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This article examines media ownership transparency through the lens of European human rights policy and evaluates media ownership transparency in over 30 European countries based on data returned to the Media Pluralism Monitor. Using these data, we examine the existence and quality of two types of disclosure, ‘upwards’, to public bodies and ‘downwards’, directly to the public, enabling both the monitory and informational functions of ownership transparency to be fulfilled. We conclude that regulation is patchy and variable across Europe and that a coordinated, multi-actor approach is necessary to give effect to internationally recognized standards in the field.

Using the theory of monitory democracy, this comparative case study investigates the effects of new unconventional power checking monitory mediums that have emerged as a result of advancements in internet media technology in Papua New Guinea (PNG). Central to the paper are two specific cases regarding Bill Skate and Peter O’Neil’s tenure as Prime Ministers during 1997-1998 and 2014-2016 respectively. The paper argues that traditional media outlets (TV, radio and newspapers) after independence and new internet digital media during the post-2007 era, have had different effects regarding state perceptions and political participation among citizens. Diverging from traditional media studies and good governance, the paper investigates the effects of new internet digital media on citizens in identifying centers of power and improving political participation. Results from the paper indicate a transformation in media and journalism logic and its impact on political participation in monitoring power. Moreover, monitory democracy and new internet digital media have become central to the democratization process in PNG after 2007., この比較事例研究では、監視民主主義の理論をパプア・ニューギニアに適用し、インターネット・メディア技術の発展により生まれた権力監視メディアの影響を調査する。首相ビル・スケート（1997-1998年）と同ピーター・オニール（2014-2016年）の任期は、それぞれオーストラリアからの独立後と2007年のインターネット・メディアの登場後にあたる。本論考はこの両者を比較することで、独立後の伝統的なメディア（テレビ、ラジオ、新聞）と2007年以降の新しいインターネット・メディアが市民の国家認識と政治的関与に異なる影響を与えた点を主張する。従来のメディア研究や良き統治の研究とは異なり、本論考では、市民が権力の中枢を特定し、政治参加を改善するにあたり、インターネット・メディアがもたらした影響に着目する。結論として、メディアとジャーナリズムの論理が変化したこと、この変化が権力監視を目的とする政治参加に影響を与えたこと、そして、パプア・ニューギニアの2007年以降の民主主義化プロセスにおいて監視民主主義とインターネット・メディアの重要性が増していることである。

Access to nature and green areas is a real battle in many cities around the world. However, these battles can be very different in nature, resulting in various outcomes depending on the context and the actors. This thesis examines a case from Hungary, namely the Ligetvédők movement. The aim of this qualitative study is firstly, to provide a case study about the strategies, narratives and impact of the movement. Secondly, to explore and understand how the contemporary Hungarian political context has influenced the functioning, narrative and strategy of the movement. Thirdly, to understand how the movement relates to some similar environmental movements of the past and present, and what are the main links with these movements. The thesis draws theoretical frameworks from theories related to both social movements and civil society: framing theory, political opportunity structures theory and monitory democracy theory. Accordingly, the Ligetvédők movement is examined from several perspectives, the micro and meso levels of the movement, and the macro aspects. I present the broader historical context of the movement as well, to which I go back to the time before 1989, when the Soviet repressive regime determined the life not only of Hungary but of the whole of CEE region. In addition, I compare the challenges of the Ligetvédők movement with the Gezi Park movement and the Tree movement in the “age of upgraded authoritarianism”. The findings from this research reveal that the movement carried several frames: an environmental frame, a radical left frame, and a more moderate civic frame thematising the ‘right to the city’, besides the political framing of the project. The confluence of these frames created the ecopolitical master frame, which for a short period of time resulted in the frame resonance with the experiences of broad social groups. As a result, the movement could successfully mobilise large masses on two occasions. Nevertheless, the counter-frames developed by the Városliget Ltd. were successful in weakening and discrediting the movement. Moreover, the specificities of the political system and the scarcity of political opportunity structures in the country made it even more difficult for the movement to mobilise effectively, while the movement has been steadily weakened by internal processes and conflicts too. For these reasons, the movement has only partially fulfilled the three examined civil society functions: to build community, advocate and engage in public communication and monitor accountability.

