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Este artigo investiga características morfossintáticas e de processamento do advérbio sempre em sentenças do português brasileiro. Para tanto, tomaremos como base a Teoria Gerativa (CHOMSKY, 1995 em diante) e, dentro dela, o modelo da Morfologia Distribuída (MD) (HALLE; MARANTZ, 1993, MARANTZ, 1997; ALEXIADOU, 2002). Discutimos questões relativas (i) ao posicionamento sintático e restrições sintáticas do advérbio sempre; (ii) aos dados de processamento linguístico desse advérbio por meio de três experimentos com base na metodologia da psicolinguística experimental e (iii) ao estatuto categorial de sempre à luz do modelo teórico da MD. Exploramos os impactos da posição do advérbio na estrutura sintática; da comparação entre o tempo verbal presente e pretérito perfeito do indicativo e da especificidade do objeto. Dentro desse contexto, nossa análise propôs que a raiz √SEMPRE corresponde a um único Item de Vocabulário, que realiza o núcleo adverbial (adv). Essa raiz possui traços modificadores [+aspectual], [+contínuo], os quais, quando associados à presença de diferentes núcleos funcionais (AspP, FocP, CP, TP), vão interferir na interpretação da sentença. Isso explica os três valores de sempre no PB: (i) temporal em sentenças mais específicas; (ii) aspectual em sentenças no tempo Presente e (iii) confirmação em sentenças no tempo Pretérito Perfeito. Outra propriedade observada nos testes foi uma mudança de intensidade do advérbio sempre quando relacionado aos advérbios “quase” e “nem”. A partir deste estudo, pretendemos lançar luz sobre a relação entre estudos teóricos dentro do quadro da Teoria Gerativa analisados em conjunto com dados de processamento linguístico.

Este artigo faz uma descrição e análise dos pronomes possessivos seu(s), sua(s), dele(s) e dela(s), tomando como base o Princípio B da teoria de Regência e Ligação (Govermment and Binding) (CHOMSKY, 1981), segundo o qual o pronome tem que estar livre em sua categoria de regência, isso significa que os pronomes não precisam de antecedentes, mas quando os possuem, esses não podem c-comandá-los dentro de sua categoria de regência. Entretanto, em alguns casos os pronomes possessivos seu(s); sua(s); dele(s) e dela(s) parecem ser ligados, como nas sentenças: [Pedroi considera seui óculos] o mais bonito; Felipe acha [Gabrielai orgulhosa delai]. Por meio de dados retirados do corpus do projeto SP2010, transcrito pelo Grupo de Estudos e Pesquisa em Sociolinguística da USP, coordenado pelo Prof. Dr. Ronald Beline, identificamos que os pronomes possessivos seu(s), sua(s), dele(s) e dela(s) não atuam como prevê o Princípio B da Teoria da Ligação. A partir da perspectiva da Morfologia Distribuída, sugerimos que tais pronomes são subespecificados, porém os pronomes seu(s) e sua(s) parecem ser mais subespecificados do que dele(s) e dela(s), já que possuem vários tipos de antecedentes: 3ª pessoa, 2ª pessoa, 2G e 3G ocasionando o fenômeno de sincretismo, pois esses antecedentes possuem mais de um traço sintático-semântico, sendo retomado pelo mesmo conteúdo fonológico. Os pronomes seu(s), sua(s), dele(s) e dela(s) parecem possuir os traços [+anafórico, +pronominal], pois se comportam tanto como pronomes quanto como anáforas, sendo o seu(s) e sua(s) aparentemente mais anafóricos e dele(s) e dela(s) mais pronominais.

