Search

This paper examines the notion of destituent power in the work of Walter Benjamin and Giorgio Agamben. In contrast to constituent power's emphasis on the formation of a people relying on the metaphysical presuppositions this entails, including representation and identity, destituent power does away with such categories and renders them inoperative. This paper explores this gesture, together with the idea of a modal ontology that substitutes the "what" in the questions "what is being" for "how". It is argued here that this reconceptualization has the capacity to reorient the mode of politics functioning to take account of power's anomie and false promises to ever delay the catastrophe that has already arrived. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annals of Philosophy / Roczniki Filozoficzne is the property of John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Faculty of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article addresses the notion of the web as a mirrored sphere. The debate about the primacy of a psychomorphic vision of reality, associated with the use of the new technologies of connectivity, is here related with the practices of self-representation and hipervisibilisation that are characteristic of the new communicative and social habits that take place in the network-system.

On November 27 and 29, 2014, Prof. WANG Hui, the Director of Tsinghua Institute for Advanced Study in Humanities and Social Sciences in Beijing, invited Prof. Antonio Negri, one of Italy's most leading Marxist philosophers and activists, to give a series of lectures. I was invited by Prof. WANG Hui to offer comments and reflections on one of Prof. Antonio Negri’s lectures, titled “The Metropolis as Post-Industrial Factory”. New Bloom published this article in Chinese based on the transcripts of the above lecture. It was translated into English by Ngai Pun. Acknowledgement: I was invited by Christian Fuchs, the editor of tripleC, to publish this Dialogue as a memorial to Prof. Antonio Negri, who passed away on 16 December 2023 at the age of 90.

While proceeding toward the end of War and Peace a reader can find itself startling and struggling to understand what kind of work is actually dealing with. The fictional narration is not yet concluded when L. Tolstoy (1828-1910) starts to lose himself in philosophical discussions regarding the nature of history as a science. Suddenly words such as god, he- roes and men start to fill the pages recalling in the mind the language of a philosopher with at his back a history of long oblivion, the Italian G. Vico (1668-1744). The common terminology is only the triggering point for approaching a possible comparison between two authors that are so distant for time, context, interests, life and styles. A deep reading of their works however reveals some points of contact especially in a critique of their contemporary historicism, in their common interests on history as an objective science, on the analyses of events recollection and invention of tradition, in their overlapping instances of heterogeneity of ends and their reference to divine providence. A specific and different investigation might be necessary in order to understand whether those concepts somehow traveled along about one century and half from one to the other or whether they are just floating ideas of historical discourse. Nevertheless, starting from their commonalities the paper offers a clue on their inevitable divergences and a possible development of some of their central concepts. Being Tolstoy a writer of the ungraspable and indeterminate, concepts related to complex thinking will emerge during the reading. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trabalhos em Lingüística Aplicada is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The way Leibniz applied his philosophy to mathematics has been the subject of longstanding debates. A key piece of evidence is his letter to Masson on bodies. We offer an interpretation of this often misunderstood text, dealing with the status of infinite divisibility in nature , rather than in mathematics. In line with this distinction, we offer a reading of the fictionality of infinitesimals. The letter has been claimed to support a reading of infinitesimals according to which they are logical fictions, contradictory in their definition, and thus absolutely impossible. The advocates of such a reading have lumped infinitesimals with infinite wholes, which are rejected by Leibniz as contradicting the part–whole principle. Far from supporting this reading, the letter is arguably consistent with the view that infinitesimals, as inassignable quantities, are mentis fictiones , i.e., (well-founded) fictions usable in mathematics, but possibly contrary to the Leibnizian principle of the harmony of things and not necessarily idealizing anything in rerum natura. Unlike infinite wholes, infinitesimals—as well as imaginary roots and other well-founded fictions—may involve accidental (as opposed to absolute) impossibilities, in accordance with the Leibnizian theories of knowledge and modality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the socio-political developments in Greece and Spain in the wake of the grassroots anti-austerity campaign from 2011 on, which have unfolded towards national parliaments and local spaces. It does so by analysing the institutionalisation of the populist radical Left as compared with the local-oriented agency of social movements in these two countries. It argues that these alternative approaches to social change and emancipation illustrate the contending paradigms of contemporary political thought reflecting upon collective movements, political action, and social transformation: the vertical politics of hegemony and the horizontal politics of the multitude. It firstly introduces these contending theoretical paradigms and then analyses the political trajectory of Podemos and SYRIZA from the squares to national parliaments vis-à-vis the radical agency of social movements transforming and generating socio-spatial entanglements at the local level. Lastly, the article puts forward theoretical possibilities for an alternative conceptualisation of grassroots radical agency and democratic politics in present times, seeking to reconcile the absolute democratic politics of the multitude with the broad counter-hegemonic revolutionary project.