Effective private regulation and enforcement presents a challenge to a view of democratic states and governance that the state, by virtue of electoral politics, should have a monopoly over coercive power. However, there is nothing new in the observation of the importance of private power to regulate others. Private regulation clearly belongs in the catalogue of significant regulatory power and in this chapter I suggest how practices of private regulation and enforcement might be accommodated within democratic theory and practice. I suggest in this chapter that if we take the idea of decentring seriously and recognise the emergence of a decentralised nodal governance over many economic and social activities, then we can see the role of governance nodes away from central government not simply as monitoring or scrutinising, but also as originating and performing in respect of key governance activities. This observation transforms the democratic challenge. Instead of trying to pull decentred power back towards traditional representative democracy, we may instead ask how these decentralised governance nodes themselves seek to manage and develop their democratic legitimacy. The management of legitimacy occurs through the setting of norms and adoption of practices relating to how those exercising power in governance nodes undertake their actions. These norms and practices are concerned with a range of issues: who participates in setting agendas?; how decisions on setting norms are made?; how monitoring and enforcement is executed in a manner that is referrable to the decisions of the demos associated with the governance regime?; and how such regimes review, revise and reflect on their activities, to understand their own sources both of legitimacy and effectiveness, but also their relationship of interdependence to others within a decentred governance model? The last main section of the chapter looks at five stages in the regulatory policy cycle to evaluate the evidence of the emergence of novel ways of democratising both public and private nodes of regulatory governance.

Pričujoče delo izhaja iz teze, da se liberalni politični model nahaja v nepovratni krizi predstavništva in participacije. Politično organiziranje šibijo nizke volilne udeležbe in val populizma. Z namenom razumevanja obstoječe družbene formacije in njenega trenutnega stanja, želi magisterij preučiti razloge za nastalo stanje in ponuditi dodatno pomoč pri razumevanju razvoja demokracije. Za dosego cilja, delo razmišljanje začne z zgodovinskim opisom najpomembnejših demokratskih družbenih prelomov. Zgodovinske temelje dopolni s koncepti postdemokracije, ki potrjujejo tezo o izpraznjenih demokratičnih strukturah. Postdemokratsko stanje zaokrožijo koncepti monitorne demokracije, ki za svoj obstoj potrebuje veliko mero predstavništva in jezdi val digitalizacije. V končnem delu se magisterij fokusira na nove tehnološke inovacije in internet ter premišlja ali so one lahko odgovor na obstoječa politična vprašanja. The present work stems from the thesis that the liberal political model is in the irreversible crisis of representation and participation. Political organization is weakened by low electoral participation and the wave of populism. In order to understand the existing social formation and its current state, this Master's degree aims to examine the reasons for the situation and offer further assistance in understanding the development of democracy. In order to achieve its goal, the work begins its thinking process with a historical description of the most important democratic social turns. It complements the historical foundations with the concepts of postdemocracy, which confirm the thesis about the emptied democratic structures. The postdemocratic situation is rounded up by the concepts of the monitory democracy, which for its existence needs a great deal of representation and benefits greatly from digitization. In the final part, the master's degree focuses on new technological innovations and the Internet, considering whether they can introduce an answer to existing political issues.

The concept of monitory democracy, put forward by John Keane, is used to explain the post-representative phase of democracy. Monitory democracy reflects current democratic developments and the growing importance of oversight mechanisms that are developed within civil society spheres and state domains alike. Using this concept as a starting point, and by further situating it in the current political situation and transitional democracy, this paper provides case studies of two web-based monitory democracy actors in Serbia: whistle-blower website Pistaljka.rs and fact-checking website Istinomer.rs. With a reference to the analysis of the websites' content and interactive options, and interviews with editors of Pistaljka.rs and Istinomer.rs, the salient questions to be addressed are: How do the websites promote and facilitate citizen participation using the affordances of new media? How do they conceptualize their roles in relation to citizens, public authorities and mass media? What are the characteristics of monitory initiatives arising from a transitional, post-communist framework?