Recent work argues that a bilingual linguistic system is fully integrated in one competence whole and does not consist of two separate, autonomous structures as is commonly assumed (see Alexiadou et al 2015, Alexiadou et al 2018, Goldrick et al 2016, Grimstad et al 2014, López 2020, Riksem 2017). Here, we explore the organization of the lexicon within the integration hypothesis using data based on idioms and code-switching. The working hypothesis is that if the lexicons of a bilingual person are integrated in the sort of grammatical architecture presented in López (2020), based on Distributed Morphology (Marantz 1997), one should be able to code-switch within the idiom and retain the idiomatic meaning. After a pilot study with a community of Papiamentu-Dutch bilinguals, we tested this hypothesis with two communities of bilingual code-switchers: Basque-Spanish, English-Spanish. The task consisted of choosing a plausible meaning out of three choices for a range of sentences, some of which included code-switched idioms. Our results, by-and-large, show that code-switching does not destroy the integrity of the idiom, thus providing empirical evidence for the integrated lexicon hypothesis as well as the validity of Distributed Morphology as a theory of grammar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este trabajo presenta una nueva propuesta al (re)ordenamiento de morfemas de SUJETO y de OBJETO en la concordancia verbal del quechua ayacuchano. El análisis se basa en la morfología distribuida (Halle y Marantz 1993), que propone operaciones sobre morfemas en el componente morfológico. Se concluye que el rasgo OYENTE del morfema de OBJETO de segunda persona -nki gana en especificidad y, por tanto, se realiza en posición de SUJETO, con el costo de la aparición de –yki como alomorfía y la aparición de –su. Finalmente, proponemos que –su es un morfema transicional defectivo con rasgo OYENTE, que no puede ser interpretado como pronominal de tercera ni de segunda persona.

This article presents a new approach to the (re)ordering of subject and object morphemes in verb agreement of Ayacuchan Quechua. Our analysis is based on Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993), which proposes operations on morphemes in the morphological component. We conclude that the addressee feature of the second-person object morpheme -nki «wins» when it comes to specificity and, therefore, it appears in a subject position, which results in the occurrence of -yki as an allomorph and the appearance of -su. Finally, we propose the occurrence of -su as a transitional defective morpheme, which cannot be considered as a third or second person pronoun. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A partir da análise para formas nominais truncadas e para blends em português brasileiro sugeridas em Scher (2011, 2013, 2016, 2018) e Marangoni Junior (2020), respectivamente, que se valem da presença de um morfema avaliativo [EVAL] na estrutura sintática, discute-se a relevância desse morfema como um traço pertinente ao repositório de traços morfossintáticos universais, considerando-se, principalmente, as observações sobre o estatuto de morfemas avaliativos em duas propostas distintas, nomeadamente, Villalva (2000) e Prieto (2005). As análises descritas no texto, baseadas em uma abordagem sintática dos processos de formação de palavras, evidenciam a configuração do morfema avaliativo em posição de adjunção. Além disso, a presença desse morfema codifica instruções específicas para as interfaces de PF e LF.

Uma das operações linguísticas inevitáveis é a do acesso lexical, que nos permite, com enorme facilidade e rapidez, entender e/ou produzir palavras soltas. Porém, por trás da aparente simplicidade da relação entre forma e significado no âmbito da palavra, há mecanismos que estão longe de serem completamente compreendidos e que vêm gerando muita discussão nos últimos anos. Neste estudo psicolinguístico de priming transmodal, buscamos entender como representamos e acessamos um alvo que, apesar de compartilhar a raiz com seu prime, é estranho à acepção semântica do mesmo. Trata-se de pares de palavras que possuem relacionamento morfológico e semanticamente diacrônico entre si, mas não semanticamente sincrônico, como “refrigerar” e “refrigerante”. Será que, quando acessamos “refrigerante”, enxergamos “refrigerar”? Além disso, como representamos “refrigerante” no nosso léxico mental? Por fim, será que a rota de processamento de “refrigerar-refrigerante” apresenta diferenças em relação a uma rota unicamente semântica, como em “refrigerar-esfriar”, e a uma rota composicional com semântica transparente, como em “refrigerar-refrigerador”? Os resultados apontam para a confirmação da hipótese de modelos decomposicionais, sugerindo: i) novas entradas no léxico mental para palavras como “refrigerante”; e ii) uma relação de identidade entre palavras composicionalmente relacionadas, uma relação mais fraca de referencialidade entre palavras opacamente relacionais e uma relação variável de uso conjunto entre palavras apenas semanticamente relacionadas.

