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International military relations are complexly determined by the strategic and political framework of cooperation, and by the dynamics of diplomatic relations within the volatile geostrategic and geopolitical context, with relevance and impact at the regional, European, and trans-Atlantic levels. In this context, the present paperwork aims to disseminate the most efficient methods and tools through which the military higher education institutions can contribute to the enrichment of international military cooperation policies, directly by stimulating the academic process of internationalization, which is extremely beneficial for promoting higher standards in the harmonized training of military personnel, in line with the updated technical, technological, and operational requirements at the European and international levels. For this purpose, the authors have considered the present importance of the Internationalization process of the Higher Education System, aiming to offer a strategic instrument for conceiving an operational framework in designing the qualitative and quantitative expressions of international actions, as part of the institutional strategic plan and medium and long run perspectives. The article represents in fact, the first step toward a wider research, where the authors are aiming to identify the way in which the internationalization process can bring a competitive advantage on the academic services sector. The examples are brought from the Military Higher Education System, where the academic, training and research services are connected to a higher level of international affairs and diplomacy, the present paperwork configuring the prior analysis of how the internationalization strategy could became a strong vector for international cooperation process.

Although military attaches have served as ―soldier diplomats for centuries, very few publications exist that discuss the roles they have played in shaping or promoting intrenal and foreign policy or the impacts they have had in the development of diplomatic relations. Military attachés can best be described as military officers assigned to embassies around the world as representatives of their national Defense Ministries. Also, in the study of international relations and those of diplomatic law, the position of the military attaché has been the object of relatively little attention, studies on his position in domestic and international law, being practically non-existent. Meanwhile, the increase in military cooperation around the world and the development of military diplomacy have led to a multifold increase in the number of military, naval and air attachés deployed in diplomatic missions around the world, which has led to situations where legal uncertainty may arise regarding to the general status of a military attaché as a diplomatic agent or to the understanding of his diplomatic immunity.

The research aims to determine the role of military diplomacy in providing information security as a key factor in building peace through the identification of key measures to counter information threats in the digital environment. The research employed the following methods: content analysis, rating analysis, and survey results processing. As a result of the conducted research, the place of digital diplomacy was determined concerning military diplomacy as a special form of its implementation to provide information security. The security of cyber-physical systems has been proven to be one of the most important approaches to data protection in military diplomacy because, among other things, the security of critical infrastructures depends on it. The research findings can be used by diplomatic service officers to increase the effectiveness of military diplomacy in the digital environment by implementing the proposed measures and directions in their activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The significance of the topic under study is due to substantial advancements in Sino-Russian military cooperation amid the 2014 Ukrainian crisis and Russia’s deteriorating relations with the West. After the USSR collapse, Sino-Russian military relations and cooperation have significantly expanded through further development of form and content. Sino-Russian military diplomacy is playing an important part in comprehensive strategic partnership and coordination in the international arena. Since the onset of crisis in Ukraine in 2014, a confrontation have escalated between Russia and many Western countries, which indirectly prompted Russia’s pivot to Asia. In this context, military cooperation between China and Russia is getting increasingly closer. The purpose of this study is to clarify the state and prospects of Sino-Russian relations in the sphere of military diplomacy in the period between 2014 to 2022, as reflected on the pages the People`s Daily newspaper. A general analysis of the articles made it possible to identify major areas of cooperation and principal features of interaction in this sphere.

Copyright of Estado & Comunes, revista de politicas y problemas publicos is the property of Instituto de Altos Estudios Nacionales (IAEN) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to analyze the role of the Italian Armed Forces in implementing the country’s foreign policy priorities in the Greater Mediterranean. Traditionally, Russian and Italian studies have focused on Italy’s diplomacy and «soft power», although in recent years the country’s leadership has paid increasing attention to the involvement of armed forces abroad as part of various missions. The scientific relevance of this article is determined by the need for scientific understanding of this trend. The purpose of this article is to define the normative framework for these missions, typologize them, analyze them on certain examples, and determine their outcomes. The author notes that among foreign missions, the participation in multilateral peacekeeping operations and military interventions prevails. Italy strives to play a high role in them, but is almost never the main sponsor. Bilateral «military diplomacy» programs tend to be limited. As a result, Italy fails to transform military involvement into political influence and to become in reality a «protagonist» in the Greater Mediterranean. The results of the study conclude that Italy has sufficient capacity to pursue national interests and strengthen its influence in the key points of the Mediterranean basin, while larger bids for leadership will not be realized.