Analysing the current political context in Spain is a major challenge to political theory. Spain is experiencing the accumulation of trends that in recent years have focused the attention of most theorists and political scientists: discrediting of the major parties, falling numbers of party members, disaffection, etc. In parallel, this trend has been accompanied by citizen mobilisations that, since 15 May 2011, are manifest in numerous channels and strategies. The aim of this paper was to analyse the complex Spanish context from the monitory democracy proposal. The results show how in recent years processes of public scrutiny have been consolidated through a range of citizen initiatives. The study offers an in-depth analysis of the main characteristics of the most notable cases and monitoring initiatives, and also reflects on their democratising potential. El análisis del contexto político actual en España es un reto importante para la teoría política. España está experimentando la acumulación de tendencias que en años recientes han centrado la atención de la mayor parte de teóricos y científicos políticos: desacreditación de los principales partidos, caída del número de miembros de los partidos, desafección, etc. Paralelamente, esta tendencia se ha visto acompañada por movilizaciones ciudadanas que, desde el 15 de mayo de 2011, son manifiestas en numerosos canales y estrategias. El objetivo de este documento es analizar el complejo contexto español desde la propuesta de democracia monitorizada. Los resultados muestran que en años recientes se han consolidado los procesos de escrutinio público mediante una serie de iniciativas ciudadanas. El estudio ofrece un análisis en profundidad de las principales características de los casos e iniciativas de monitorización más notables, y reflexiona también sobre su potencial democratizador.

Se ofrece una reflexión sobre el complejo contexto político español desde la propuesta de la democracia monitorizada. Los resultados muestran la consolidación de heterogéneos procesos de escrutinio público a través del uso del potencial ofrecido por las TIC. This article aims to reflect on the complex political context of Spain using the monitory democracy framework. The results indicate the consolidation of heterogeneous processes of public scrutiny through the exploitation of the potential offered by the ICT.

Particularly in Latin America, a vast legacy of military regimes has contributed to the entrenchment of a culture of secrecy in governments. In most of these cases, the argument used for the coup was the defense of the homeland against the communist threat, and also motivated by a sense of duty of the armed forces to preserve the rule. In this view, they would be the most qualified ones to determine when and how to intervene in the internal political order. However, to justify military intervention in the internal political order based on a 'cleansing' of democracy is always an endeavor fraught with contradictions and serious risks to freedom. This context led scholars and authorities to rethink civil control over the military, and to redefine the armed forces’ roles. On the ongoing process of democracy consolidation, the military still holds some political and veto powers within civilian governments. The civilian control of the military in Latin America faces the lack of political incentives for civilians to be involved and specialized on the subject, since there are no observed external, either internal threats. In fact, the region has been considered as a 'peace zone', where diplomatic efforts would prevail over armed conflicts. The enactment of FOI laws opens an entirely new way of civil scrutiny – a monitory democracy, which affects directly the military autonomy and organizational culture. In the study of the emergence and strength of Freedom of Information (FOI) laws in Latin America, the civil-military relations have not been considered in depth as an influential factor. From this, we sought to trace a link between, on the one hand, the existence of FOI legislation, the date of approval of the FOI law and its general and exceptions strength, and on the other hand, the civil-military relations in Latin America. We found some suggestive links to be explored. A considerable number of countries support that the civil-military relations influence both regulation of exceptions and the time the law was passed. There is a general trend in Latin America to adopt weak FOI laws in regulating exceptions. This study provides the transparency and civil-military research agendas with various possibilities of compared case studies. It was also made an in-depth case study of Brazil, a very representative country on military influence in politics. In the discussions about the law, secrecy was the most polemic topic, and besides the military and diplomats, no other actors got deeply involved against it. It was concluded that civil-military relations in Brazil were an important and non-ignorable factor in the late approval of the FOI law in the country. Na América Latina, um vasto legado de regimes militares tem contribuído para o fortalecimento de uma cultura de sigilo nos governos. Além da defesa da pátria contra a ameaça comunista, a maioria destes golpes se deveu a um senso de dever das Forças Armadas em preservar o Estado. Deste ponto de vista, os próprios militares seriam os mais qualificados para determinar quando e como intervir na ordem política interna. No entanto, justificar a intervenção militar na ordem política interna é sempre um empreendimento repleto de contradições e riscos graves para a liberdade. Este contexto levou os estudiosos e autoridades a repensarem o controle civil sobre os militares, e a redefinirem os papéis das forças armadas. Neste processo de consolidação da democracia, os militares ainda mantêm alguns poderes políticos e de veto dentro dos governos civis. O controle civil democrático das Forças Armadas na América Latina enfrenta a falta de incentivos políticos para os civis a se envolverem e se especializarem no assunto, já que não há ameaças internas, quer externas observadas. De fato, a região tem sido considerada como uma 'zona de paz', onde os esforços diplomáticos prevaleceriam sobre conflitos armados. A promulgação de leis de acesso à informação pública (LAI) abre uma maneira inteiramente nova de escrutínio público – uma democracia monitorial, que afeta diretamente a autonomia militar e sua cultura organizacional. No estudo do surgimento e da força legal das LAI na América Latina, as relações entre civis e militares não foram consideradas em profundidade como um fator influente. Buscou-se traçar uma relação entre, por um lado, a existência de LAI, a data de aprovação da LAI e sua força geral e exceções, e por outro lado, as relações civis-militares na América Latina. Um número considerável de países suporta que as relações civis-militares influenciam a regulamentação das exceções e o momento em que a lei foi aprovada. Há uma tendência geral na América Latina a adotar LAI fracas na regulamentação de exceções. Também foi feito um estudo de caso do Brasil, país muito representativo da influência militar na política. Concluiu-se que as relações entre civis e militares no Brasil foram um fator de grande influência na aprovação final da LAI no país. Este estudo contribui para a construção de uma ponte entre as agendas de pesquisa de transparência e de relações civis-militares, com várias possibilidades de estudos de casos comparados.