El siguiente artículo pretende analizar la presencia del clítico marginal la en estructuras inacusativas del español rioplatense, más específicamente con un subgrupo de los llamados verbos existenciales-presentacionales (Masullo 2014), los cuales comprenden distintos tipos de verbos de compleción gradual (Rappaport-Hovav 2015): verbos de cambio de estado de escala abierta o de múltiples puntos (e.g. adelgazarla, empeorarla, mejorarla), de escala cerrada o de dos puntos (e.g. morirla, pirarla, palmarla), como así también verbos de movimiento o cambio de ubicación (e.g. aparecerla, llegarla, volverla). Basada en los principios de la Morfología Distribuida (Halle & Marantz 1993, y trabajos posteriores), nos proponemos demostrar que la presencia de este clítico acusativo con verbos inacusativos se trata de un fenómeno productivo y composicional del español rioplatense. En concreto, postulamos que la es un clítico morfológico o post-sintáctico (Pujalte & Saab 2012), en tanto es un elemento con propiedades expletivas no presente en la sintaxis que se inserta en FF. Argumentaremos a favor de que la es un alomorfo de Ø y que ambos exponentes compiten con el clítico anticausativo se para lexicalizar rasgos asociados al núcleo Voz. En líneas generales, los datos analizados de la variedad rioplatense ofrecen evidencia a favor de que la ausencia de se en las variantes anticausativas simples no debe equipararse con la ausencia de estructura, sino más bien con la presencia de un morfema nulo Ø en la posición de Voz.

En el siguiente trabajo estudiaremos el clítico inherente/marginal la presente en diversos tipos de estructuras del español rioplatense, considérese: a) estructuras transitivas de todo tipo (e.g. cortarla, buscársela, tenerla clara); b) estructuras ditransitivas (e.g. regalársela); c) estructuras inergativas (e.g. whatsappearla); d) y estructuras inacusativas (e.g. morirla). A partir de un corpus conformado por 177 verbos, intentaremos: a) caracterizar sintáctica, semántica y morfo-fonológicamente el clítico la en las estructuras mencionadas; b) unificar el análisis de los primeros tres tipos de estructuras desde la Morfología Distribuida (Halle & Marantz 1993, y trabajos posteriores) y un enfoque neoconstruccionista de la estructura argumental (Acedo Matellán 2016). La originalidad de nuestra propuesta radica en derivar composicionalmente el significado de las construcciones transitivas e inergativas, fundamentalmente de las primeras, cuyo significado es considerado por la literatura como “arbitrario, no composicional e imposible de predecir” (Silva Garcés 2017:50). ABSTRACT The following article analyses the inherent/marginal clitic la in different types of structures in River Plate Spanish: a) transitive structures of all type (e.g. cortarla, buscársela, tenerla clara); b) ditransitive structures (e.g. regalársela); c) unergartive structures (e.g. whatsappearla); d) and unaccusative structures (e.g. morirla). In the light of a corpus made up of 177 verbs, we attempt to: a) provide a syntactic, semantic and morpho-phonological characterisation of the clitic in the structures aforementioned; b) unify the analysis of the first three types of structures from the perspective of Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993, and subsequent work) and a neoconstructionist approach to argument structure (Acedo Matellán 2016). The originality of our proposal lies in deriving the meaning of both transitive and unergative structures compositionally, especially of the former, whose meaning is considered by most authors to be “arbitrary, non-compositional and unpredictable” (Silva Garcés 2017:50).

