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Indigenous peoples in Latin America have produced some of the region’s strongest and most enduring social movements, drawing on a diverse repertoire of contention to pursue their goals. In the twenty-first century, social media have transformed the landscape of collective action, compelling Indigenous movements to navigate the evolving dynamics of digital platforms. There is an ongoing debate in the literature regarding the role of social media in mobilization. But we know relatively little about how social media fit into the tactical repertoires of Indigenous actors and what tasks these platforms are used for. This article addresses this gap through an examination of how Indigenous actors use social media during protest events. We conducted a comparative analysis of social media content produced by Indigenous social movement organizations during major protest events in three countries from 2018 to 2019. We find that the most common functions include activating supporters and exposing state violence. These functions support several of the organizations’ core mobilization tasks by providing actors with tools to complement collection action.

One of the major transformations of the landscape and ecosystem that the Cochabamba Valley underwent was due to the conquest by the Incas, which caused the displacement of its population and the relocation of mitimaes from all parts of Tawantinsuyu to work the newly expropriated state lands. Thus, the valley became a new centre of dependency and consolidation of the Inca state. Only shortly afterwards, the Spanish conquest, through new displacements of labour, created colonial dependencies, but based on already-existing structures, especially on the state farms. The lands themselves became the nucleus of colonial exploitation and therefore the focus of conflicts between Spaniards and indigenous people, but also between the indigenous people themselves. Our aim is to understand the intertwining of the dependencies created in the course of both conquests, which were reflected in various modifications of the landscape and ecosystem. To do so, we innovatively use combined archaeological (GIS mapping, survey, excavation) and ethnohistorical (data systematisation and toponymy) methods, so as to understand the location and use of land in the changing dependency landscapes of the Cochabamba valley from the Late Intermediate Period (1000/1100-1470 AD) to the early colonial period (1538-1700 AD). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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A pesar de que los movimientos sociales progresistas parten de posicionamientos discursivos igualitarios, esto no implica necesariamente que sus prácticas sean neutrales a los ejes de opresión existentes en la sociedad. El presente estudio tiene como objetivo conocer en qué medida la igualdad de género está presente en sus dinámicas internas. Para ello, se ha creado y difundido la Batería para el Análisis Psicosocial de la Movilización (BAPsM), obteniendo una muestra de 920 participantes. Los resultados muestran una alta sensibilización respecto al sexismo que se traduce en menor medida en acciones para promover la igualdad en los colectivos, especialmente en áreas como la representación pública o el reparto de tareas. Con ello se visibiliza el papel que el género cumple en los motivos, vías y acciones de la participación social.

In 2019, thousands of women took to the streets in Mexico City to protest gender-based violence. The demonstrations were characterised by the defacement of iconic monuments, which was widely condemned. But the protests also ignited widespread political mobilisation, including by a group of women restorers who, despite being designated to clean the monuments, refused to perform their work and publicly defended the protesters. By withholding their labour and their ostensible duty to the state and to the nation, the restorers' actions helped to transform narratives around feminism, protest and the meaning of national heritage. Based on a case study of this previously depoliticised group of art restorers who went on to become one of the most important faces of Mexico's feminist movement, this article argues that political mobilisation can be rooted in and directly linked to people's labour and professional expertise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo es un ensayo sintético que expone las principales líneas teóricas del enfoque posmarxista de Laclau y Mouffe, por un lado, y del postobrerismo autonomista de Negri, Hardt, Virno, etc., por otro. Concibe ambas teorías como intentos de racionalizar apuestas políticas actuales por parte de diversos sectores políticos y movimientos sociales. Analiza sus estrategias argumentales de distanciamiento del marxismo «ortodoxo» y de la relación estructura/superestructura, y las formas de constitución de nuevas subjetividades transformadoras. Compara los fundamentos teóricos de las articulaciones hegemónicas y de las experiencias de contrapoder. Discute, asimismo, los alcances y limitaciones de las categorías de «pueblo» y «multitud» y de sus formas propias de acción política: la incorporación crítica y transformadora en las instituciones estatales, por una parte, y el éxodo y el nomadismo, por otra.

