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Rassismus in der DDR und den neuen deutschen Bundesländern wurde und wird noch immer überwiegend durch einen analytischen Fokus auf die weiße, ostdeutsche Mehrheitsgesellschaft erforscht. Im Vordergrund dieses Artikels stehen hier jedoch die oral histories mosambikanischer und angolanischer Vertragsarbeiter*innen, die zwischen 1978 und 1990 in der DDR arbeiteten, lebten und liebten, sowie ihrer in Ostdeutschland geborenen mixed-race-Kinder. Obwohl alltägliches rassistisches Wissen, Staatsinteressen und die Solidaritätsdoktrin binationale Beziehungen zwischen Vertragsarbeiter*innen und DDR-Bürger*innen einschränkten, lebten sie ihre Beziehungen selbstbestimmt, nutzten Handlungsspielräume in ihrem Interesse aus und maßen ihren Beziehungen subjektive Bedeutung innerhalb ihrer eigenen, intersektionalen Wissenshorizonte bei. Die Widerstandsstrategien der zweiten Generation schließen die Suche nach dem mosambikanischen Elternteil und die Neuverhandlung der Beziehungen mit ostdeutschen Familienmitgliedern ein. Gemeinsam beleuchten die Erinnerungen beider Generationen die Wirkungsweisen rassistischen Wissens vor und nach 1990 aus einem konkreten, nicht-weißen Fokus und werfen dabei neue Fragen und Herausforderungen für die DDR-Rassismusforschung auf. Research on East German racism before and after 1990 continues to focus on the experiences of the white majority. This paper focuses on the oral histories of Mozambican and Angolan worker trainees who came to the German Democratic Republic (GDR) between 1978-1990 to work, live, and love, and those of the mixed-race children who emerged from their relationships to East German women. The racial knowledge pervading social interactions, state interests, and socialist notions of solidarity, limited the ability of the workers to freely live in mixed-race relationships, but never fully determined their experiences. Instead, Mozambican and Angolan worker-trainees exerted some degree of agency, pursued individual agendas, and resisted their racially constructed positions, in part through engaging in mixed-race relationships. While their children experienced racialised stereotypes much earlier in their biographies, they too were able to challenge and resist East German racist knowledge. Their strategies often took them on journeys searching for their Mozambican parent and of challenging close East German family members. Together, the oral histories of both generations before and after 1990 illuminate the complex ways in which racist knowledge operates and bring up new questions and challenges to existing research on racism in (East) Germany.

In dieser Dissertation werden die Resultate eines optimal gestalteten Energieeinsatzes bei der Lebensmittelverarbeitung auf die Lebensmittelqualität und die entsprechenden Auswirkungen auf die Ernährungssicherheit im ländlichen Mosambik untersucht. Sie ergänzt die aktuelle wissenschaftliche Literatur, da sie 1) ein ganzheitliches Verständnis von Ernährungssicherung und der zugrundeliegenden Treiber vermittelt. Darüber hinaus trägt sie 2) zum Verständnis der technischen Leistungsfähigkeit optimal konzipierter Lebensmittelverarbeitungs- und -Lebensmittelzubereitungstechnologien bei. Diese Dissertation liefert zudem 3) Erkenntnisse über die Verbraucherakzeptanz, der mit diesen Technologien verarbeiteten und zubereiteten Lebensmittel. Weiterhin stellt sie 4) die Auswirkungen von neu eingeführten Lebensmittelverarbeitungstechnologie auf die Ernährungssicherheit dar. Schließlich wird 5) die Bedeutung des „Verbreitungsansatzes“ für den Erfolg der Einführung von „Clean Cooking“ Technologien diskutiert. Um all diesen Aspekten gerecht zu werden besteht diese Dissertation aus acht Kapiteln und die Ergebnisse werden in fünf einzelnen Unterkapitel vorgestellt. Die generellen Ergebnisse dieser Dissertation sind, dass erstens die in dieser Arbeit dargestellten Technologien nachhaltig und kosteneffizient genug sind um, zumindest temporär, die vorherrschenden traditionellen Methoden der Lebensmittelverarbeitung und Lebensmittelzubereitung zu ersetzen. Zweitens ist der Zugang zu Energie durch passive Solartrockner eine wichtige Komponente im Kampf gegen den Hunger und generelle Ernährungsunsicherheit. Drittens sollten Regierungen und relevante Akteure in den Kampf gegen Hunger und Energieunsicherheit die lokalen Kontexte in ihre Planungen einbeziehen und die entsprechenden und angemessenen Bildungs- oder Informationsansätze wählen., This dissertation explores the effects of optimally designed processing energy usage on food quality and the respective impacts on FNS in rural Mozambique. It adds to the current literature, as it provides 1) a holistic understanding of the nature of FNS and its underlying drives. Furthermore, 2) it adds to the understanding of the technical performance of optimally designed food processing and preparation technologies. 3) The dissertation provides insights concerning users’ acceptability of the food processed and prepared through these technologies. 4) The effects of the newly introduced food processing technology on FNS are presented. Last – but not least – 5) it discusses the importance of the dissemination approach for the success of clean cooking adoption. This PhD dissertation is comprised of 8 chapters and the results are presented in five individual subchapters. The general conclusions of this thesis are that 1) the improved technologies presented in this study are sustainable and cost-effective means to substitute, at least temporarily, the prevailing traditional methods of food processing and food preparation; 2) energy provision through the use of passive solar drying is an essential component in the fight against food and nutrition insecurity and 3) governments and relevant stakeholders involved in energy and food security programs are advised to consider the local context to identify the most adequate training or information delivery technique.

