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Italian colonial authorities heavily relied on the askaris (i.e. native soldiers) throughout the history of colonialism to alleviate the economic and political burdens of colonial warfare. For that, the askaris became privileged intermediaries for the Italians and emerged as a de facto elite within colonial society, seeking social mobility for themselves and their families. After the end of the Second World War, the askaris lost their role as soldiers, but gained new relevance as political intermediaries for Italian or British plans regarding the final resolution of the Italian colonies affaire. The article delves into the life stories of two askaris, which were documented by the author on 3rd November 2009, in Tripoli. Their memories highlight the relationships of friendship or intimacy that existed with the colonisers and showcase the askaris' ability to downplay colonial elements of domination and oppression through their intermediation. Being an askar entailed, on one hand, questioning the political and racial boundaries of society, and on the other hand, challenging the agendas of nationalist groups. The transition to independence indeed involved a struggle between colonisers and the colonised, as well as among various groups of colonial subjects, all vying for power within the post-colonial State and society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last two decades, cooperation between Italy, the EU and Libya on migration management has been intended to establish a "cycle of containment" aimed at the externalisation and securitisation of the southern European border on Libyan soil. The escalation of the civil war in Libya since 2014 was one of the main reasons for the European attempt to replicate the international policies of containment southwards in Africa and to address them towards countries that were reputed as major producers of migrants, as in the case of the Horn of Africa. By comparing and discussing migrants' life-stories collected in Tripolitania and Southern Tunisia, this study deconstructs some recurrent representations of migratory dynamics that are usually taken for granted in order to legitimate international policies of containment, and reveals the not-pre-made character of migrants' journeys, their solidarity strategies, and the networks of (im)mobility mobilised to deal with the traps of containment. The international policies of containment and human mobility are two sides of the same reality that must be (re)connected to the wider regional or country context where this nexus is taking shape. This represents an analytical imperative and a methodological intersection between migration studies and African studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the Treaty of Fez between the Makhzen (the Moroccan polity) and France was signed in 1912, Spain obtained its "Zone of influence" in northern Morocco. Like other European colonial powers, Spain resorted to using intermediaries to impose and strengthen its rule. In the city of Tetouan, the capital of the Spanish Zone, the administrative and political elite became the most suitable political intermediaries of the Spanish colonial administration. As an analytical and methodological category, intermediation reflects the subjectivity of the colonised in relation to the colonisers. This approach provides the framework for a historiographical interpretation focusing specifically on the political autonomy that colonial subjects obtained and enjoyed in the interstices of the colonial system. This paper deals with the case study of the Spanish-Moroccan Industrial (or Electric) Cooperative (Cooperativa Industrial Hispano-Marroquí), which was founded in 1928 in Tetouan thanks to Spanish, Jewish and Muslim shareholders. Given the broader framework of Spanish colonial economic policies in Morocco, the present study intends to demonstrate how the Cooperative acted as a financing instrument for al-Iṣlāḥ, the first Moroccan nationalist party, which was founded in Tetouan in 1936. The paper investigates the role that this economic venture played in developing the Moroccan nationalist movement and demonstrates that there was interplay between the economic and the political process of Morocco's transition to independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the long post-war period, Italy was engaged in reconnecting to the old colonial policy in Africa, with the specific aim of obtaining the support of the former intermediaries of the colonial administration. The match for the colonies, conquered through the blood and the work of Italians, became a vital question for the construction of a country that had been deeply shaken by the war. The violence, the crimes and plunder of colonialism were then charged to fascism and the new Italy could reappear on the African scene carrying on an idea of a renewed civilizing mission that referred to the liberal era of colonialism and even to the previous founding myth rooted in the struggles of the Risorgimento. The attempt to combine the old with the new led to a vicious circle whose protagonists were some Libyans and Eritreans, who found themselves in Italy after World War II and did everything they could to remain in the country as African Italians. The alleged involvement of former subjects to the benefits of what was supposed to be a season of democratic colonialism unveiled the failure of the idea of associate the colonies to the new Italian Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on the postcolonial disharmony in Tunisia after its independence, and the decline of the country's Italian community during the 1950s and 60s. It opines that the progressive decline of the Italian community remains rather poorly studied. The author analyzes the political reasons and social dynamics that led the drastic decrease of Italians resident in Tunisia.

The article discusses the specificity of Libya with Mouammar Kadhafi at its head during the revolutionary wave of protests called Arab spring. While the revolts remained as peaceful as they could in most Arab countries, in Libya the revolution turned into a civil war which led to the execution of Kadhafi. According to the author of the article Libya is experimenting a new Islamisation.

The article discusses the creation of a committee in charge of keeping the memory of Italy as a great colonizer. Italy lost its colonies during World War II, and since tried to demonstrates its great work in former colonized African countries. The author of the article argues that Italy's vision of its power over certain African countries is too naive.

The article examines the peculiarities of the Somalian State and the efforts of its governments to force a cultural homogenization where there are multiple ethnic and cultural identities. The author suggests that the establishment of a multiethnic state as the only way Somalia will achieve prosperity and improvement for its people.