This paper reads Salman Rushdie’s Midnight’s Children (1981) alongside Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri’s Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire (2004) in an attempt to enter the discussion presented by the latter authors that the multitude requires the existence of a new Rabelais who can capture its revolutionary monstrosity in action towards a new sense of democracy.

This paper focuses on the notions and images of the Arab Spring in the novel The Republic of False Truths by the contemporary Egyptian writer Ala'a al-Aswani. The paper primarily analyzes the main and secondary characters, as well as the heroes and anti-heroes of the revolution, who are grouped into narrative types, and then structured further into representatives of contemporary collectivities of power. The paper also considers the perspectives of the Arab Spring, the consequences of this uprising on Egyptian society, as well as the phenomena of the overemphasized openness of certain concepts, and the destabilizing significance of the absence in the novel.

On 25 January 2017 then‐President Trump issued Executive Order 13,767 "Border Security and Immigration Enforcement Improvement" which designated dozens of new miles of barrier construction in Hidalgo County and surrounding municipalities in the Texas Rio Grande Valley (RGV). In response, a multitude of political organizations known as the No Border Wall Coalition (NBWC) mobilized in an effort to demilitarize their communities. Our analysis focuses on three organizations within the NBWC—the RGV Sierra Club, Texas Civil Rights Project, and the South Texas Human Rights Center. These organizations, and others, are calling for an end to encroaching physical walls, a proliferation of surveillance technologies, and an expansion of military‐police enforcement personnel. Using a triangulation of qualitative methods, we identify three campaigns of resistance used by the NBWC: protecting the environment, defending landowner rights, and preventing migrant deaths. Our analysis reveals how each of these campaigns helps bring together a diverse set of political organizations and interests into a collective web and narrative structure, and underscores the common formation of what we designate as a multitude. We show how this multitude transforms RGV communities "from below," as the NBWC reckons with environmental degradation, the suspension of civil and political rights, and humanitarian harms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early iterations of his political thought, The Elements of Law and De Cive , Hobbes proposed a new account of the nature of the people. In Section 2 I describe Pufendorf's critical response. Pufendorf's theory of the people is a neglected aspect of the political argument of the De Jure. Just as neglected is Locke's theory of the people in Two Treatises of Government , though there is better reason for neglect in Locke's case, in so far as he fails in his major work of political philosophy to present anything resembling a theory of the people at all. In Section 3 I bring Locke's thinking about the people into clearer focus. In the concluding Section 4 I explore some of the weaknesses of his position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Effective response to a mass-casualty incident (MCI) entails the activation of hospital MCI plans. Unfortunately, there are no tools available in the literature to support hospital responders in predicting the proper level of MCI plan activation. This manuscript describes the scientific-based approach used to develop, test, and validate the PEMAAF score (Proximity, Event, Multitude, Overcrowding, Temporary Ward Reduction Capacity, Time Shift Slot [Prossimità, Evento, Moltitudine, Affollamento, Accorpamento, Fascia Oraria], a tool able to predict the required level of hospital MCI plan activation and to facilitate a coordinated activation of a multi-hospital network. Methods: Three study phases were performed within the Metropolitan City of Milan, Italy: (1) retrospective analysis of past MCI after action reports (AARs); (2) PEMAAF score development; and (3) PEMAAF score validation. The validation phase entailed a multi-step process including two retrospective analyses of past MCIs using the score, a focus group discussion (FGD), and a prospective simulation-based study. Sensitivity and specificity of the score were analyzed using a regression model, Spearman's Rho test, and receiver operating characteristic/ROC analysis curves. Results: Results of the retrospective analysis and FGD were used to refine the PEMAAF score, which included six items–Proximity, Event, Multitude, Emergency Department (ED) Overcrowding, Temporary Ward Reduction Capacity, and Time Shift Slot–allowing for the identification of three priority levels (score of 5-6: green alert; score of 7-9: yellow alert; and score of 10-12: red alert). When prospectively analyzed, the PEMAAF score determined most frequent hospital MCI plan activation (>10) during night and holiday shifts, with a score of 11 being associated with a higher sensitivity system and a score of 12 with higher specificity. Conclusions: The PEMAAF score allowed for a balanced and adequately distributed response in case of MCI, prompting hospital MCI plan activation according to real needs, taking into consideration the whole hospital response network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern culture, which began to develop since the 18th century, became a catalyst for the growth of information technology systems, especially the internet, which has now reached the Web 3.0 or Web3 level. At this level, the internet becomes a decentralised space when users have complete autonomy and control over the data they share consensually. However, because it is a force steeped in exploitative and manipulative agendas, Web3 is potentially vulnerable to commodity fetishism and perhaps even a return to forms of domination through capital accumulation. As a result, elements in Web3 that were promoted as resistance to internet privatization have instead become opportunities for exploitative parties to accumulate wealth. This article delves deeper into how Web3 shows the tension between dominant currents and resistance to global multinational power systems. In this context, the authors use Antonio Negri’s perspective in Empire and Multitude to investigate the complex dynamics that occur. By understanding how Web3 interacts with dominant forces and their resistance, one can explore the potential and challenges faced in positioning the development of the internet towards a more inclusive and equitable realm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even if political theorists rarely read him, Italian political thinker, Marsilius of Padua, presents one of the most radical theories of the multitude prior to Machiavelli and Spinoza. This article reconstructs Marsilius of Padua's political theory of the multitude in his Defender of Peace and pays special attention to two main sources from which Marsilius frames his theory: Aristotle and Ibn Rushd. Compared to Aristotle, Marsilius advances a more epistemic view of the multitude as a lawmaker. Marsilius' ideas on the multitude also depend on Ibn Rushd's theory of collective knowledge and, to a certain extent, on his position on natural law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anales del Seminario de Historia de la Filosofía is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper reads Salman Rushdie’s Midnight’s Children (1981) alongside Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri’s Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire (2004) in an attempt to enter the discussion presented by the latter authors that the multitude requires the existence of a new Rabelais who can capture its revolutionary monstrosity in action towards a new sense of democracy.

