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Food is a complex global development issue as there are still people who are unable to meet their total physical and intellectual capacity due to micronutrient deficiencies caused by food insecurity. This study examined the implementation of President Joko Widodo’s policy to achieve the food security targets of SDG Goal Number 2 by the year 2030 through developing the agricultural sector and striving for food sovereignty and sustainability, particularly within the context of the Covid-19 pandemic. The authors used institutionalism theory with the top-down model approach. This involved discussing how government institutions and top-level government officials make policies to overcome existing problems, as well as stakeholder involvement in policies and program implementation. The data were obtained from the academic literature and through semi-structured interviews with stakeholders. Indonesia’s food sovereignty efforts included three development missions in formulating programs and policies: (1) self-sufficiency; (2) sustainability; and ( 3) farmers’ welfare. The Ministry of Agriculture did not stand alone in implementing each program and has sought to develop agriculture by collaborating with other domestic and international stakeholders. However, policy implementation and stakeholder involvement in realizing food sovereignty and sustainability in Indonesia still faced challenges in integrating the policy and programs to address the national concerns of food. Keywords: food sovereignty, Jokowi’s agricultural policy, Covid-19 pandemic, top- down institutional approach

This article discusses bilateral state cooperation that was developed, with the agreement of both states, into a more comprehensive and long-term partnership, known as a Strategic Partnership. The dynamics in the bilateral relationship between these states, then become an attraction to further analyze the Japan-Thailand strategic partnership. The focus in this article is on the function of the strategic partnership, the roles of the two actors, and viewing it in a constitutive dimension. The author uses qualitative research using primary and secondary data in analyzing. The relationship and interactions between Japan and Thailand are analyzed on three levels: international, bilateral and individual, using the concept of strategic partnership as a social interaction between global actors and the role-playing that occurs. By observing from the perspective of both actors, the authors argue that the strategic partnership agreed upon by Japan and Thailand acts as an agency that facilitates self-conception to maintain their position, status and role in the international system.

This is the first such study of the use of Internet by political parties in Indonesia. It also documents parties’ websites performance index and online popularity for campaigning in 2019. The purpose of this comparative study is to look at how the Internet was used by Indonesian political parties approaching the 2019 elections. Internet campaign consists of two parts: online presence through political party website, and political marketing through social media. Total of 16 parties participating the elections next year were examined for how they are utilizing official websites and social media platforms. We created an index based on list of website features (scoring system) and then classify it into 4 variables (information provision, mobilization, engagement, and technological sophistication) containing 43 features. We also visualise the descriptive statistical analysis on parties’ social media accounts using RStudio software. The study found that despite half of Indonesian national population is using the Internet, political parties were not yet achieving their maximum potential in using the digital media to disseminate political messages and propaganda. The quality of most of the websites have been subpar. In addition, the quality seems to have no relationship with the financial resources and the current parliamentary size of political parties. On average, official social media accounts run by parties has only been used in the last 3.25 years. Well-established older parties in Indonesia continue to engage with their constituents without heavily relying on social media. Yet, this situation is very likely to change in the future as parties’ elites are now beginning to look into this platform as they seek out to the millennials for electoral support.

This article examines the Indonesian language for Foreigners Programme (Bahasa Indonesia bagi Penutur Asing or BIPA) implementation in the internationalisation of the Indonesian language in Thailand. Based on Law No.24 of 2009 Article 44, the Government of Indonesia has a task to develop the role of the Indonesian language at the international stage. This effort has gained momentum recently with the establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), where ASEAN citizens including Thais are encouraged to have foreign language skills. Thailand is one of the gateways to Southeast Asia. Many businesses and tourists come to Thailand first and then continue to other Southeast Asian nations. This condition encourages Thai people to learn foreign languages, including the Indonesian language. This article utilises a qualitative approach method, particularly interview and observation as a data collection method, and uses the concept of cultural diplomacy as the theoretical framework. It examines the content of BIPA books, the classroom learning process, and alumni’s feedback toward the programme. The research findings show the high effectiveness of BIPA programme in Thailand. Moreover, BIPA becomes a means of Indonesia's cultural diplomacy, where the Indonesian language and culture serve as tools in creating Thai people's interest in Indonesia. Key Words: BIPA, Cultural Diplomacy, Indonesia, Internationalisation of Indonesian Language, Thailand Abstrak Makalah ini meneliti pelaksanaan program pengajaran ‘Bahasa Indonesia bagi Penutur Asing’ (BIPA) dalam proses internasionalisasi Bahasa Indonesia di Thailand. Berdasarkan UU No. 24 tanggal 2009 Pasal 44, Pemerintah Indonesia memiliki tugas untuk mengembangkan peran bahasa Indonesia di panggung internasional. Upaya ini telah mendapatkan momentum baru-baru ini dengan ditetapkannya Komunitas Ekonomi ASEAN (AEC), dimana warga negara ASEAN termasuk warga Thailand didorong untuk memiliki kemampuan berbahasa asing. Thailand adalah salah satu pintu gerbang penting ke Asia Tenggara. Para pebisnis dan wisatawan datang ke Thailand dulu dan kemudian melanjutkan ke negara Asia Tenggara lainnya. Kondisi ini mendorong orang Thailand untuk belajar bahasa asing, termasuk bahasa Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode pendekatan kualitatif, terutama wawancara dan observasi sebagai metode pengumpulan data, dan menggunakan konsep diplomasi budaya sebagai kerangka teoritisnya. Makalah ini meneliti konten buku pengajaran BIPA, proses pembelajaran kelas, dan umpan balik alumni terhadap program. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan tingkat efektivitas yang tinggi dalam pelaksanaan program BIPA di Thailand. Selain itu, BIPA menjadi sarana diplomasi budaya Indonesia, di mana bahasa dan budaya Indonesia menjadi perangkat diplomasi dalam menciptakan ketertarikan rakyat Thailand terhadap Indonesia. Kata Kunci: Internasionalisasi Bahasa Indonesia, BIPA, Diplomasi Budaya, Indonesia, Thailand