This chapter explores parental choice of language programs from a socio-material standpoint. It uses a DeleuzoGuattarian framework of smooth and striated spaces to understand how parents in Mozambique and Finland position themselves when making choices concerning their children’s language education. We analyzed interviews from Finland and focus groups and policy documents from Mozambique to understand the materialities and social discourses that constitute parental choice. We found that in Finland, materiality as a physical space (e.g., school location) factored into caregivers’ decision making when selecting schools for their children. In Mozambique, in turn, materiality as socioeconomic stability or advancement was a recurring theme. In the Mozambican context income and educational outcome (associated with Portuguese) were important factors for school/language choice, whereas in Finland social distinction was key. Based on our analysis, we draw conclusions about the nature of choice, arguing that a socio-material approach and the concept of assemblage are well-suited to understand the complexity of it.

Leseprobe ----- Zusammenfassung Sudafrika ist hinsichtlich der kontinuierlich hohen Zahlen an Abschiebungen seit Jahren weltweit fuhrend. Der Beitrag ergrundet die Gegensatze zwischen der im internationalen Vergleich als innovativ geltenden Asylgesetzgebung und einer rigiden Abschiebungspraxis. Zudem untersucht er Abschiebungen als wichtiges Instrument des sudafrikanischen Innenministeriums zur Migrationssteuerung, zumal die Polizei sie oftmals willkurlich und gewaltsam durchfuhrt. Davon sind vor allem Menschen aus Mosambik und Simbabwe betroffen. Diese Probleme sind nur zu verstehen – so die grundlegende These –, wenn eine empirische Detailanalyse vorgenommen wird und historische Zusammenhange aufgezeigt werden. Denn rigide Einwanderungskontrollen und Abschiebungen wurden bereits in der Kolonialzeit etabliert und wahrend der Apartheid institutionalisiert. Schlagworter: Sudafrika, Simbabwe, Mosambik, Abschiebungen, Asylrecht, Migrationspolitik, Apartheid, Siedlerkolonie ----- Deportations from South Africa – Current and Historical Political Contexts and Practices of Deportation Abstract For several years, South Africa has been a world leader in deporting people en masse. This paper analyses the contradictions that exist between South Africa’s progressive asylum and refugee laws and its very rigid practice of mass deportation. These contradictions are instrumentalised by the Department of Home Affairs as part of a policy to control and manipulate migration, often executed by the police in a violent and arbitrary manner; the authorities primarily target people from Mozambique and Zimbabwe. The article argues that the current state of affairs can only be fully understood within historical context. Therefore, it is important to keep in mind that rigid controls of immigration and the practice of deportation were established during the colonial period and institutionalised during apartheid. Keywords: South Africa, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, deportations, asylum law, migration policy, Apartheid, settler colony ----- Bibliographie: Schafer, Rita: Deportationen aus Sudafrika. Heutige und historische politische Kontexte und Abschiebepraktiken, PERIPHERIE – Politik • Okonomie • Kultur, 3-2019, S. 412-436. https://doi.org/10.3224/peripherie.v39i3.05