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En este artículo se analizan desde una perspectiva sociológica las capacidades productivas colectivas como promotoras de las transformaciones estructurales que los países en desarrollo necesitan para reducir su pobreza, como alternativa al énfasis en la educación y la salud que promueve el enfoque de las capacidades humanas de Sen. El objetivo es responder a la pregunta de cómo se generan los valores en las personas, si es algo solo individual o es un proceso más social. La hipótesis que da respuesta a dicho interrogante es que los valores se forman principalmente con las interrelaciones sociales. Para ello, el artículo se apoya en el marco teórico de Berger y Luckmann, y de la teoría de la estructuración de Giddens; ambas teorías son aplicadas al tema de las capacidades productivas colectivas, propuesto por Andreoni y otros. Estos planteamientos refuerzan la categoría de las capacidades colectivas, que critican el énfasis individualista del enfoque de las capacidades de Sen. El artículo concluye que, aceptar que los valores humanos se forman principalmente con las relaciones sociales, fortalecerá la idea de que sí es posible la movilización de las personas para mejorar el desarrollo humano en los países con menores niveles de desarrollo; dichas relaciones sociales pueden practicarse de diversas formas, una de ellas es, como lo asume el artículo, con las capacidades productivas colectivas.

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Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the tools used by the Afro-descendant peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean in the fight for their territories has been the recourse to the courts. This article focuses on the role that the Inter-American Court of Human Rights has specifically played in relation to the territorial claims of Afro-descendant peoples. This is an ongoing investigation on the use of justice as a tool for the struggle of Afro-descendant peoples in Latin America and the Caribbean, which is in a phase of data systematization (judgments, jurisprudence, related studies) with elements of analysis, gradual that should be enriched. Hence the extensive inclusion of the elements of the documentation of the Inter-American Court. Initially we present a panoramic view of the situation of Afro-descendant territories. Then we set out a general framework on the Inter-American Human Rights System and the history of its involvement in cases related to ethnic groups and their territories. Next, a systematization is presented in chronological order of the cases that have reached the In ter-American Court directly related to the demands of Afrodescendant groups and territorial claims. Based on documents of the Court that are part of the respective processes, we return to elements of the arguments and sentences that provide a general idea to understand the scope of said cases. Finally, we develop some initial reflections on the possibilities and limits that the sentences of the Inter-American Court presented have had. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the reflections built in the context of a dialogue of knowledges that took place among protagonists and spectators, about the iconoclastic actions carried out by the indigenous people misak during the Colombian protests in 2021. The discussion is proposed from the theoretical perspective of the anticolonial struggle, which helps to read these communicative actions as part of a liberation path from the imposed identity and ideological strategies that jeopardize the autonomous realization of the political project of this indigenous people. Beside this, we review the effect over the non indigenous master frames of the protest and what happened to the physical places previously occupied by the main statues pulled down, to conclude how artivism has led communicative processes of resignification of these recovered spaces, all for a liberated memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Introducción: se conoce al transporte como conjunto de procesos que tienen como finalidad el desplazamiento y comunicación. Por otro lado, se define al rendimiento académico como diferentes y complejos factores que actúan en la persona que aprenden y ha sido definido como un valor atribuido al logro del estudiante en las tareas académicas. Objetivo: identificar factores relacionados entre el rendimiento académico y la transportación de los estudiantes a la Universidad “UNIANDES” en el primer trimestre del periodo 2022-2023. Método: Estudio observacional, descriptivo de tipo transversal realizado en la Universidad Regional Autónoma de los Andes “UNIANDES”, el periodo de enero a marzo del año 2022. La muestra estuvo constituida por 27 estudiantes los cuales fueron seleccionados a partir de una técnica de muestreo no probabilístico intencional. Se utilizaron variables como edad, lugar de residencia, tiempo en el que utilizan con más frecuencia el transporte privado o transporte público, hora estimada de llegada al lugar de educación. Resultados: En cuanto al rendimiento académico el 74, 1 % de los estudiantes se consideran con notas regulares, pese a que sienten peligro al transportarse, reflejan que no es la causa de su alto o bajo rendimiento académico, porque el 65 % de los estudiantes cree que no influye. Conclusiones: el rendimiento académico de los estudiantes no guarda relación con la transportación hacia a la universidad, por tanto, no se identifica factores relacionados a esta problemática.