We seek to investigate the relationship between the semantic and syntactic factors by focusing on the formation of derivational names by suffix derivation, reflecting on bases, affixes, products, and the relationships established between them. Following the theoretical model of Distributed Morphology (Cf. HALLE; MARANTZ, 1993; MARANTZ, 1997), we propose an investigation and description of the syntactic-semantic interface (Cf. MINUSSI; NÓBREGA, 2014) in which the pejorative formations can be inserted. Based on Frota (1985) and Sandmann (1989), we initially determined which suffixes were to be studied and also based on the phase theory in words (MARANTZ, 2001; ARAD, 2003) we selected our data. That consists of 306 words, through oral and written texts, collected in the most diverse media and having as fundamental concept the speaker’s intuition. We perform tests to verify the pejorativeness of the bases, resulting formations and suffixes. The analysis of the respective data resulted in the creation of a pejorativity’s scale. Thus, among the objectives achieved in the work are: a) contribute to a research methodology regarding pejorativity, b) investigate the semantic contribution of the suffix to the interpretation of pejorativity, c) progress in the development of studies on pejoratives word formation and d) perform an analysis of pejorativity in the light of phase theory. --- DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/gragoata.2018n46a1131

The following paper analyses the marginal clitic la in unaccusative structures of River Plate Spanish. We attempt to explain the occurrence of this pronoun with a subgroup of existentialpresentational and scalar change verbs (Masullo 2014), which comprise multi-point scale verbs (e.g. adelgazarla, empeorarla, mejorarla), two-point scale verbs (e.g. morirla, pirarla, palmarla), and verbs of directed motion and change of location (e.g. aparecerla, llegarla, volverla). Based on the main tenets of Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993, and subsequent work), we set out to demonstrate that this is a productive and compositional phenomenon in this variety of Spanish. We propose that this accusative clitic-which combines with unaccusative predicates-is a morphological or post-syntactic clitic (Pujalte & Saab 2012), in that it is an expletive-like element not present in the syntactic derivation and inserted at PF. We argue that la is an allomorph of Ø and that these two exponents compete with the anticausative clitic se to lexicalise different features associated with Voice°. The data analysed in this variety of River Plate Spanish offer evidence in favor of the hypothesis that the absence of se in unmarked anticausative structures should not be equated to the absence of structure, but to the presence of a null morpheme Ø in Voice°. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the analysis for truncated nominal forms and for blends in Brazilian Portuguese, which involve the presence of an evaluative morpheme [EVAL] in the syntactic structure, and which were proposed in Scher (2011, 2013, 2016, 2018) and in Marangoni Junior (2020), respectively, this paper discusses the relevance of this morpheme as a feature belonging to the universal morphosyntactic feature repository. This is done based on the observations made on the status of evaluative morphemes in two different proposals, namely, Villalva (2000) e Prieto (2005). The proposals described in the paper, based on a syntactic approach to word formation processes, highlight the configuration of the evaluative morpheme as an adjunct. In addition, the presence of that morpheme encodes specific instructions for PF and LF interfaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Verba: Anuario Galego de Filoloxia is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

ABSTRACT It is known that adult learners of English as an additional language (EAL) have difficulty in producing inflectional morphemes such as the third person present singular -s and regular past -ed. One possible explanation is that bilinguals are not sensitive to inflectional morphemes, in comprehension tasks as evidenced by longer latencies at critical positions in reaction time experiments, when compared to native controls. Having the above in mind, the objective of this paper is to investigate if in fact Brazilian EAL bilinguals are sensitive to regular past morphology in a self-paced reading task. Sentences varied on the use or absence of inflectional morphemes. The statistical analysis showed that EAL speakers are not sensitive to past morphology. The results are discussed in light of Distributed Morphology and of previous studies on production and processing of inflectional morphemes in EAL.