Given the increasing importance of gas in the Mozambican economy, the success of institutional reforms is key to the country's economic prospects of benefiting positively from the expected gas bonanza. In this paper we analyze the performance of the new institutional reforms (NIA) in Mozambique, specifically the replication of the so-called Norwegian Model of oil governance, and the conditions of the emergence and persistence of pockets of effectiveness in the sector, taking into account the political context, especially the regime survival. Our analytical framework is based on political settlement analysis and pockets of effectiveness (PoEs) theory. Based on two case studies from the sector - the National Petroleum Institute and the Tax Authority (the Extractive Industries Tax Unit) - we analyze the performance of the institutional reforms and the conditions for the emergence and persistence of PoEs in the gas sector, as one of the strategies for regime survival. From our analysis we conclude that, whilst external dependence on development aid and foreign direct investment is important, internal political dynamics, particularly intra-ruling-elite competition, explain the performance of the institutional reforms and the emergence and persistence of PoEs in the sector as a regime survival strategy.

South Africa finds itself in a severe internal crisis that has serious implications for its neighbours. As the regional hegemon is turning inwards, it has largely been unable to engage in regional crises in a constructive and meaningful way. As a result, we see a worrying downward trend in Southern Africa, traditionally a haven of stability in Africa. The COVID-19 pandemic has amplified South Africa's social and economic woes. Unemployment has reached an all-time high; more than half of the youth cannot find a job and live in poverty. This has bred public discontent and protest. The governing African National Congress (ANC) is ravaged by internal power struggles between "traditionalists" and the "reformers" around current president Cyril Ramaphosa. While official investigations have exposed deeply ingrained corruption in state-owned companies, the ANC suffered a serious blow in the November 2021 local elections. Being preoccupied with its domestic challenges, the government has largely remained inactive in responding to gross human rights violations in neighbouring Zimbabwe and eSwatini. Additionally, authoritarian Rwanda, not South Africa, has led the regional response to jihadist violence, deploying elite troops to quell the Islamist insurgency in Mozambique's Cabo Delgado region. The European Union and Germany both have a strong interest in further supporting South Africa and thereby also the broader Southern Africa region: South Africa is one of the world's few democratic regional powers: it can be a core partner in fighting the global climate crisis, and its progressive constitution closely aligns with the new German government's focus on promoting human rights and women's empowerment. Finally, with more than 600 German companies present in South Africa, German business interests would profit from fostering stability in the country and the Southern African region.

In the age of climate change, human life’s pliability is also re‐shaping anthropological debates. For debates centring on the urban domain, questions revolve around flexibility, adaptability and resilience, while in work drawing on the Anthropocene similar ideas of human beings as subsumable to Gaia are emerging. This article reflects on how these perspectives interweave and imply a paradoxical human figure. On the one hand,they convey a being that simultaneously infuses, consumes and transmogrifies the world. Conversely, the human figure is forged by theoretical and analytical orientations that prescribe that one should abandon such a human‐centric reading of the world. The latter aspect is particularly evident in so‐ called ‘resilience governance’ discourses. These discourses presuppose a form of becoming less through reinventing humanity and human life as more adaptable to post‐future horizons of always already collapsed ecologies. Critically tracing this paradox, this article probes the urban Anthropocene and its lesser humans as desirable under the aegis of ‘resilience governance’ in Mozambique, crucially also mapping and analysing the involvement of utopic registers in defiance of such developments. publishedVersion