De acuerdo con el enfoque de Democracia Monitorizada (Keane), en los últimos años el entorno digital ha creado nuevas posibilidades para la participación política de los ciudadanos, entre ellas la monitorización o escrutinio hacia los centros de poder económico y político. Esto significa que plataformas como los medios sociales favorecen e incrementan el debate público. El presente artículo postula que este fenómeno es observable también en la Publicidad, para lo cual ofrece la distinción entre monitorización normalizada y ciudadana, y entre la contrapublicidad y el activismo mediático ciudadano. Finalmente, se plantea el desafío ético que acompaña a este proceso, al cuestionar la comprensión de la Publicidad como un monólogo persuasivo. According to John Keane's Monitory Democracy approach, in recent years the new digital environment has created new possibilities for political citizenship, including monitoring and scrutiny to the centers of economic and political power. This means communicational landscapes like social media are promoting and increasing the public debate. This paper argues that this phenomenon is also observable in Advertising, for which provides the distinction between normalized and citizen monitoring, as well as between subvertising and citizen media activism. Finally, this paper presents the ethical challenge that accompanies this process, by questioning the understanding of Advertising as a persuasive monologue.

La consolidación de los new media provoca una serie de cambios que afectan a diversos ámbitos de la comunicación y entre ellos también al campo de la publicidad. El tradicional monólogo persuasivo de la publicidad se ve transportado a un nuevo ambiente comunicativo donde también el público adquiere, potencialmente, voz. Los new media permiten la consolidación de procesos de monitorización y fiscalización pública y refuerzan acciones de las voces críticas respecto a la publicidad. La presente comunicación presenta como objetivo examinar los efectos de los new media sobre la publicidad atendiendo a la consolidación de dichas voces críticas y monitorizadoras. El presente planteamiento diferenciará diversos procesos de escrutinio con el propósito de interpretar estos fenómenos de “monitorización publicitaria” no como una amenaza sino como un reto para la ética publicitaria, sus valores y sus principios. Palabras clave: New media, monitorización, contrapublicidad, ética publicitaria. According to John Keane’s Monitory Democracy approach, in recent years the new digital environment has created new possibilities for political citizenship, including monitoring and scrutiny to the centers of economic and political power. This means communicational landscapes like social media are promoting and increasing the public debate. This paper argues that this phenomenon is also observable in Advertising, for which provides the distinction between normalized and citizen monitoring, as well as between subvertising and citizen media activism. Finally, this paper presents the ethical challenge that accompanies this process, by questioning the understanding of Advertising as a persuasive monologue.

