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The book is devoted to the unknown Fida Stinchi's personality. Calabrese elementary teacher, journalist, speaker at conferences, Aldo Moro's mother, his story tells much about reformist aspirations in the Giolittian Age's South: society's democratization, popular school, women emancipation.

Between 1981 and 1983, the mobilization against the Euromissiles introduced an extraordinary novelty in Italian social and political history. The Italian antinuclear movement took off later than in other European countries and its main feature was a politicization unknown elsewhere. The movement developed on the basis of a double and contrary youth mobilization: the first coming from the Communists and the second from the New Left. The movement was not only manifold, but also radically divided about its goals (balanced disarmament vs. unilateralism, atomic weapons vs. nuclear energy, nuclear issue vs. military budget) and methods of protests (pleas vs. conscientious objections, mass demonstrations vs. civil disobedience, referendums vs. tax objections). Continuous disagreements conditioned and weakened the antinuclear movement, even when the axis of the protest was transferred to Comiso, to which and from which the PCI and the Radical Party promoted different and contrary marches. Even when, in 1983, a unanimous framework was approved, a common mobilization remained difficult, both in Comiso and in Rome. The movement was only a vast, heterogeneous and divergent coalition, but it expressed a common political base and culture. Neither Communist nor pacifist, but influenced by the new left protest against traditional political parties, the new culture was rooted in environmentalism, pessimism, nuclear catastrophism, anti-Americanism, new socialism, disarmed unilateralism, opposition to everything that could resemble traditional politics. The movement preoccupied the Italian government, but it was never a real political danger and never even succeeded in bringing the nuclear issue to the foreground. Nonetheless, it deeply changed the political culture: it brought new styles and sensibilities, unknown to the traditional left. For the first time, criticisms of ideologies and parties, direct action, civil disobedience and individualism split Christian Democracy from Catholic grassroots and Communists from the young.

The essay is devotes to an analysis of the peace issue in the political culture of Italian Resistance and Constitutional phase. Beyond the dream of a future peace, and beyond the necessity of fighting and winning, the Resistance had many different approaches to the peace issue. The protest against war and anti-militarism did not give rise to a pacifist conscience, and the protagonist of a peace culture were the Federalists. A real reflection about what the war had been was missing and the idea of avoiding the extremes of pacifism and warmongering prevailed. The same perception of the novelty of nuclear war pushed political forces towards international control and federal solutions. Consequently, in the Constituent Assembly, a common ground was found following the model of the French Constitution and avoiding every recognition of the valur of pacifism.

Dopo aver fatto riferimento al dibattito scientifico sulla crisi/trasformazione della democrazia e sull’ impostazione teorica e metodologica della ricerca, gli autori presentano la struttura del volume in tre sezioni: Crisi e trasformazioni della democrazia; Rappresentanza politica ed elezioni; Cittadinanza, diritti e movimenti sociali. After referring to the scientific debate on the crisis / transformation of democracy and the theoretical and methodological approach of the research, authors present the structure of the volume in three sections: Crises and Transformations of Democracy; Political representation and elections; Citizenship, Rights and Social Movements.

The essay is devoted to the analysis of the development of pacifism since the 1980s in the perspective of the today crisis in democratic participation. Following Jürgen Habermas' hypothesis about "new social movements", pacifism may be considered one of the main centers of social protest and political opposition in our societies of today. In the last decades peace movements met many political defeats but contributed in a decisive way to the change of political cultures: an a-political aspiration has always been one of the features of peace movements, but since the 1980s new anti-political trends have anticipated many of the new aspects of political experience.

The essay is devoted to an attempt of reconsidering the Catholic attitudes in front of the Fascist-type movements and regimes, starting from the huge documentary materials recent researches brought and suggesting some new paths. After the deep renewal which transformed the area of the studies of Fascism in recent years, introducing as central issues totalitarianism and political religions, the previous orientation of the studies, centered on the positive or negative attitude of Catholic Church and laity towards Fascism, cannot any more be followed and has to be substituted by a new focus on the changes the immediate experience of the encounter with Fascist movements and regimes, with totalitarianism and political religions, provoked in the Catholic religious experience itself.