En octubre de 2019, el rechazo a la política económica en Ecuador impulsó la movilización de organizaciones indígenas y de otros segmentos poblacionales. El Gobierno promovió procesos judiciales contra indígenas, estudiantes y trabajadores, quienes fueron detenidos y procesados penalmente, acusados de actos terroristas. La defensa de los procesados solicitó las consideraciones de interculturalidad que el caso ameritaba, a través de una pericia de antropología cultural que permitiese comprender los elementos implícitos en los hechos relacionados con el proceso penal por sabotaje y terrorismo. El artículo aporta con un análisis antropológico, en el contexto del proceso judicial, desde una mirada etnográfica, cuya interpretación se ancla en los elementos históricos y sociales analizados, que exponen un vínculo entre la construcción y reconstrucción de la etnicidad indígena y el rechazo a políticas públicas que afectan a la economía de la población de bajos ingresos económicos.

The initial Spanish-american response to the crisis of the Spanish monarchy was one of loyalty to the king. It was also the beginning of an unknown number of uprisings, seditions, and conspiracies. Therefore, Peruvian historiography has highlighted the counterrevolutionary policy of Viceroy José Fernando de Abascal (1743-1821), a royal official who managed to consolidate the Peruvian viceroyalty as a realistic stronghold. However, the revolution in Cuzco, which began in August 1814, was a severe blow to the Peruvian fidelista authorities. Arequipa, a Peruvian city considered a royalist bastion, tried to resist the revolutionary attacks in Cuzco and, despite resisting, was militarily occupied by the revolutionary hosts of Cuzco for about a month. Therefore, the objective of this article is to describe the actions of the civil and military authorities during the monarchical restoration in the city from December 1814 to the first months of 1815. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Altamira is the property of Centro de Estudios Montaneses and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este artículo relata una perspectiva de escuela multiversa sobre la que confluyen las ciudadanías libres, los saberes decoloniales y las movilizaciones otras en Colombia desde la academia. Basada en los postulados de los siete saberes del filósofo Edgar Morín y su apuesta multiversa de la educación, en la que plantea axiomas transdisciplinares que invitan a repensar la existencia del sujeto con relación al otro (ambiente, sujeto, cosa); desde confluencias críticas, reflexivas y sapienciales, situadas en el sustrato intercultural que refleja la manifestación social, la diversidad epistémica y el papel incluyente de la escuela, como posibilidad otra de educación. El ensayo se enmarca desde una perspectiva reflexiva del acontecer educativo y social en Colombia.