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of military diplomacy as an instrument of China’s foreign policy aimed at achieving the goal of the “great revival of the Chinese nation.” A special role is given to the process of conceptualization of military diplomacy in the foreign policy discourse of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), which allowed the authors to identify the tasks and forms of this means of implementing foreign policy. The close connection of military diplomacy with ensuring the fundamental interests of the People’s Republic of China is noted. A special place is given to the region of Southeast Asia, where the PRC has unresolved disputes over maritime rights and national jurisdiction of offshore facilities and mineral deposits with several states. The authors assess the effectiveness of military diplomacy in bilateral relations with the countries of the region. The theoretical foundation of the work is the neorealist approach, which allows us to evaluate military diplomacy as a set of non-forceful measures aimed at achieving national interests. The authors conclude that the country and regional priorities in China’s military-diplomatic cooperation seem to correspond to the priorities of China’s broader foreign policy. The PRC’s intensive use of military diplomacy in the South China Sea demonstrates China’s growing leadership potential on the world stage and world-building ideas in neighboring regions.

The article analyzes the attitude of Yugoslav military analysts to the deployment of the Soviet troops in Afghanistan in 1979–1981. Afghanistan was not among diplomatic, or military priorities for Yugoslavia. After the coup in Afghanistan on April 27, 1978, relations between the two countries, previously rather formal, deteriorated, as Kabul started to move away from the non-alignment movement taking a pro-Soviet orientation. Yugoslavia saw Afghanistan as a non-aligned country and was extremely concerned about the Soviet interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign state. This political assessment heavily influenced the views of Yugoslav military expert, resulting into some distorted conclusions and numerous overlooked lessons. This testifies to the primacy of everyday political (and even propaganda) needs over military science in Yugoslavia. They believed that Afghanistan would turn into a permanent problem for the USSR. Despite the rich empirical material, Yugoslav analysts did not see any novelty in tactics and the use of new weapons in mountainous areas. They neglected to analyze the tactics of anti-partisan actions in the highlands; their predictions were not original; they ignored the presence of militant fundamentalism as a factor in the conduct of hostilities.

China, as an economic power, pursues major strategic plans such as diversification of exports, the high-tech manufacturing, and developing trade routes around the world. Also, China recently has heavily invested in security and military strength to deal with terrorism, separatist movements, territorial disputes with East Asian neighbors, as well as securing trade routes and international corridors, especially those identified in the massive One Belt-One Road initiative. However, China seeks different kinds of international cooperation through milirary diplomacy to avoid a possible security dilemma. This research investigates the impact of China's military diplomacy on its foreign policy? This article seeks to examine China's military diplomacy and its role in the country's foreign policy. Findings show that military diplomacy will increase the country's ability to pursue national interest, develop its security environment, create a positive image, and expand operational geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In post-Cold War era, defence diplomacy as strategic engagement focuses on a state's military and defence institutions for a peaceful, non-coercive role to build amicable and cooperative relations with former or potential rivals to prevent and resolve conflicts. This research article argues that Pakistan's defence diplomacy towards Russia, a former Cold War adversary, has been geared towards reducing hostility and sources of friction to promote and achieve broader foreign policy objectives of Islamabad. It analyzes strategic engagement between Islamabad and Moscow in four categories of defence diplomatic activities: defence agreements, high level exchanges, joint military exercises and port calls. The article concludes that Pakistan's defence diplomatic efforts (2014-2020) have produced political and strategic-level benefits to prevent conflict and reduce hostility with Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The rise of Xi Jinping has brought together the idea of the ‘China Dream’ as a great revival of China. Since the dream referred to the nationalism spirit of a ‘century of humiliation,’ it has made national security issues as the core of China’s diplomacy. While the national security-related foreign policy has enhanced the military's role in China’s foreign policy-making, it brings consequences for China’s tougher stance in protecting China’s national security. However, Xi Jinping’s notion of using military diplomacy has started uneasy relationships between China and some ASEAN countries resulting in ‘ongoing negotiation without progress’ for the South China Sea dispute. The research examines the impacts of the military’s growing role in China’s foreign policy under Xi Jinping to its military diplomacy in ASEAN. The results show that Xi Jinping’s leadership and vision of the China Dream, which uses military diplomacy as a key tool for advancing its whole diplomatic goals, has been seen as a sign of growing assertiveness.