Il saggio delinea caratteri, evoluzione, importanza dell'analisi del rapporto tra cattolici e fascismo nelle ricerche di Pietro Scoppola. The essay is devoted to the features, development and importance of the analysis of the relationship between Italian Catholics and fascism in Pietro Scoppola's researches.

Nella Tavola rotonda Maria Rosaria Stabili discute con Alberto Maria Banti, Emmanuel Betta, Vinzia Fiorino, Maria Malatesta e Renato Moro fino a che punto la categoria del genere abbia influenzato la storiografia politica italiana. La discussione ruota attorno a quattro argomenti principali: il contributo attuale delle donne e della storia di genere al rinnovamento della storia politica; i motivi per cui la categoria di classe è divenuta uno strumento permanente di analisi per gli storici politici mentre il genere sembra rimanere al margine della riflessione storica; l'impatto del fattore generazionale nell'apertura alle suggestioni che vengono dal dibattito nazionale e internazionale sulla storia di genere; infine, l'uso della prospettiva di genere per riconsiderare alcuni concetti attualmente in crisi della politica, come cittadinanza, rappresentanza, leadership. In this roundtable Maria Rosaria Stabili discusses with Alberto Maria Banti, Emmanuel Betta, Vinzia Fiorino, Maria Malatesta and Renato Moro the extent to which the category of gender has influenced Italian political historiography. The discussion focuses on four main topics: the current contribution of women’s and gender history to the renewal of political history; the reasons why the category of class has become a permanent analytical tool for political historians, whereas gender is still at the margins of the historical reflection; the impact of the generational factor on the opening to suggestions coming from the ongoing national and international debate on gender history; and, finally, the use of a gender perspective in order to reconsider some political concepts currently in crisis, such as citizenship, representation, leadership.

Between 1981 and 1983, the mobilization against Euromissiles introduced an extraordinary novelty in Italian social and political history. The Italian anti-nuclear movement took off later than in other European countries and its main feature was a politicization unknown elsewhere. The movement developed on the basis of a double and contrary youth mobilization: the first coming from the Communists and the second from the New Left. The movement was not only manifold, but also radically divided about its goals (balanced disarmament vs. unilateralism, atomic weapons vs. nuclear energy, nuclear issue vs. military budget) and methods of protests (pleas vs. conscientious objections, mass demonstrations vs. civil disobedience, referendums vs. tax objections). Continuous disagreements conditioned and weakened the anti-nuclear movement, even when the axis of the protest was transferred to Comiso, to which and from which the PCI and the Radical Party promoted different and contrary marches. Even when, in 1983, a unanimous framework was approved, a common mobilization remained difficult, both in Comiso and in Rome. The movement was only a vast, heterogeneous and divergent coalition, but it expressed a common political base and culture. Neither Communist nor pacifist, but influenced by the New Left protest against traditional political parties, the new culture was rooted in environmentalism, pessimism, nuclear catastrophism, anti-Americanism, new socialism, disarmed unilateralism, and an opposition to everything that resembled traditional politics. The movement worried the Italian government, but it never represented a real political danger and never even succeeded in bringing the nuclear issue to the foreground. Nonetheless, it deeply changed the Italian political culture: it brought new styles and sensibilities, unknown to the traditional left. For the first time, criticisms of ideologies and parties, direct action, civil disobedience and individualism split Christian Democratics from their Catholic grassroots and Communists from the youth.