Complex distal femoral fracture (DFF) in the elderly patient is an infrequent but challenging scenario. In these fragile patients, DFF is associated with a high rate of medical complications and mortality. The optimum treatment remains controversial. Our aim is to propose our standard treatment, describe our results and discuss its clinical relevance. We describe three cases of elderly and fragile patients with multiple comorbidities who suffered a complex DFF after low energy trauma. They were successfully treated through a primary arthroplasty with distal femoral replacement (DFR). All the three patients presented early full weight-bearing mobilization (average time to first ambulation was five days), good functional outcome (mean knee range of motion was 103°) and short hospital length of stay (mean of ten days). According to our experience, primary arthroplasty with DFR could be a good therapeutic option for complex DFF in elderly patients. Resumen: La fractura femoral distal (FFD) compleja en el paciente anciano es infrecuente, pero su manejo es un desafío. En estos pacientes frágiles, la FFD se asocia a un elevado riesgo de complicaciones médicas y mortalidad. Su tratamiento óptimo sigue siendo controvertido. El objetivo del estudio es proponer nuestro tratamiento estándar, describir nuestros resultados y discutir su relevancia clínica. Reportamos 3 casos de pacientes ancianos y frágiles con múltiples comorbilidades que sufrieron una FFD compleja a causa de un traumatismo de baja energía. Fueron tratados con éxito mediante un reemplazo femoral distal (RFD). Los 3 pacientes presentaron una movilización precoz con carga completa (la media hasta la primera deambulación fue 5 días), buenos resultados funcionales (la media de rango de movimiento de la rodilla fue 103̊) y una estancia hospitalaria breve (media de 10 días). Según nuestra experiencia, la artroplastia primaria podría ser una buena elección terapéutica para las FFD complejas en los pacientes ancianos.

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La crisis sanitaria ha producido la visibilización de muchos de los problemas estructurales y endémicos de los que ha adolecido el trabajo inmigrante en el sector agrícola en España durante las dos últimas dos décadas: el alto volumen de extranjeros en situación irregular, los míseros asentamientos informales y las formas de infravivienda en los que se ven obligados a “residir” y la extrema vulnerabilidad física y social de los trabajadores que sostienen el sector, incluidos los que se emplean a través de programas de contratación en origen. Estos problemas estructurales han sido, sin embargo, tradicionalmente ignorados por la administración, en una política de la indiferencia, que se ha centrado en la gestión de la movilidad frente a la gestión de la presencia. Sin embargo, durante la pandemia la aparición de una narrativa sobre su esencialidad, incorporada incluso en el discurso político, junto a la visibilización de sus condiciones laborales y de vida, se han configurado como elementos catalizadores que han generado, impulsado o consolidado una serie de demandas y de luchas articuladas en torno a lo que podemos denominar el derecho a una vida digna. Estas luchas han sido resultado de tres tipos de tensiones que se manifestaron de forma particularmente expresiva con la irrupción de la covid-19: la tensión entre esencialidad y desechabilidad, entre temporalidad y permanencia y entre una ciudadanía activa y pasiva.

El trabajo explora los espacios, actores y ritmos de la movilización política en la ciudad de Buenos Aires durante una coyuntura particularmente conflictiva en los años noventa: el ministerio de Aristóbulo del Valle en 1893. Analiza cómo se afectaron mutuamente las estrategias de las dirigencias para procesar la conflictividad política y los flujos y reflujos de la movilización. Estos acontecimientos muestran que la inestabilidad de esos años, que se ha adjudicado habitualmente al manejo exclusivista del poder por parte del Partido Autonomista Nacional, fue producto también de los intentos de incorporar a sectores opositores al gobierno.

The objective of this work is to analyze the processes of mobilization, migration and displacement of the Pame peoples of the north of the Republic during the colonial period, their territory covered the eastern part, which is now the state of San Luis Potosí and a piece from the northeast end of Querétaro. The Pame peoples of the north inhabited border regions, spaces where they interacted with various native groups with different cultural characteristics and behaviors in the face of colonization. This border was characterized as a space of movement, retraction and extension. New Spain's borders were defined as regions with particular cultural, social, economic and political traits due to the fact that in the same town we find diverse views of the territory, different cultures and ways of understanding the world; For the northern pames, living in border territory meant a constant process of reaffirming their identity before the gaze of others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper analyses the evolution of the electoral use of Instagram in Spain, from its origins as a political communication channel to its current consolidation. A content analysis of eleven variables is applied to the formal, spatial, personal, thematic-discursive and interactive dimensions of the activity carried out on this social network by the candidates for the presidency of the Spanish Government of the parties that ran with the highest vote expectations in the General Elections of December 2015, June 2016 and April and November 2019 (571 posts). The results show the consolidation of Instagram as a political communication tool and the growing interest of the parties in it, as well as the increasing importance of short videos as a format. The electoral use of this social network is carried out with an increasingly mobilising intention, as evidenced both by the themes chosen and, above all, by the purpose of the publications, the spatial context represented and the hashtags used. The growing characterisation of candidates as leaders of the masses is also evidence of the personalisation of political leadership that occurs in this medium during electoral campaigns. Finally, the phenomenon of polarisation and the presence of populist stylistic traits are also beginning to be noticeable, as reflected in the increase in political issues and negative emotional appeals in the messages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