‚Wohnen‘ stellt immer noch ein Thema dar, das in Bezug auf den Film weitgehend unbehandelt scheint. Obwohl Düllo (2008, p. 358) in seinem Artikel Wohnen im Film feststellt, dass die jeweiligen Wohnsituationen von Filmfiguren ausschlaggebend für deren Verortung im Leben und Handeln bzw. deren Verankerung in der diegetischen Handlungsebene und –aktion sind, wird der spezifischen Wohnraumgestaltung bislang sehr wenig Bedeutung beigemessen. Dabei sind es gerade Aspekte wie die räumliche Verortung der ProtagonistInnen im Wohnraum sowie das individuelle Ausgestalten der Wohnräume – das spacing (DÜLLO, 2008, p. 369f) -, die essentielle und für das Filmgeschehen signifikante Aussagen zur kulturellen, sozialen, psychischen und identitären Einbettung der Figuren in konkrete Kontexte und Räume liefern. Insofern repräsentieren filmisch abgebildete Wohnungen, Häuser, Orte und Nicht-Orte (AUGÉ, 1994) immer auch die diversen kulturellen und geopolitischen Kontexte, in denen sich die Filmfiguren aufhalten. Sie lassen Rückschlüsse auf individuelle bzw. kollektive Wohnkulturen zu, und damit auf den Status, den Wohnraum in den verschiedenen Kulturen innehat, sowie die Möglichkeiten, Wohnraum zu haben, zu erhalten, auszugestalten, oder auch nicht zu haben. Am Beispiel von zwei mosambikanischen Dokumentarfilmen, Hóspedes da Noite von Licínio Azevedo (2007) und Grande Hotel von Lotte Stoops (2010) soll die diversifizierte Wohnsituation im alten Kolonial-Hotel in Beira, wie sie sich in den beiden Filmen spiegelt, analysiert werden. Im Kontinuum zwischen Spielfilm und Dokumentation angesiedelt, werden neue Perspektiven auf die Verhandlung von ‚Wohnen‘ in kolonialer und postkolonialer Zeit, und damit auf die (Re-)Vision von Vergangenheit und Gegenwart in Mosambik präsentiert. ----------------------------------------------------------- HOUSING EM MOÇAMBIQUE – PLURALIDADE NO CINEMA MOÇAMBICANO O “habitar” ainda representa um tópico que parece em grande parte não abordado na análise de filmes. Embora Düllo (2008, p. 358) declare em seu artigo “Wohnen im Film” (“Viver no Cinema”) que as respectivas situações de moradia dos personagens fílmicos são cruciais para situá-las em suas vidas e em suas ações, isto é, determinar sua ancoragem no nível diegético da ação, muito pouca importância tem sido dada até agora à específica configuração do espaço habitado pelos personagens. No entanto, é precisamente o aspecto da localização espacial de protagonistas no seu espaço habitacional que fornece informações significativas a propósito da incorporação cultural, social, psicológica e identitária dos personagens em contextos e espaços concretos. Neste sentido, os apartamentos, casas, lugares e não-lugares (AUGÉ, 1994) cinematograficamente representados refletem sempre os diversos contextos geopolíticos nos quais os personagens do filme se encontram. Eles permitem tirar conclusões sobre culturas habitacionais individuais ou coletivas e, portanto, sobre o estatuto que o espaço habitado tem nas diversas culturas, bem como as possibilidades de ter, manter, ou mesmo não ter moradia, isto é, um espaço para habitar. Tomando como exemplos dois documentários moçambicanos, Hóspedes da Noite de Licínio Azevedo (2007) e Grande Hotel de Lotte Stoops (2010), serão analisadas as diferentes dimensões do habitar no antigo hotel colonial em Beira. Situadas na interface entre longa-metragem e documentário, serão apresentadas novas perspectivas sobre a negociação das formas do “habitar” nos tempos coloniais e pós-coloniais, bem como sobre as formas de (re)visão do passado e do presente em Moçambique. --- Original em alemão.

This paper studies how the practices of climate change governance and development assistance have reshaped the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD) process in Mozambique. We look at how the original goals of the Mozambican REDD+ strategy changed in the interplay of different governance-related practices, both those originating locally and nationally, and those coming from international organisations. The paper is based on the frameworks of multilevel governance and practice theory. We identify six combinations of practices that are relevant in the REDD+ programmes and projects. Three of them are incorporated in the general idea of sustainability, including practices of promoting environmental conservation, economic growth and social justice/development, while the remaining three practices are connected to climate-mitigation practices, for which the frame is defined in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change.