Il saggio analizza la storia del movimenti antinucleari dal loro inizio negli anni '40 alla loro diffusione di massa all'inizio degli anni '60. Dopo un esame delle difficoltà che la storiografia continua ad avere nell'affrontare il tema, viene esaminato il ruolo decisivo degli scienziati e della loro politicizzazione nell'origine del movimento, quindi come la Guerra Fradda portò alla nascita di due movimenti diversi e opposti (quello comunista e quello indipendente), lo sviluppo di una "mentalità nucleare" nella seconda metà degli anni '50, e infine il legame tra paura atomica e protesta politica e sociale all'inizio degli anni '60. Le ultime pagine affrontano il tema dell'efficacia politica dei movimenti. The essay is devoted to an historical analysis of antinuclear movements since their beginning in the 1940s to their mass spreading in the early 1960s. After an analysis of the difficulties history has in dealing with this subject, the essay examines how the politicization of scientists was the decisive factor in the birth of the movement, than shows how the Cold War gave rise to two different and contrasting movements (one communist, one independent, the development of a "nuclear mentality" in the second half of the 1950s, the link between nuclear fears and social and political protest at the beginning of the 1960s. The last pages propose a final discussion of their political effectiveness.

While Eric J. Hobsbawm was clearly contrary to the “cultural turn” among historians in the 1970s, George L. Mosse was one of the foremost protagonists of it. For this reason Mosse’s writings were difficult, not so much to accept but rather to truly understand for a whole generation of scholars. Paradoxically, it was following the lead of Past & Present that historians dedicated renewed attention to the symbolic and irrational dimensions of politics. The consequence has been a long list of studies on the history of mass politics which used the approaches of Hobsbawm and Mosse indiscriminately without realizing that, in reality, the two ran completely counter to one another. It is the time of a necessary clarification of concepts and interpretations.

La tesi di questo intervento intende dimostrare che, contrariamente al luogo comune, il linguaggio politico di A. Moro non è criptico e involuto, ma è un linguaggio idoneo a descrivere una realtà complessa e per larghi tratti paradossale come la realtà sociopolitica italiana. Se si considera la celebre immagine delle «convergenze parallele» si può agevolmente dimostrare che essa ben lungi dall’essere, come Moro stesso affermò in un primo momento, un «assurdo geometrico e logico», è invece l’idea migliore per focalizzare l’attenzione e sollecitare l’approfondimento su uno dei tratti più tipici della complessità italiana.

Se ha cumplido el centenario del nacimiento de Giuseppe Dossetti (1913–1996). Político, vicesecretario (1945–1951) de la Democracia Cristiana italiana, líder de su ala izquierda en el ayuntamiento de Bolonia hasta 1958, fue más tarde sacerdote y fundador de una comunidad monástica. El texto examina su experiencia individual, poniéndola en contraste con los itinerarios personales de una generación católica entre fascismo y democracia. Tras una breve aproximación al problema histórico de la nueva clase política católica, analiza las características de la formación de esta generación y la forma en que aquellos jóvenes católicos pasaron a la política. The centenary of the birth of Giuseppe Dossetti (1913–1996) is celebrated this year. Politician, Christian Democratic Italian Deputy (1945–1951), leader of its left wing in the Bologna City Council until 1958, Dossetti became later a priest and founder of a monastic community. This paper examines his individual experience and compares it with the personal paths of a generation of Catholics during the transition from fascism to democracy. After a brief reflection on the historical issue of the new generation of Catholics, the article analyzes the features of the formation of this generation and of the passage of these young people to politics.

Il contributo esamina l’esperienza individuale di Dossetti mettendola a confronto con le parallele vicende personali di una generazione di cattolici nel trapasso dal fascismo alla democrazia. Dopo un rapido accenno al problema storico della nuova classe cattolica, analizza i caratteri della formazione di questa generazione e i modi del passaggio di questi giovani alla politica. The essay examines Dossetti's individual experience putting it in comparison with the experiences of a whole Catholic generation between Fascism and democracy, focusing on their political motivation.

Il breve saggio analizza le due contrapposte interpretazioni che omologano o differenziano radicalmente antigiudaismo cristiano e moderno antisemitismo razzista e sottolinea l'importanza di una lettura più complessa e dialettica The short essay analyzes the two contrasting interpretations that homologate or radically differentiate Christian anti-Judaism and modern racist anti-Semitism and stresses the importance of the more complex and dialectic intepretation

An analysis of life, methodology, Jacobin studies, researches about Fascism of the Italian scholar, with a conclusion about the debates on his work and the importance of his legacy.