These six former LGBT+ candidates' life stories narrate how these people mobilize from the individual to the collective to participate democratically in their country. From a feminist and decolonial theoretical framework and through four categories --experiences, articulations, representations, and identity politics--, it is concluded that diverse sex-gender people are not mobilized only by their LGBT+ identity, but by the sum of identities and life experiences that make them up. Moreover, by wanting to prevent others from going through the same adverse experiences they underwent at some point in their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Belarus witnessed a staggering level of mass mobilization in the aftermath of the 2020 fraudulent election and disproportionate use of police force against peaceful protesters. Using the case of anti-government protests in Belarus, this article argues that a confluence of moral and reflex emotions explains an incredibly high level of protest participation in a hard autocracy. Specifically, indignation over the magnitude of electoral malpractices and the intensity of police violence, in congruence with the loss of fear, provides a moral battery for generating and sustaining mass mobilization. It is further argued that a sense of unity within the protest movement mitigates fear of repression and facilitates sustained engagement in protests. Drawing on media reports and protesters' narratives, the study traces how citizens overcame their fear of state reprisal and took to the street. The article contributes to contentious politics literature by elucidating the role of emotions in shaping mass mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work aims to analyze the territorial identity of São Tomé community, at Marajó, trough political mobilization and resistance in the fight for the permanence of the Escola Municipal de Ensino Fundamental e Infantil São Tomé to the detriment of the territorial nucleation on rural context. A research developed by undergraduate students on Field Education at Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia do Pará indicate the key role of territorial identity in the social mobilization for the permanence of the school - a mobilization that, in turn, contributes to reinforce residents' territorial identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colombia is a constant space of territorial dispute in which a neoliberal economic model is imposed by those who have been in power for decades and have imported many foreign policies to a multicultural country and have exported many wealth in a megadiverse country, in recent years The peace process contributed to being able to glimpse the political-economic problems of the country, added to this the context of two years of pandemic brought to light the problems of inequality, job insecurity, health, education, from the socio-territorial movements there have been many vindictive actions in the matter of rights, nowadays these actions are more intense in all the territorial levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article analyzes the phenomenon of legal mobilization, or the use of litigation by social movements and, above all, the extent to which their discourse draws on the law. After a brief introduction of the evolution of the study of legal mobilization and its main concepts, the third section focuses on the analysis of legal framing, a key aspect of legal mobilization. The following section illustrates how this theoretical framework can help us explain the evolution of the struggle of the movement for the recovery of historical memory in Spain. Finally, the conclusion outlines a few reflections about legal mobilization and its study.