In this paper we examine the representations of the colonial past and the master narratives about the liberation struggles conveyed by current Mozambican history textbooks. Mozambique is a multicultural and multilingual country, which inherited a particularly difficult situation from the colonial past. After gaining independence in 1975, one of the priorities was colonial past. After gaining independence in 1975, one of the priorities was to re-write history in order to overcome the “capitalist colonial mentality”, and foster “patriotism”, “socialism” and achieve “national cohesion”. However, soon after independence, the country lived through a 16-year “civil war” which ended only after the collapse of the USSR and the dismantling of the apartheid regimes in neighbouring countries. Our research corpus material comprised all five current history textbooks for secondary education (grades 8 - 12). We conducted an exploratory narrative content analysis of the corpus, connecting psychological contents (namely, social categorization, social comparison, and attribution processes) to linguistic-structural features of narratives. Textbooks explain how European imperialism was characterized by capitalism, the exploitation of natural and human resources, the slave trade, the partition of Africa among European empires, and the racist colonial rule, excluding native peoples from citizenship. The processes of social comparison assume a particular relevance, aiming to highlight a common struggle against colonialism and capitalism by African and Asian peoples. Overall, textbooks tend to configure a simplified master narrative that operates on the basis of binary oppositions that were conveyed by the ruling elite propaganda, legitimizing the present-day political situation. Throughout the text, the binary “us” versus “them”, “workers” versus “capitalists”, is mainly expressed in terms of European/exploiter versus African/exploited and goes in tandem with an almost unspoken racial binary system (Black versus White), achieved mainly through pictures. The analysis undertaken in the current Mozambican history textbooks evidences that the memory of the liberation struggle from colonialism is at the heart of the national building process. However, this nation-building narrative goes in tandem with “old” binary systems forged during European colonialism.

Mozambique experienced important reduction in the poverty rate until recently, before two major natural disasters hit and the country started suffering from a hidden debt scandal with associated economic slowdown. As the last available national household expenditure survey is from 2014/15, just before these crises unfolded, there is need for a poverty assessment based on alternative data sources, especially since the COVID-19 crisis is now hitting the country. In this paper, we study the evolution of multidimensional poverty in Mozambique using the Demographic and Health Surveys/Malaria Indicator Survey data. Using both the standard Alkire-Foster multidimensional poverty index and the first-order dominance (FOD) method, we find that the poverty reduction trend observed between 2009-11 and 2015 halted between 2015 and 2018. Meanwhile, the number of poor people increased, mainly in rural areas and in the central provinces. Importantly, the poorest provinces did not improve their rankings over time, and between 2015 and 2018, no progress took place for most areas and provinces, as measured by the FOD approach.

How do people live together in cities shaped by inequality? This comparative ethnography of two African cities, Maputo and Johannesburg, presents a new narrative about social life in cities often described as sharply divided. Based on the ethnography of entangled lives unfolding in a township and in a suburb in Johannesburg, in a bairro and in an elite neighborhood in Maputo, the book includes case studies of relations between domestic workers and their employers, failed attempts by urban elites to close off their neighborhoods, and entanglements emerging in religious spaces and in shopping malls. Systematizing comparison as an experience-based method, the book makes an important contribution to urban anthropology, comparative urbanism and urban studies.