The Beijing Xiangshan Forum (BXF), earlier known as “Xiangshan Forum” is emerging as an important element in China’s diplomatic toolbox. At a time when Asian states, to varying degrees, are receptive to various Chinese initiatives, and Beijing considers itself better resourced to implement its own regional initiatives, the forum is expected to play a larger role in regional military diplomacy and security dialogue. The evolution of the Xiangshan Forum has been a measure of China’s changing self-perception and expanding strategic role in the shifting regional security landscape. As a newly created security forum, the forum can and should coexist with existing regional institutions and complement other stakeholders’ efforts to build an inclusive, robust, and resilient security architecture in the Asia-Pacific.

For a long time, the only solution to ending disputes between countries was war on the battlefield and military option. In the midst of these wars, the most important military strategies were born and often used in other battles. But over time, states have found that warfare is a very costly activity, with massive casualties and financial losses. Therefore, conversation and peaceful solutions in form of Diplomacy was seriously placed in state's agenda. However, none of these ways (Strategy and Diplomacy) could alone bring lasting peace to the world. Therefore, the necessity of the emergence and importance of Military Diplomacy was more determined. The present paper seeks to examine the implications of military diplomacy as a new approach in explaining the strategic issues and to deal the role of this approach in foreign policy of the countries". The main hypothesis is that "military diplomacy is a new way for providing the military power to achieve peaceful purposes, avoid the military violence and increase deterrence," which has become a tool for achieving foreign policy goals, especially for the great powers. The studies have shown that "the adoption of such an approach will increase the ability of countries to pursue foreign policy goals and, consequently, increase their power and their role in international developments.

Defense diplomacy seeks to build partnerships through the use of defense-related programs. The Government of Indonesia develops practical cooperation among regional and extra-regional defense establishments on areas of mutual concern in education and research. Indonesia assigns Indonesia Defense University (IDU) to provide professional graduate education in defense studies with strong practical and area emphasis, conduct relevant research in defense strategy and management, national security and defense technology. Heads of Defense Universities/Colleges/Institutions Meeting (HDUCIM) serves the exchange of information concerning curriculum, defense concepts, and state defense development; it is also possible to conduct cooperation on research. In promoting regional security, defense diplomacy through education and research could play an important role in posing the stability of interstate relations by illustrating the relations between Indonesia-Cambodia and Indonesia-Philippines.

After changes in Czechoslovak political regime in autumn 1989 it could be expected that the new foreign and security policy would reflect in the sphere of military diplomacy. In the Czech Republic, it has traditionally come under the competence of the Military Intelligence as a strategic intelligence agency. Its territorial configuration necessarily reflects the information interest of the intelligence agency in selected territories and in existing and predicted threats. The paper researches whether priorities in the territorial arrangement of Czech military diplomacy have been able to reflect the change in the security situation in the past thirty years. The research shows that no fundamental changes were actually made in 1992-2005 and even the Czech Republic's accession to the EU and NATO did not lead to immediate territorial transformation of Czech military diplomacy. The period from 2005 until present is characterized by the fact that information interests are the decisive motive for changes in the territorial configuration of Czech military diplomatic offices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association / Anali Hrvatskog Politoloskog Drustva is the property of Croatian Political Science Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Few years following its creation, the United Nations (UN) with the blessing of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) decided to establish the UN Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO), as a multilateral mechanism geared at fulfilling the Chapter VII of the UN Charter which empowered the Security Council to enforce measurement to maintain or restore international peace and security. Since its creation, the multilateral mechanism has recorded several successes and failures to its credit. While it is essentially not like traditional diplomacy, peacekeeping operations have evolved over the years and have emerged as a new form of diplomacy. Besides, theoretically underscoring the differences between diplomacy and foreign policy, which often appear as conflated, the paper demonstrates how diplomacy is an expression of foreign policy. Meanwhile, putting in context the change and transformation in global politics, particularly global conflict, the paper argues that traditional diplomacy has ceased to be the preoccupation and exclusive business of the foreign ministry and career diplomats, it now involves foot soldiers who are not necessarily diplomats but act as diplomats in terms of peacekeeping, negotiating between warring parties, carrying their countries’ emblems and representing the latter in resolving global conflict, and increasingly becoming the representation of their countries’ foreign policy objective, hence peacekeeping military diplomacy. The paper uses decades of Pakistan’s peacekeeping missions as a reference point to establish how a nation’s peacekeeping efforts represent and qualifies as military diplomacy. It also presented the lessons and good practices Pakistan can sell to the rest of the world vis-à-vis peacekeeping and lastly how well Pakistan can consolidate its peacekeeping diplomacy.