Las últimas décadas han mostrado que la relación entre religión y modernidad ha desbordado las tesis clásicas en Occidente. En este artículo sostengo que la vinculación entre estos dos constructos es de compleja coexistencia, particularmente en el catolicismo, pues mediante transformaciones internas, la institución ha construido un campo desde el que continuar influyendo en la gestión de lo político y el derecho. Alineadas con este movimiento, desde la década de 1980 se han articulado colectivos de inspiración cristiana que, a nivel global y de la sociedad civil, hacen uso de la doble condición de laico/a y ciudadano/a creyente de sus participantes para influir en el ordenamiento normativo de las sociedades desde una perspectiva desprivatizadora. A partir del aparato teórico propuesto por José Casanova defiendo que este movimiento desprivatizador es una estrategia frente al creciente proceso de secularización societal, y al tensionamiento de la dicotomía privatización/desprivatización mediante contemporáneas dinámicas de movilización política. Para comprender este movimiento a través del laicado, el artículo se centra en el estudio de los discursos de agrupaciones y miembros de colectivos neoconservadores españoles de inspiración cristiana. El trabajo de campo ha sido realizado entre los años 2017 y 2018 en Madrid, Bilbao y Pamplona, tres de las ciudades más activas en las movilizaciones de inspiración cristiana. A partir del análisis de discurso de entrevistas, de observaciones no participantes de las movilizaciones y de documentos vaticanos y de colectivos desprivatizadores, el artículo permite comprender cómo dicha institución ha estimulado al laicado a movilizarse en el espacio público en defensa de la cosmovisión católica como forma de reposicionamiento político.

Respiratory physiotherapy, including the management of invasive mechanical ventilation (MV) and noninvasive mechanical ventilation (NIV), is a key supportive intervention for critically ill patients. MV has potential for inducing ventilator-induced lung injury (VILI) as well as long-term complications related to prolonged bed rest, such as post-intensive care syndrome and intensive care unit acquired weakness. Physical and respiratory therapy, developed by the critical care team, in a timely manner, has been shown to prevent these complications. In this pathway, real-time bedside monitoring of changes in pulmonary aeration and alveolar gas distribution associated with postural positioning, respiratory physiotherapy techniques and changes in MV strategies can be crucial in guiding these procedures, providing safe therapy and prevention of potential harm to the patient. Along this path, electrical impedance tomography (EIT) has emerged as a new key non-invasive bedside strategy free of radiation, to allow visualization of lung recruitment. This review article presents the main and potential applications of EIT in relation to physiotherapy techniques in the ICU setting., (Copyright © 2024 Elsevier España, S.L.U. and SEMICYUC. All rights reserved.)

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A través de las historias de vida de seis ex candidatos y ex candidatas LGBT+ se narra cómo estas personas se movilizan desde lo individual hasta lo colectivo con el fin de participar democráticamente en el país. Desde las historias de vida, un marco teórico feminista y decolonial y a través de cuatro categorías —experiencias, articulaciones, representaciones y políticas identitarias— se concluye que las personas sexo-género diversas no se movilizan únicamente por su identidad LGBT+, sino por la sumatoria de identidades y experiencias de vida que las conforman, con el objetivo de evitar que otros y otras pasen por las mismas experiencias adversas que vivenciaron en algunos momentos de su vida.

El artículo propone un balance preliminar de las orientaciones analíticas acerca de las emociones en la movilización social y en la política, en Colombia y América latina. Se examina la pertinencia del enfoque emocional en un contexto de renovación de la sociología de la movilización y de diversificación de la investigación empírica latinoamericana. El énfasis en el componente expresivo de la protesta se manifiesta al observar el rol de las emociones frente a la represión o la defensa de las dimensiones subjetivas de la acción colectiva por los actores sociales, más allá de sus objetivos políticos. Con ese recorrido, en recientes estudios de caso, se evalúa qué impactos tienen las emociones en la acción y cómo se vinculan aspectos emocionales y estratégicos. Así, el estudio de la protesta se renueva también al nivel teórico y metodológico, al ampliar la comprensión de lo que “mueve” un actor social y sus participantes.