This paper seeks to critically examine John Keane’s monitory democracy proposal. The concept of democracy has recently become an indisputable trending topic, not only in the 2.0 space, but in the public sphere as a whole. In a period marked by an increased distance between citizens and the political class, resulting from citizen mobilisation and a climate of uncertainty, monitory democracy is put forward as a concept that can explain some of the transformations that are currently taking place. These changes are linked to the new and expanding dynamics of citizens’ political monitoring, due in part to the possibilities opened up by the new media galaxy. Hence the importance of reflecting on the possibilities and limits of this new model of democracy, within the context of political theory’s attempts to address questions about the current or future state of democracy. El objetivo del presente artículo consiste en examinar la propuesta de democracia monitorizada presentada por John Keane. El concepto de democracia se ha convertido en un verdadero trending topic en el espacio 2.0. Pero también el conjunto de la esfera pública y de la teoría política se pregunta por su situación actual, sus problemas y su futuro. Debido al creciente distanciamiento de la ciudadanía y la clase política, a las movilizaciones ciudadanas y a la sensación de incertidumbre, la democracia monitorizada se presenta como un concepto capaz de explicar algunas de sus transformaciones más recientes. En concreto, como un concepto válido para contextualizar nuevas dinámicas de monitorización ciudadana que se expanden gracias, entre otros aspectos, a las posibilidades ofrecidas por la nueva galaxia mediática. Es por ello que resulta importante reflexionar sobre las posibilidades y límites de este nuevo modelo de democracia.

La consolidación de los new media provoca una serie de cambios que afectan a diversos ámbitos de la comunicación y entre ellos también al campo de la publicidad. El tradicional monólogo persuasivo de la publicidad se ve transportado a un nuevo ambiente comunicativo donde también el público adquiere, potencialmente, voz. Los new media permiten la consolidación de procesos de monitorización y fiscalización pública y refuerzan acciones de las voces críticas respecto a la publicidad. La presente comunicación presenta como objetivo examinar los efectos de los new media sobre la publicidad atendiendo a la consolidación de dichas voces críticas y monitorizadoras. El presente planteamiento diferenciará diversos procesos de escrutinio con el propósito de interpretar estos fenómenos de “monitorización publicitaria” no como una amenaza sino como un reto para la ética publicitaria, sus valores y sus principios. Palabras clave: New media, monitorización, contrapublicidad, ética publicitaria. According to John Keane’s Monitory Democracy approach, in recent years the new digital environment has created new possibilities for political citizenship, including monitoring and scrutiny to the centers of economic and political power. This means communicational landscapes like social media are promoting and increasing the public debate. This paper argues that this phenomenon is also observable in Advertising, for which provides the distinction between normalized and citizen monitoring, as well as between subvertising and citizen media activism. Finally, this paper presents the ethical challenge that accompanies this process, by questioning the understanding of Advertising as a persuasive monologue.

I would like to contribute to the ongoing debate on democracy by discussing the notion of the rule of nobody. I first address Rosanvallon's theory of counter-democracy and Keane's concept of monitory democracy. Keane writes about 'monitory democracy' not only as a new phase in the development of democracy on a global scale, but primarily as an abolishment of all domination in human relations. His idea that in a monitory democracy 'no body rules', has been criticized by John Dunn and John Gray. They consider it meaningless to claim that in democracy 'no body rules', since every form of rule needs rulers. I would like to show that both this supposedly realistic criticism and Keane's version of the rule of nobody are too literal and superficial. If we consider democracy to be a kind of sentiment rather than a set of political institutions, we get closer to the puzzling idea that 'no body rules'. This idea, namely, is not about abolishing the rule of men over men, but about being aware of the contingency of all forms of mastery. This was well known to Plato and has been convincingly revived in the works of the French philosopher Jacques Rancière., U članku autor želi doprinijeti aktualnoj raspravi o demokraciji problematiziranjem ideje ‘vladavine nikoga’. Prvo se bavi Rosanvallonovom teorijom kontrademokracije i Keaneovom koncepcijom nadzorne demokracije. Keane smatra da ‘nadzorna demokracija’ nije samo nova faza u razvoju demokracije na globalnoj razini nego se prije svega radi o dokidanju svih oblika dominacije u ljudskim odnosima. Dunn i Gray kritiziraju njegovu ideju da u takvoj demokraciji ‘nitko ne vlada’. Oni smatraju da nema smisla tvrditi da u demokraciji ‘nitko ne vlada’ budući da svaki oblik vladavine treba vladare. Autor članka nastoji pokazati da su ove navodno realistične kritike, ali i Keaneovo shvaćanje koncepcije ‘nitko ne vlada’ previše mehaničke, odnosno da su doslovno shvatile spomenutu koncepciju. Ako bi demokraciju vidjeli kao vrstu osjećaja prije nego skup političkih institucija, onda bi prije proniknuli u ponešto zagonetnu ideju o ‘vladavini nikoga’. Ova ideja, naime, ne znači dokidanje vladavine čovjeka nad čovjekom, nego se odnosi na svijest o kontingentnosti svih oblika gospodstva. To je bilo dobro poznato Platonu i uvjerljivo je oživljeno u djelima francuskog filozofa Jacquesa Rancièrea.