Copyright of Sociologia Italiana is the property of EGEA S.p.A and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social Sciences & Humanities Studies / Društvene i Humanističke Studije (DHS) is the property of Faculty of Humanities & Social Sciences, University of Tuzla and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Filozofski Vestnik is the property of Scientific Research Centre of Slovenian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"Multitude" is a term popularized by Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt to conceptualize the labor condition and its political possibilities in the post-Fordist regime of capital accumulation. This paper seeks to explore such a concept in the context of an Indonesian city. It argues that the Indonesian multitude is formed through the worldwide division of labor, which involves the urban majorities whose work cut across formal and informal sectors. It teases out the absence of the "urban question" in the Indonesian city as a context for understanding the challenges faced by the Indonesian multitude. The paper (in light of post-pandemic) calls for the role of the state to serve as a medium for achieving societal goals and a guarantor of public access to Universal Basic Assets covering education, health, housing, technology, and information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This paper reconstructs the discussion about biopolitics in the thoughts of Foucault and of Negri and Hardt, in order to emphasize the importance that can be acquired, in this context, by the notion of agonistics. At first, we approach Foucault’s concepts of biopower and governmentality in an introductory way, as well as their relationship with liberalism and neoliberalism. We also examine the ambiguities that mark the practices of freedom and the possibilities of resistance in a world governed by biopower. Then, we explain the meaning of the concepts of cognitive capitalism, Empire and multitude in the works of Negri and Hardt. In this point, we seek to fill a gap in their analysis, which is not found in Foucault, regarding the question of agonistics: the multitude’s willingness to fight intensifies itself when we realize that life as such is agon. Finally, we argue that, in principle, in the neoliberal work environment, it is possible to convert self-entrepreneurship processes into micro-experiments of resistance and non-alienated freedom.