When the biofuels agenda gained momentum globally, many SADC member states considered to implement biofuels (take note: not bioenergy) programmes as they looked at the potential to diversify the agriculture sector and foster rural development in the region. Several projects, driven mainly by foreign investors, were introduced and implemented in the region but (most if not all) failed to deliver on the promises and left many people desperate. This eroded the trust that governments had in biofuels significantly. As a result, many SADC countries condemned Jatropha-based biofuels and even pronounced measures to discourage the introduction of biofuels as they feared that it would impact negatively on food production, the environment, economy and the people. Most of the SADC member states’ biophysical conditions are potentially suitable to grow most of the suggested feedstock crops as there seem to be a comparable abundant suitable land to grow both energy and food crops. This is true especially for Angola, DRC, Mozambique, Tanzania and Zambia. Even though the SADC region has agricultural ecological conditions and adequate policy framework that can support most biofuels feedstock production, there is very little evidence to show on the ground in terms of biofuels projects except for the ethanol generation capacities and programme in Malawi, Mozambique, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. This study contributed to finding possible solutions to a very complex problem of biofuels value chain development, food security and sustainability by evaluating the potentials, conditions and challenges of agro-based feedstock production systems in the SADC region. A conceptual Diversion-Based Evaluation Framework (DBEF) that integrates other assessment tools was developed and applied to evaluate potential diversions and their impacts at project, national and/or even sub continental-region levels. A mixed methods research design approach to inquiry that combines both qualitative and quantitative empirical methods was therefore adopted to conduct this research. It involved conducting experiments to assess the potential of Jatropha and other energy crops in relation to biophysical conditions, CO2 sequestration and climate change mitigation, development of a diversion-based evaluation framework (DBEF), conducting questionnaire driven surveys, interest and expert groups interviews, performing target beneficiary assessment and meta evaluations of implemented projects for sustainability and food security using the framework. Several projects implemented using different feedstock production models in four SADC countries were used to evaluate biofuels value chain development risks against sustainability and potential to harm food production and food security. Diversion of land was found to be of considerable high risk for investor and PPP driven models even in countries with abundant arable land and water (due to potential displacements) while farm input diversions (e.g. labour, finances, extension services) were identified to pose potential high risk for out-grower production models. This study concluded that a hybrid integrated approach to designing policies and programmes for biofuel value chains that puts local needs and context, triangulated with national or Africa sub-continental macro-economic needs aspects, is critical for sustainability than a neo-liberal top-down approach. The later tend to create dependencies that can cause disruption of food production systems, markets and possible irreparable damage to people’s livelihoods and the environment in medium to long terms.

In early August 2019 the president of Mozambique and the leader of the largest oppo­si­tion party signed a new peace agreement. This has revived the peace process between the Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO) and the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO), which has been in power since 1994. Great challenges remain, such as the disarmament and reintegration of RENAMO fighters. Furthermore, new trouble spots have emerged: Since October 2017, a wave of vio­lence has cost the lives of well over 300 people in Cabo Delgado Province. Although "Islamic State" (IS) has claimed responsibility for some of the attacks, the motives and structures of the group responsible remain unclear. Its occurrence points to pro­found social cleavages and alienation between the population and the political elite. At the same time, the north of Mozambique has become a hub for the illicit economy. Criminal transactions are above all symptoms of state neglect and extensive impunity. Experience from other conflict regions shows that this constellation can have fatal consequences. For this reason, international actors including the German government should press for rapid and far-reaching measures that go beyond the official peace process. (author's abstract)

Anfang August 2019 unterzeichneten der Präsident Mosambiks und der Chef der größ­ten Oppositionspartei einen neuen Friedensvertrag. Damit kommt wieder Bewegung in den Friedensprozess, in dem sich der Mosambikanische Nationale Widerstand (RENAMO) und die seit 1994 regierende Mosambikanische Befreiungsfront (FRELIMO) gegenüberstehen. Es bleiben große Herausforderungen wie die Entwaffnung und Reintegration der RENAMO-Kämpfer. Zudem sind längst neue Unruheherde entstanden. Eine Welle der Gewalt hat seit Oktober 2017 in der Provinz Cabo Delgado weit mehr als 300 Todesopfer gefordert. Obwohl sich der »Islamische Staat« (IS) zu einigen Anschlägen bekannt hat, bleiben Motive und Strukturen der verantwortlichen Gruppierung unklar. Ihr Aufkommen deutet auf tiefgreifende gesellschaftliche Spannungen und eine Entfremdung zwischen Bevölkerung und politischer Elite hin. Gleichzeitig ist der Norden Mosambiks ein Dreh- und Angelpunkt der illegalen Ökonomie. Kriminelle Geschäfte sind vor allem Symptome staatlicher Vernachlässigung und weitgehender Straffreiheit. Wie die Erfahrung aus anderen Konfliktregionen lehrt, kann diese Gemengelage fatale Aus­wirkungen haben. Darum sollten internationale Akteure, auch die Bundesregierung, auf schnelle und weitreichende Maßnahmen dringen, die über den Friedensprozess hinausweisen. (Autorenreferat)