This paper investigates the empirical properties of morphologically complex verbs of change in Brazilian Portuguese. Its main goal is to find out whether there are (not) correlations between prefix morphophonological form, root semantics and verb argument structure. All verbs analyzed denote events in which the internal argument is the undergoer of a change, and a classification in four semantic subclasses according to their root meaning is proposed: state, place, transfer of possession (either abstract or concrete) and reconfiguration. Contrary to what previous literature has suggested, finegrained investigation within each of these classes has shown that it is not possible to exclusively associate morphological forms to specific root semantics or morphosyntactic behavior, although it is possible to observe general tendencies. To provide an analysis to account for the robust homogenous structural properties and general semantics behavior across the class, in face of the morphological variation in what regards prefix choice among the forms a-, en- and es-, it is proposed that prefixes are the phonological realizations of a functional head in the lower domain of the verb (labeled R, Relational) whose choice is given in terms of contextual allomorphy. It is shown that vocabulary insertion at R is guided by locality with the root. The theory of allomorphy proposed in Embick (2010), which is based on locality and linearity, was efficient in accounting for the selection of allomorphs of R, v and Th (Theme Vowel) heads. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Catalan Journal of Linguistics is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este trabajo pretende hacer un aporte al análisis de la estructura funcional de las nominalizaciones de evento y resultado a partir de verbos de realización desde la perspectiva de la morfología ditribuida (MD). Parte del entendido de que en cualquiera de estas estructuras debe haber una relación entre la complejidad morfológica y los nudos funcionales que son contenidos en dicha estructura, así como entiende que la existencia de estas nominalizaciones proviene de una relación entre el componente sintáctico y el conocimiento del mundo. Este trabajo tiene en cuenta los desarrollos previos que se han hecho en MD, así como sostiene la idea de que las nominalizaciones deben contener el Sv a partir del cual se forman y que este Sv tendrá distintos rasgos de v° (Harley y Noyer 2000, Harley 2006, entre otros) que permiten reconocer las distintas clases aspectuales existentes y permiten explicar la relación existente entre las nominalizaciones y los verbos a partir de los cuales estas se forman.

It is known that adult learners of English as an additional language (EAL) have difficulty in producing inflectional morphemes such as the third person present singular -s and regular past -ed. One possible explanation is that bilinguals are not sensitive to inflectional morphemes, in comprehension tasks as evidenced by longer latencies at critical positions in reaction time experiments, when compared to native controls. Having the above in mind, the objective of this paper is to investigate if in fact Brazilian EAL bilinguals are sensitive to regular past morphology in a self-paced reading task. Sentences varied on the use or absence of inflectional morphemes. The statistical analysis showed that EAL speakers are not sensitive to past morphology. The results are discussed in light of Distributed Morphology and of previous studies on production and processing of inflectional morphemes in EAL. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

O presente trabalho investiga as propriedades morfossintáticas, morfológicas e semânticas do prefixo re- do português brasileiro assumindo o arcabouço teórico da Morfologia Distribuída. Busca-se, assim, estabelecer sua distribuição e sua contribuição semântica nos contextos em que ocorre. O artigo apresenta evidências de que o prefixo em questão modifica (repete) estados que tipicamente decorrem de eventos incluídos nas denotações dos verbos, nos quais a prefixação é licenciada. Assumindo estruturas de evento sintaticamente representadas, é possível entender a distribuição do prefixo e explica-se a interpretação do verbo prefixado, usando a ideia de escopo do prefixo na estrutura de evento associada ao verbo de base: na proposta, o prefixo terá escopo sobre a parte da estrutura que denota o estado atingido. O prefixo não será encontrado em verbos que não estejam associados a estruturas de evento que incluam um estado em sua denotação. Uma vez que estados nas estruturas de evento podem ser veiculados por adjetivos, raízes puras e certos tipos de sintagmas preposicionais, e que o prefixo é licenciado pela presença dessas estruturas, a aposta será de que o prefixo não faz seleção categorial.

Abstract In morphic structural analysis done by Camara Jr. (2002 [1970] 1977), portuguese is presented as a language in which the morpheme which marks the inflection of the word number is added only after the inflection of gender. In addition to this conception Lee (2005) also defends the existence of inflexion number, in certain contexts, before the morpheme [-inho]. The present article confirms the statement of Lee (2005). This means that in many cases there are certain features redundant number that occur before the morpheme [-inho]. It presents, in addition, two possibilities for analysis of morphic words ending in [-zinho] and morphophonemic rules that come into play in transforming the morphemic structure into morphic structure.