There are writings that are "multitude," "muchedumbre," like those of Violeta Parra (Chile, 1917-1967) and Matilde Casazola (Bolivia, 1943). They unify in their autobiographical texts a multitude of previous voices and knowledges. Part of its enormous importance and uniqueness is given precisely by the display of these creations or "inhabited" creatures. Both eccentric artists move between lyricism and popular music, periphery and cosmopolitanism, between the museum and the "peña", between different genres and in the border areas that characterize "bastardism" (María Galindo). In this work I will show how, practicing bastardism, these writings in multitude propose a new aesthetic form, anticanonical, which is born to be shared, plagiarized, multiplied, re-elaborated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Guillermo de Ockham is the property of Revista Cientifica Guillermo de Ockham, Universidad de San Buenaventura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to investigate the political and conceptual power of the successful and highly praised film Bacurau (Juliano Dornelles and Kleber Mendonça Filho, 2019) by inserting it within general trends of contemporary visual culture surrounding the issue of cinematic precarity. The discussion will find its analytical coordinates around the notions of chronotope and dialogism. These tools are notoriously attributed to Mikhail Bakhtin and are intended to investigate regular patterns in aesthetic experiences and to evaluate the differential and subversive potential to be attributed to every case study. The grounding assumption of the following analysis is to understand cinematic experience as an ecological encounter and an affective and conceptual interaction in which viewers find the opportunity to explore and experience complex ethical systems: a productive interrelation that allows us also to connect the discussion with reflections upon general dynamics of neoliberal governance and with trajectories of resistance and revolt against it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study revisits the concept of multitude analyzed by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, based on a case study of candlelight vigils and national flag rallies in South Korea (Republic of Korea), and questions whether mass mobilization similar to multitude always contributes to democracy. Since the 2000s, candlelight vigils have been regarded as an excellent example of multitude in Korean politics. The social media-based demonstrations were impactful, particularly in 2017 when these vigils led to the impeachment of the former President. However, the positive outlook was seriously undermined when the pro-authoritarian national flag rallies against the impeachment were also based on Internet-based mobilization. This paper adopts social network analysis that will show the forms of the candlelight vigils and the national flag rallies. In particular, it will explore the structural similarities and differences between the two sorts of mobilization by measuring the YouTube networks of both rallies. Finally, this study concludes that Internet social networks on their own do not guarantee the development of democracy and multitude -like rallies on social media do not necessarily promote democracy. This analysis will contribute to the further discussion of emotional mobilization and the possibilities of network politics, while broadening the theoretical approaches of Hardt and Negri. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay offers a new interpretation of Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri's landmark work of critical social theory Empire. It develops an account of the politics of exile by situating this political strategy in terms of Hardt and Negri's claim that it is no longer feasible to confront capitalist power head-on. It attends closely to Hardt and Negri's account of Empire's pyramidal structure, and the problems that this structure creates for the multitude's passage from virtuality to actuality. It criticizes the authors' assertion that, under Empire, the institutions associated with modernity have become indistinguishable from one another in 'society of control.' This essay concludes by theorizing the historicity and power of the university, in an attempt to specify what the democratic self-organization of the multitude, together with its exodus from Empire, might look like. Accordingly, it contends that the production of knowledge and higher education depend upon an idea of absolute value which outstrips the commodity-form, and in so doing, provides an intimation of the multitude passing to the exterior of Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Clouds , Aristophanes apparently ridicules Socratic philosophy as a useless, essentially passive preoccupation, which, "twisted" in the wrong hands, can seriously harm the City. But such an instrumentalist reading of the Clouds (and of philosophy) misses a crucial point regarding the relation between philosophy and comedy. Insofar as philosophy, love of wisdom, is irreducible to wisdom—insofar as, in other words, philosophy is also a matter of taste (a concept which seeks to combine knowledge and pleasure)—the Clouds can be read as an ironic-comic defense of philosophy. To discuss this, the article reads the Clouds in the perspective of free use. This reading makes it possible to articulate two distinct but related senses of perverting philosophy, which are evidenced with material from within the play: the reduction of reason to instrumental reason and/or to state philosophy. To end with, the article discusses the relationship between comedy and philosophy in more general terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neoliberal policies, which have been revived since the 1980s with transnational production/trade and empowering capitalist goals, it aims to integrate the entire sphere beyond differences into a higher social sphere in order to realize its economic and political objectives by emphasizing the importance of organizing the social sphere. This new era, unlike the classical modern era, incorporates societies into the global society with their own consent and differences without categorizing and marginalizing them in bilateral contrasts. Thus, neoliberal globalization makes possible a pattern in which heterogeneity and a multicenter structure are visible. But at the same time, all these differences, combined with its worlds of meaning and symbol within the global society, actually begin to turn into it or hybridize at some point. Although the new paradigm, the neoliberal global era, has shaken the euro-centralist foundations of modernity with its chaotic and fragmented structure, it has not completely detached from it in the intellectual and social context. In this context, according to Arif Dirlik, who criticized this new order on the concept of "global modernity", neoliberal globalization imagines the world as a multicenter structure in which multiplicity is visible, while at the same time trying to gain and control the belongings of subjects and societies in order to control the movements brought about by these differences, and reveals integration synonymous with fragmentation. In this case, although globalization has risen above the deconstruct of modernity, it has not gone beyond reinterpreting it, and thus alternative discourses have remained superficial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2008 an object has become part of the repertoire of demonstrations, the mask. First in the Global North and then worldwide, a variety of masks – from that of the film V for Vendetta to that of The Joker and many more – have been donned by protesters. While individual masks have been investigated, the widespread use of masks as a meaningful political symbol still deserves analysis, all the more so that this artefact is absent from the political tradition of the Western World. The article formulates some hypotheses in order to understand the genealogy of the “political mask”. In particular, it locates its longue durée visual history within the iconography of the “faceless crowd”.