“Defence diplomacy” is a relatively new term, created in response to post-Cold War needs to name new tasks and international functions completed by the armed forces and the leadership of the Ministries of National Defence. However, it should not be understood as a kind of traditional “military plus diplomacy”. The lack of a universally recognised definition of “defence diplomacy” means that states try to adapt its content to the needs of their own security policy. In Poland, the term “defence diplomacy” appears in journalism, but there is no precise reference to it in the documents concerning foreign and security policy. The main goal of defence diplomacy is the co-formation and implementation of the state security policy, and its task - to create stable, long-term international relations in the field of defence. Conceptualisation of the concept is a starting point for understanding its role as one of the most important instruments of foreign policy and the security of contemporary states.

Defence diplomacy represents a notable paradox. On the one hand, it is a cooperative activity to build strategic and moralistic trust between states and thus positively shape the environment in which foreign policy is made. On the other hand, defence diplomacy also involves competition and demonstrations of military power, which may contravene its goal of building moralistic trust and undermine confidence between states. This article deals with the latter competitive realpolitik elements of defence diplomacy in terms of secrecy, swaggering, and shows of force that have largely been ignored in the literature. Building on a theoretical discussion of whether defence diplomacy works, the case of peacekeeping in Southeast Asia is analysed to illustrate how defence diplomatic activities produce effects contrary to their stated aims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the US Navy's roles (which have historically been bifurcated between warfighting and political use of force) manifest in its organisational culture as two different concepts of war: the US Navy as diplomatic actor and the US Navy as warfighting force. The conflict between these different concepts of war can be seen in the current debate about the definition and function of presence. The debate about presence is not just theoretical, but represents a deep and enduring conflict within the Navy as an organisation about its concept of war. Since the end of WWII, the Navy has been designing its fleet architecture according to a Mahanian concept of war, despite the preponderance of non-lethal missions and activities. The result is a mismatch between platforms and tasks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Contemporary History / Časopis za Suvremenu Povijest is the property of Croatia Institute for History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is devoted to the study of problematic issues of the change of modern international relations system. It was found that such changes have affected the very essence of international relations: actors (the emergence of non-governmental actors, the importance of which is increasing), methods (the scope of military diplomacy has been expanded), objects (the nature of armed confl icts, both international and non-international, has been changed; the concept of international crime is determined by the danger posed to the international community). The author sets time frameworks of the changes, studies the characteristics of international system and its elements. The study focuses on the phenomenon of military diplomacy and criteria of its effectiveness. These criteria for the effectiveness of military diplomacy are applied to the Russia’s actions in Syria as part of its fi ght against international terrorism. The key documents of cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Syrian Arab Republic are analyzed. The research is focused on Russian measures in its war against terror in Syria. The author posits that Russia’s actions in Syria represent a model which refl ects the role of non-governmental actors in world politics, the methods used in international affairs and the specifi cs of international crimes.

The study deals with the justification for the incorporation of the management of the arms trade and trade in military material into military diplomacy. This is defined as a set of diplomatic activities executed by the representatives of a defence department, primarily focused on implementing the military and security interests of the state. The analysis results in the statement that arms trade management is applicable to the scope of military diplomacy, especially as military and security interests are typically pursued by the state in this type of diplomatic activity. The study also uncovers the relevance of the engagement of military diplomats as a special category of diplomatic representatives of the state in the field of the management of the arms trade and trade in military material.