Recent work on argument structure has shown that there must be a synchronic relation between nouns and derived verbs that can be treated in structural terms. However, a simple phonological/morphological identity or diachronic derivation between a verb and a noun cannot guarantee that there is a denominal structure in a synchronic approach. In this paper we observe the phenomenon of Denominal Verbs in Brazilian Portuguese and argue for a distinction between etymological and synchronic morphological derivation. The objectives of this paper are 1) to identify synchronic and formal criteria to define which diachronic Denominal Verbs can also be considered denominal under a synchronic analysis; and 2) to detect in which cases the label "denominal" can be justifiably abandoned. Based on results of argument structure tests submitted to the judgments of native speakers, it was possible to classify the supposed homogenous Denominal Verbs class into three major groups: Real Denominal Verbs, Root-derived Verbs, and Ambiguous Verbs. In a Distributed Morphology approach, it was possible to explain the distinction between these groups based on the ideia of phases in words and the locality of restriction in the interpretation of roots.

The goal of this paper is to investigate the polysemy of Spanish spatial prepositions (a, en, hacia, among others), and offer a syntactic and semantic treatment of this phenomenon. The core idea behind this account is that these prepositions can denote sets of possible locations that are involved in spatial relations. Consequently, the compositional interaction of polysemous prepositions with other parts of speech can determine which specific sense emerges in a sentence. The analysis is couched in a Type- Logical Grammar approach. It addresses data that have not previously been analysed in the literature, involving so-called Boolean constructions (e.g. en la estación y la calle). Also, the paper shows that a single treatment can capture all the relevant data. Therefore, the analysis shows that polysemy is a grammar phenomenon that is better accounted for in architectures with a distinct syntactic/derivational component (e.g. Distributed Morphology), than in architectures lacking this component (e.g. Cognitive Linguistics approaches). Consequences for a theory of grammar are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La denominada concordancia ad sensum es uno de los fenómenos más llamativos en español y otras lenguas. En este trabajo nos proponemos demostrar que este tipo de concordancia puede explicarse por medio de mecanismos vinculados con los mismos factores que intervienen en la concordancia general, i. e., la estructura sintáctica y las operaciones morfológicas. Nuestra investigación se enmarca en el modelo de la Morfología Distribuida (Halle y Marantz 1993) y busca dar cuenta de las concordancias alternantes y del bloqueo de tal alternancia en determinados contextos, a partir de un análisis detallado de la estructura del Sintagma de Determinante y de los rasgos involucrados en las proyecciones funcionales del ámbito nominal. The so-called ad sensum agreement is one of the most significant phenomena in Spanish and other languages. In this paper, we attempt to prove that this kind of agreement can be explained by the mechanisms related to the same factors involved in general agreement, i. e., the syntactic structure and the morphological operations. Our investigation is framed in Distributed Morphology (Halle y Marantz ) and it pretends to explain the alternating agreement and the blocking of this alternation in particular contexts, by analyzing, in detail, the structure of the Determiner Phrase and the features involved in the functional projections of the nominal scope. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Una de las propiedades que presentan las construcciones partitivas es la denominada Condición de Anti-unicidad (ver Jackendoff 1977, Kayne 1994, Barker 1998), i.e., se trata de estructuras indefinidas. Sin embargo, hay una serie de datos que parecen poner en cuestión la condición mencionada: (1) las construcciones partitivas en las variedades antiguas de las lenguas romances, que presentan la secuencia determinante definido + numeral (Esp.Ant. los dos de los soldados) y (2) en español actual, aparece el determinante definido cuando el cuantificador es más o menos (los más de los estudiantes). En este trabajo nos proponemos demostrar que ninguna de estas construcciones viola la Condición de Anti-unicidad y que la presencia del determinante es el resultado de que el movimiento del cuantificador a la posición de Especificador del SD no tuvo lugar.