The implementation of the Final Peace Agreement has had progress and setbacks. On the one hand, the national panorama is alarming: high peaks of political violence are evident. Reconfiguration of armed actors; systematic murder of social leaders, reincorporated, etc. The actual implementation of the agreement is minimal; and greater will and effectiveness of the Colombian State and the national government are needed. In contrast, the dynamics of appropriation and social organization and the transforming role of the communities from the territories cannot be ignored. The purpose of this paper is to put into dialogue a critical reflection of the national situation of point two of the Agreement with the processes promoted by the communities of El Pato (Caquetá). Also, the way in which they have been weaving a participatory political culture and pluralist. Thus, contributing to the implementation of point two in, with, from and for the territory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este estudo analisa como a Sétima Região Militar (7ª RM), subordinada ao Comando Militar do Nordeste (CMNE), gere o recrutamento e a formação de reservistas do Exército Brasileiro na Região Metropolitana do Recife (RMR). Assim, compreendemos sua importância para a Mobilização Nacional frente a uma hipotética necessidade de ampliação das capacidades do Exército na região amazônica através de sua expansão numérica e de seu envio de efetivo. Para esse fim, apontam-se as recentes instabilidades globais e regionais; e analisa-se a importância geopolítica da região Nordeste do Brasil. Em seguida, foi explorada a visão de pensadores que lidam com o tema, as leis federais e os documentos produzidos pelo Ministério da Defesa e pelo Exército Brasileiro que tratam da mobilização e do recrutamento. A partir desse exercício, concatenou-se sobre a importância do funcionamento do Serviço Militar Obrigatório (SMO) em tempos de paz, e do papel da 7ª RM no recrutamento e na formação de reservistas na RMR.

En su afán por estudiar las relaciones sociales la antropología se ha encontrado desde sus comienzos como disciplina con personas y objetos en movimiento. Por lo tanto, las obras presentadas como clásicas abordan de un modo u otro las actualmente denominadas “movilidades”. Este artículo presenta un ejercicio reflexivo que invita a la incomodidad y la movilización, a través de un abordaje de los clásicos desde el “paradigma de las movilidades”. Este trabajo toma como hilo conductor la etnografía de Bronislaw Malinowski sobre el kula en las islas Trobriand, quién, sin recurrir explícitamente al concepto “movilidad”, desgrana diversas movilidades. Seguidamente, se abordan cuatro dimensiones de las movilidades a través de distintas obras más o menos clásicas: movilidades de personas, de objetos, de informaciones y de etnógrafo/as. Se concluye extendiendo la reflexión sobre el estudio de las movilidades en la antropología y las posibilidades de movilización que podrían inspirar.

Este artículo pretende caracterizar las luchas y las formas en las que se develan las emociones en los movimientos de jóvenes indígenas de la ciudad de Cali, Colombia, específicamente de las comunidades nasa y misak. La investigación, de corte cualitativo, involucró la aplicación de entrevistas en profundidad y observación participante con integrantes jóvenes del movimiento indígena en la ciudad, todos ellos migrantes. Algunos resultados indican que las emociones, que pueden ser consideradas políticas –como la vergüenza, la indignación y el orgullo–, son dispositivos que sostienen o impiden la movilización. Estas emociones fortalecen sus diversas modalidades de protesta, consolidan sus luchas epistemológicas y preservan la esencia de su identidad a través de procesos políticos alcanzados de manera colectiva.

La historiografía del período 1880-1916 ha transitado en los últimos cuarentaaños una importante renovación alimentada por una variedad de temas, miradas y preocupaciones. Sin embargo, ciertas zonas temáticas y nudos problemáticos permanecen relativamente inexplorados. En particular, se requiere indagar en profundidad acerca de las formas y los sentidos de la participación política popular en el marco del denominado orden conservador. Este trabajo analiza el papel que cumplieron las campañas periodísticas y las movilizaciones callejeras en Buenos Aires, entre 1890 y 1903. Se sostiene que la articulación de esas dos instancias de participación produjo una ampliación de la discusión pública y dejó su marca en la dinámica política de aquellos años.

Copyright of Revista de Comunicación 'Vivat Academia' is the property of Facultad de Ciencias de las Informacion de la Universidad Complutense (Espana) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)