Copyright of Historisk Tidskrift is the property of Svenska Historiska Foereningen and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The defense attachés are a specific category of diplomats which are entrusted with the performance of specialized diplomatic functions within the framework of military diplomacy. The aim of this study is to analytically outline the current position of defense attachés in the contemporary diplomatic system and their specifics, particularly in terms of the process of their accreditation and organization within the diplomatic corps. It is observed, there are three basic categories of defense attachés: military attachés, dealing mainly with army agenda, naval attachés, specializing in navy issues and air attachés, focusing on air force affairs. Besides, defense attachés can be divided into resident, having their permament seat in the receiving state, and non-resident, having their office outside the territory of the receiving state. In this connection, the accreditation of non-resident defense attachés residing in their own sending state, can be observed in recent years as a new practice implemented by some states In terms of organization in the receiving state, an important feature of defense attachés is that they are not only members of the „regular“ diplomatic corps, but they used to be simultanously associated within a so called military diplomatic corps that is a separate entity, having its own specific organization and rules. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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From ancient times, war was called "the creator of all things". And winners created the postwar world order. The article reveals the backstage, the diplomatic history of the Great Patriotic War, which make the picture of the main events of the war, that culminated in victory May 1945 in the capital of the defeated Third Reich, complete. The decisive role of the Soviet Union and its armed forces in the defeat of Nazi Germany and its allies was the strong foundation on which to build the strategy and tactics of Soviet diplomacy during the war. It was implemented in the course of negotiations with the Western Allies - the United States and Britain, led by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill. World history teaches, large and small wars have been fought on Earth for centuries for specific political interests. In this context, the Second World War has been a shining example not only to curb the aggressor states, the liberation of peoples from the Nazi tyranny, but also an attempt by the victor to organize a new, better postwar world order to guarantee a durable and lasting peace based on the cooperation of the allied states. But the allies in the war did not become allies in the organization of the postwar world. Their collaboration briefly survived the end of hostilities and was overshadowed start turning to the Cold War. It was largely due to the US desire to realize their material advantages to the detriment of the Soviet Union after the war and build a system that would be a one-sided expression of the interests of Washington. Americans, especially after the death of President Roosevelt, and during his successor Truman understood international cooperation as an assertion of its global leadership while ignoring the interests of the Soviet Union, which bore the brunt of the war.

From ancient times, war was called "the creator of all things". And winners created the postwar world order. The article reveals the backstage, the diplomatic history of the Great Patriotic War, which make the picture of the main events of the war, that culminated in victory May 1945 in the capital of the defeated Third Reich, complete. The decisive role of the Soviet Union and its armed forces in the defeat of Nazi Germany and its allies was the strong foundation on which to build the strategy and tactics of Soviet diplomacy during the war. It was implemented in the course of negotiations with the Western Allies - the United States and Britain, led by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill. World history teaches, large and small wars have been fought on Earth for centuries for specific political interests. In this context, the Second World War has been a shining example not only to curb the aggressor states, the liberation of peoples from the Nazi tyranny, but also an attempt by the victor to organize a new, better postwar world order to guarantee a durable and lasting peace based on the cooperation of the allied states. But the allies in the war did not become allies in the organization of the postwar world. Their collaboration briefly survived the end of hostilities and was overshadowed start turning to the Cold War. It was largely due to the US desire to realize their material advantages to the detriment of the Soviet Union after the war and build a system that would be a one-sided expression of the interests of Washington. Americans, especially after the death of President Roosevelt, and during his successor Truman understood international cooperation as an assertion of its global leadership while ignoring the interests of the Soviet Union, which bore the brunt of the war.

This article argues that to be able to effectively transfer political guidance into tasks and effective missions on terrain, midlevel and junior officers along with noncommissioned officers, among others, during post-conflict operations must demonstrate diplomatic skills, as an essential tool for successful mission accomplishment. These skills should be considered not just in immediate pre-deployment training and preparations, but in the development of troupe leading procedures and eventually in the overall military education.

Copyright of Bulletin of the 'Carol I' National Defence University / Buletinul Universitatii Nationale de Aparare 'Carol I' is the property of Carol I National Defence University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the Chadian government’s overwhelming preoccupation with state security, rather than individual security, as evidenced by its huge expenditure on arms rather than on poverty-alleviating development projects following the unprecedented influx of petrodollars in the years since production began in 2003. This overemphasis on state security demonstrates a mismatch between the availability of natural resource wealth and ongoing low levels of socioeconomic development in Chad. The country has instead used its enormous oil wealth to boost its standing in the turbulent Central African and Sahelian regions where terrorism is rife. The country’s international diplomacy, which consists of deploying its well-equipped military in international peacekeeping missions and in the fight against terrorism, is a strategy of achieving international recognition while simultaneously diverting the international community’s attention from the country’s democracy deficit and poor human rights record. Internally, authoritarianism and political instability are accompanied by conflict, poverty and underdevelopment, which in turn perpetuate the challenges facing the country. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The emergence of India–Brazil–South Africa (IBSA) as a key catalysing agent in the security affairs of the Global South is a development of deep political and strategic significance. Since 2008, the IBSA maritime exercises between India, Brazil and South Africa have played a critical security role in the South Atlantic–Southern Indian Ocean theatre, providing a foundation for a broader, more comprehensive regional initiative. The Southern oceanic littorals, however, do need not just need protection against non-traditional threats, but also a workable model of ocean governance that can revive ‘maritime development’ by kick-starting the regional marine economy and reinvigorating the civilian maritime sector. Doing so will require robust contribution from India, whose maritime agencies are well-placed to play an important security and capacity building role. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]