within each approach, the attempts to synthesize these two traditions in the literature failed to address the empirical problems and methodological difficulties. While criticizing the mainstream American collective behaviour approaches that treat the collective identities as given, many leading European scholars fell into a similar trap by a 105 | P a g e priori assuming that the collective identities are socio-historical products rather than cog- nitive processes (see, for instance, Touraine 1981). New Social Movement (NSM) theory, which is an offshoot of European tradition, has lately been involved in the debate over “cog- nitive praxis” (Eyerman and Jamison 1991), “signs” (Melucci 1996), “identity as strategy” (Bernstein 1997), protest as “art” (Jasper 1997), “moral performance” (Eyerman 2006), and “storytelling” (Polletta 2006). In general, these new formulations attempt to bring mental structures of social actors and symbolic nature of social action back in the study of collec- tive behaviour. The mental structures of the actors should be considered seriously because they have a potential to change the social movement behaviours, tactics, strategies, timing, alliances and outcomes. The most important failure, I think, in the dominant SM approaches lies behind the fact that they hinder the possibility of the construction of divergent collective identities under the same structures (cf. Polletta 1994: 91). This study investigates on how the Gülen movement differed from other Islamic social move- ments under the same structural factors that were realized by the organized opposition against Islamic activism after the soft coup in 1997. Two propositions shall lead my discussion here: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against perceived threat of the triple enemies, what Nursi defined a century ago: ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to grasp non-political men- tal structures of the Gülen movement followers. Second, unlike the confrontational nature of the new social movements, the Gülen movement engaged in a “moral opposition,” in which the movement actors try to empathize with the enemy by creating “dialogic” relationships.