Albeit in different ways, both Autonomist Marxists and Post-Marxists have proposed radical democratic theories. To Autonomist Marxists, the latest advances in capitalism would pave the way for global democracy. To Post-Marxists, the plurality of social movements would push society towards a radical model of democracy. Despite their contributions, both Autonomist Marxism and Post-Marxism have left underdeveloped the possibility that digital, affective capitalism could push society towards the opposite direction of global and radical democracy. This article explores the hypothesis that contemporary capitalism may have given birth to a multitude that aims at consolidating White, Western, and masculine supremacy. It argues that fantasies that have, for centuries, sustained the racist, xenophobic, and sexist ideological dimensions of capitalism have brought together multiple groups and individuals that have engaged in the collaborative production of conspiracy theories conveying the common belief that an idealised White/Western identity is under attack: the alt-right multitude. By merging part of the key features of the multitude proposed by Autonomist Marxists with what is known as a ‘Žižekian-Lacanian-Post-Marxist theory’, this article stages a dialogue between both schools of thought, opening new directions for research on how capitalism intersects with issues of race, ethnicity, and gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resumen Este artículo traza una analogía entre el agregador, un formato digital basado en la recopilación dinámica y sintetizada de contenidos externos, y tres obras de la oficina francesa BRUTHER: un proyecto teórico de 2018 publicado en la revista Cartha, su manifiesto en 99 notas y el Centro de Investigación de Nueva Generación en Caen. La analogía se construye en base a los planteamientos del crítico de arte David Joselit, para quien el agregador es un formato que, debido a su ubicuidad en la ecología mediática contemporánea, traslada sus lógicas a muchos otros ámbitos, incluidos el del arte y la creación. Dichas lógicas promueven la congregación de entidades singulares y diferenciadas en una superficie y espacio común, algo que resulta en formas que no presentan jerarquías definidas ni persiguen la síntesis ni la finitud, sino la movilización de aproximaciones múltiples e individualizadas. Tal y como se refleja en el manifiesto de la oficina gala, el trabajo de BRUTHER se asienta igualmente en la congregación de referencias materiales e imaginarias singulares y diferenciadas, cuyo encuentro persigue la movilización de nuevas ideas y motivaciones proyectuales. El proyecto publicado en Cartha y el Centro de Investigación se presentan aquí como dos productos derivados de esta lógica: arquitecturas generadas a partir de la recopilación de materiales de procedencia diversa y de nivelada importancia que, en su coexistencia, alimentan la generación de curiosidades, intuiciones y escenarios espaciales. Abstract This article draws an analogy between the aggregator, a digital format based on the dynamic collection of external contents, and three works by the French office BRUTHER: a theoretical project of 2018 published in the Cartha journal, its manifesto in 99 notes and the New Generation Research Center in Caen. The analogy is based on the proposals set by art critic David Joselit, for whom the aggregator is a format which, due to its omnipresence in the contemporary media ecology, transfers its logic to many other spheres, including art and creation. These logics promote the gathering of differentiated entities in a common space and surface, something which results in forms that do not exhibit defined hierarchies nor completion, but foster multiple and individualized approaches. As reflected in the manifesto of the French office, BRUTHER’s work is also established on the gathering of unique, differentiated material and imaginary references, the meeting of which seeks to mobilize new ideas and design intuitions. The works published in Cartha and the Research Center are presented here as two products stemming from this logic: architectures generated from the collection of materials of diverse origin and of level importance that, in their coexistence, feed the generation of curiosities, intuitions and spatial scenarios.