I would like to contribute to the ongoing debate on democracy by discussing the notion of the rule of nobody. I first address Rosanvallon’s theory of counter-democracy and Keane’s concept of monitory democracy. Keane writes about ‘monitory democracy’ not only as a new phase in the development of democracy on a global scale, but primarily as an abolishment of all domination in human relations. His idea that in a monitory democracy ‘no body rules’, has been criticized by John Dunn and John Gray. They consider it meaningless to claim that in democracy ‘no body rules’, since every form of rule needs rulers. I would like to show that both this supposedly realistic criticism and Keane’s version of the rule of nobody are too literal and superficial. If we consider democracy to be a kind of sentiment rather than a set of political institutions, we get closer to the puzzling idea that ‘no body rules’. This idea, namely, is not about abolishing the rule of men over men, but about being aware of the contingency of all forms of mastery. This was well known to Plato and has been convincingly revived in the works of the French philosopher Jacques Rancière

Resumo O presente artigo tem por objetivo analisar o Candibook como ferramenta de monitoramento da democracia em momento eleitoral e identificar, a partir dos dados disponíveis nessa plataforma, o perfil dos candidatos a Deputado Estadual e Federal, pelo Paraná, em 2014. Parte-se das seguintes hipóteses: 1) o Candibook é uma experiência inovadora que se constitui como uma prática de monitoramento da democracia representativa; 2) a partir dele, pode-se traçar o perfil socioideológico dos candidatos, identificando preferências políticas e propostas. Como metodologia, utiliza-se estatística descritiva aplicada à base de dados construída a partir das informações disponibilizadas no site do Candibook, baseando-se no universo dos respondentes aos questionários aplicados pelo jornal. Dentre os resultados, vê-se que 1) o Candibook é uma importante contribuição do jornalismo para a qualidade da democracia e dos processos eleitorais; 2) os espectros (direita, centro, esquerda) não se diferenciam pelas temáticas mais defendidas por candidatos e candidatas. Resumen Este artículo presenta un análisis del Candibook como herramienta de monitorización de la democracia en tiempos de elecciones e identificar, a partir de los datos disponibles en esta plataforma, el perfil de los candidatos a diputado estatal y federal, en Paraná (Brasil), en 2014. Parte de los siguientes supuestos: 1) el programa es una experiencia innovadora, una práctica de vigilancia de la democracia representativa; 2) en él se puede seguir el perfil socio-ideológico de los candidatos, y se identifican preferencias políticas y propuestas. La metodología utilizada es la estadística descriptiva, basado en el universo de los encuestados a los cuestionarios aplicados. Entre los resultados, vemos que, 1) el Candibook es una contribución importante del periodismo para la calidad de la democracia y los procesos electorales; 2) Los espectros (derecha, centro, izquierda) no difieren en los temas más defendidos. Abstract This paper aims to analyze the Candibook as a monitoring tool for democracy during elections, as well as to identify from the data available the profile of candidates running to national (federal) and local deputy positions for Paraná (Brazil), in 2014. The hypotheses are: 1) the program is an innovative experience which constitutes a democracy monitoring practice; 2) from its information one might identify the social and ideological profile of the candidates, by observing political preferences and propositions. The methodology consists of descriptive statistics of the information available on the Candibook website, which is based on the candidates who answered the surveys. Among the results one might find that 1) the Candibook is an important journalistic contribution to improve democratic quality and electoral processes; 2) right wing, left wing and centrist candidates do not present differences among them related to the themes they support.