Este artigo é um conjunto de quatro testemunhos de pesquisadoresbrasleiros que se apaixonaram pela Morfologia Distribuída desdea publicação do artigo inaugural de autoria de Morris Halle eAlec Marantz, “Distributed morphology and the pieces ofinflection”, em 1993. Essa teoria propõe uma nova arquitetura degramática que tem muito em comum com a sintaxe e pouco a vercom a morfologia tradicional – por exemplo, o antigo léxico édecomposto em três diferentes listas. Cada um dos contribuidoresfoi convidado a responder as seguintes questões: (i) Qual foi acaracterística da Morfologia Distribuída que levou você a gostarmais dessa versão da gramática gerativa?; (ii) Qual foi o primeirotema que você mesma/mesmo explorou com base nessa teoria?;(iii) Por que razão esse modelo parece a você mais vantajoso doque o modelo gerativo tradicional de morfologia?; (iv) Que outrostemas você incentivou e vem incentivando alunos seus a explorar, e que interfaces do modelo ganham foco em cada caso?; (v) Emque novas questões você tem vontade de trabalhar a curto prazo?

One of the partitive constructions properties is the one known as Anti-Uniqueness Condition (see Jackendoff 1977, Kayne 1994, Barker 1998), i.e., these are non-definite structures. Nevertheless, some data seem to put into question the mentioned condition: (1) partitive constructions in old Romance varieties that present the sequence definite determiner + cardinal (O.Sp. los dos de los soldados 'two of the soldiers'), and (2) in actual Spanish, a definite determiner when the quantifier is más 'more' or menos 'less' (los más de los estudiantes 'most of the students'). Our investigation intends to prove that none of these constructions violates the Anti-Uniqueness Condition and that the presence of the determiner indicates that quantifier movement to SpecDP did not take place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the syntax-pragmatics interface in word formation, more precisely, stylistic effects caused by phonological segments reduction found in blended words (e.g., bebemorar 'celebrate drinking' < beber 'drink'+ comemorar 'celebrate'). Based on a non-lexicalist approach to grammar, viz. Distributed Morphology framework, we argue that the input for pragmatic evaluation occurs when Encyclopedia - commonly known as List 3 - accesses the morphological component (MS). This encyclopedic access triggers (i) the deletion of phonological segments present in Vocabulary Items (VI), (ii) the overlapping of identical phonological segments, or (iii) a replacement of a VI based on an encyclopedic features evaluation present in List 3. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The goal of this paper is to offer a novel account on the Syntax and Semantics of Spanish Spatial Prepositions. This account is novel in at least three aspects. First, the account offers a unified syntactic analysis that covers understudied types of Spanish Spatial Prepositions (e.g. en el centro de, junto y a la izquierda de). Second, the account shows that such treatment can be extended to morphological phenomena, and can capture both their internal structure (e.g. de-bajo), and licensing patterns pertaining to argument demotion. The account also captures an alternation between "a-" (e.g. alante) and "de-" Prepositions (e.g. debajo), with respect to demotion, and is consistent with standard treatments of where-questions (dónde, in Spanish). Third, the account offers a "direct compositionality" semantic treatment, in which the interpretation of Spanish Spatial Prepositions is directly "read off" from their structure. This account is shown to capture all the semantic data discussed in the paper (argument demotion, interaction of Prepositions with Verbs, coordinated Prepositions), and to successfully extend previous accounts of this category. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper is a set of four testimonies from Brazilian researchers who fell in love with Distributed Morphology after the publication of the inaugural article by Morris Halle and Alec Marantz, "Distributed morphology and the pieces of inflection", in 1993. This theory proposes a new architecture of grammar that has a lot in common with syntax and little to do with traditional morphology - for example, the ancient lexicon is broken down into three different lists. Each of the contributors was invited to answer the following questions: (i) What is the feature of Distributed Morphology that leads you to prefer this version of generative grammar to ground your work?, (ii) What was the first subject you explored based on this theory?, (iii) Why does this model seem to you more interesting than the traditional generative one?, (iv) Which subjects did you encourage your students to explore in the past and which ones do you currently encourage? What are the interfaces of the grammar that are highlighted in each case?, (v) Which questions do you plan to explore in the near future? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Alfa: Revista de Lingüística is the property of Alfa: Revista de Linguistica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Alfa: Revista de Lingüística is the property of Alfa: Revista de Linguistica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Alfa: Revista de Lingüística is the property of Alfa: Revista de Linguistica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)