This paper studies the discursive construction of Islamic and civic identities among Indonesian Muslims in the United States. There has been a hybridity process where the background identity of Islam Nusantara which emphasizes on moderation, harmony, and Islamic manners is continuously maintained and reinvented but at the same time it needs to be readjusted with a modern, civil and progressive America. Moreover, being Muslims Nusantara has been a unique experience in itself. In a sense, that Islam came peacefully and became the religion of a pluralistic society of Nusantara through trade and cultural means without dismissing any traditional pearls of wisdom. As a result, it created a complex religious and civic identity of Muslims Nusantara. This research uses a purposive sampling technique by focusing on individuals and families within the Muslim Nusantara networks who embrace Islamic identities publicly and assertively. The paper starts by providing a historical and demographic description of Muslims Nusantara in America. Then, it analyzes the discursive construction of their identities through the religious education conducted within the family, informal groups and formal institutions such as schools and Islamic centers. Three main areas are being addressed: their engagement with the capitalist economic system, secular democracy and nationalism, and modern/traditional cultures. This analysis resulted in several typologies of how Muslims Nusantara in America is expressing their identities. Finally, it ends with an assessment of to what extent that this case study can contribute to a further discussion on nurturing a positive hybrid American Muslim Youth identity.

This paper studies the development of Indonesian Muslim modernist movement, Muhammadiyah (established in 1912) especially in responding to the current global modernity - to the extension of nation-state system and the development of world capitalist economy. The study starts by a historical analysis which provides us with different modes of Islamic revival in Indonesia represented by Muhammadiyah. It argues that Muhammadiyah has been evolving into three main modes of articulations: socio-religious, socio-philosophical, and socio-technical. The next part identifies and elaborates more on the latest mode of revivalism (socio-technical) which is defined as Islamic social innovations. This mode approaches religious and social problems in totally different way from the previous modes. It is neither a liberal nor Islamist approach, but it is a type of hybridization which is defined by Cevik as Muslimism. In conclusion, this study confirms the insufficiency of traditional sociological approach of studying Islam and modernity or Islamic revival in general, and suggests a new framework of studying Islamic revival in a global age.

This study examines the logic of action of the current Indonesia foreign policy in climate change mitigation. Since the climate change conference in Bali in 2007, Conference of Parties (COP 13), Indonesia has advocated itself as an active global leader in climate diplomacy. At COP 15, in Copenhagen, Indonesia committed to reduce its greenhouse gas emission up to 41 percent below business as usual (BAU) by 2020. Many consider this as a very ambitious target. It is questionable whether this foreign policy is purely derived from Indonesia’s national interest or merely pressure from international community or Great Powers. This study will eclectically use the three approaches of foreign policy from neorealist (Baumann, Rittberger and Wagner 2001), utilitarian liberal (Freund and Rittberger 2001), and constructivist (Boekle, Rittberger and Wagner 2001) to understand the logic of action of Indonesia foreign policy on climate change mitigation. I argue that there are clear evidences of the existence of both logic of consequentiality: seeking autonomy and influence (neorealist) and maximizing gains (utilitarian liberal) and the logic of appropriateness: maintaining reputation as a member of international society (constructivist) in the formulation of the policy. I conclude that the climate change has enabled Indonesia as a state to increase its international influence, regain its domestic control, and strengthen its international legitimacy and acceptance.

This paper study The Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralisation (CMIM) in order to understand the internalization of political culture of ASEAN. In contrary to Realist and Liberalist theories that see cooperation at the minimum as non-existent and at the maximum as purely instrumental in the pursuit of self-interest this paper will use a constructivist approach from Alexander Wendt towards the establishment of the CMIM. By analyzing Wendt’s three master variables that resembles the formation of collective identity of ASEAN and the legitimacy of the CMIM political culture, this paper concludes that the establishment of the CMIM has only for a small part internalized the political culture of ASEAN to a higher degree.