The French thinker Louis Althusser is known primarily as a founder of Structural Marxism - a philosophical trend that originated in the 60s and 70s of the 20th century and based on the new interpretation of Marx's theory. This approach calls into question the lack of independent status of the political within the Marxist intellectual tradition, which was often expressed in the economic interpretation of any political process. In addition, Althusser was also the founder of his own scientific school, the influence of which was experienced by many key representatives of modern political philosophy. The purpose of this research is to characterize the evolution of the post-Althusserian political philosophy on the basis of comparing the ideas of some of its representatives with the source texts of Althusser. The author of the article, relying on the hermeneutical method of P. Riker, tries to build a general genealogy of various trends of post-Althusserianism, analyzing the works of such thinkers as E. Balibar, A. Negri, J. Ranciere, A. Badiou, E. Laclau, and Ch. Mouffe. The study reveals that the most significant differences between the approaches of these authors are in their original interpretations of policy and the political as fundamental concepts of political philosophy. Based on a comparative analysis, the author of the article identifies three key directions of modern post-Althusserianism and comes to the conclusion that their representatives rely on Althusser's works belonging to different periods of his oeuvre. Further divergence in interpretation of the Althusserian legacy occurred under the influence of other directions of socio-political philosophy, including Workerism (or Operaismo), theories of G. Deleuze, A. Gramsci, and C. Schmitt. Eventually, all this has led to the formation of various approaches to the definition of the political in the post-Althusserian paradigm.

The decade of the 1960s is remembered for worldwide political upheavals, with South Korea's April Revolution of 1960 being one early episode. Protesters of the April Revolution appropriated a variety of songs, including the national anthem, Korean War songs, school songs, and children's songs. But these appropriated protest songs have received scant scholarly attention. Four years later in 1964, college students launched a protest movement known as the 6.3 Uprising to stop the military government's implementation of a deeply unpopular normalization treaty with Japan. The movement added a few original songs to the protest music repertoire, but they have since fallen into obscurity. Protest music scholarship in South Korea has largely overlooked the legacy of the 1960s, favoring more polished musical interventions by the pre-Korean War leftist movement and the People's Song Movement of the 1980s. This paper examines the forgotten protest songs of the 1960s from daily newspaper archives and other sources. Recognizing the multitude who pushed forward the April Revolution, I argue that South Korea's protest songs—"people's songs" or minjung kayo —are best understood as songs of the multitude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a reading of Pasolini's The Ashes of Gramsci (Le ceneri di Gramsci) as a crucial reflection on the inheritance of Gramsci's notion of collective man in post-war Italy and the different ways in which instances of power and hegemony are expressed through language and lived within the spaces of a newly rebuilt city. While the concepts of collective man and multitudes will become the central paradigms shaping the Italian cultural left in the late 20th and 21st century, these notions are here explored for their linguistic and visual power. The poem brings forth some of the keywords destined to dominate the Italian political and intellectual discourse, while its meticulous construction mirrors, as well as contradicts, the scattered and disorderly Roman architecture that constitutes its setting. For this reason, the poem represents what Jacques Derrida has called a hauntology, or an ontology that is at once what is and what is not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this comparative study, I shall discuss William Shakespeare's "Coriolanus" and Henrik Ibsen's "An Enemy of the People". The focus will be placed on the rift between the individual and the community, or between the 'right' of the one vs the 'might' of the many. Notwitstanding the different contexts, this is a conflict that in both plays generates a strong sense of social satire, followed by the unavoidable tragedy of the alienated individual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work aims to approach the problem of the swarm effect in contemporary communication based on the work of Franco Berardi, in dialogue with other authors. First, we present their contributions about communication, semio-capitalism and governance. Then, we confront the idea of a “collective intelligence” as potential for creativity and freedom with the notion of general intellect (Marx, Virno, Berardi). Finally, we consider the swarm as the drift of contemporary digital culture and its articulations with the concepts of “net” and “multitude”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]