Search

Ceuta and Melilla are considered exemplary models of the border spectacle. The fences of these cities typify the notion of 'Fortress Europe' and impel the emotional engagement of the inhabitants with migration control policies. This article focuses on the experiences of local activists who have resisted migration containment policies. Through a close examination of the emotional geographies of activism in border areas, and the effect of migration policies on the everyday, this article aims to uncover the civic emotions underlying the lived realities of activists. Furthermore, by addressing the methodological challenges of investigating social emotions, this study integrates visual elicitation methods into ethnographic research. The evocative power of cinema allows films to act as visual stimuli that convey the intimate narratives of activists, which encompass compassion, outrage, or fatigue in the context of pro-migrant mobilization. By drawing on the mundane experiences of borders, this article delves into the intersection of emotions, activism, and borders to elucidate experiences against migration control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article details research into an archival fonds at the Art Gallery of Ontario (ago) chronicling protests that took place at the institution in the 1970s. The archive, assembled by the institution's registrar, was either lost or stolen in the late 1970s and then re-collected. The re-assembled archive captures two major actions in 1972 and 1974 that coalesced around artist-activist fear of the cultural imperialism of the United States and anger at the ago's unwillingness to support local artists. The narrative of cultural nationalism that underlies the two actions is challenged by four decontextualized photographs of an anti-racist picket at the gallery in 1974, found in the same archive but for which no further information was discovered. The article introduces the term "settling activism" to describe a phenomenon wherein radical actions that appear to challenge the status quo might ultimately contribute to its continuance. Using the four photographs to unsettle both the original protests and the author's own positionality as a beneficiary of past activism, the article illuminates the complex interplay between activism, institutional response, and historical memory and suggests that anti-racist action and intervention have a much longer history in the world of Canadian museums than has been remembered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

FR. Cet article s’intéresse au vécu dans les rédactions de journalistes qui appartiennent à des groupes minorisés. Soixante-et-un entretiens ont été réalisés auprès de journalistes LGBTQI et de journaliste racisé·es et témoignent des difficultés et atteintes sociales qu’ils et elles rencontrent au quotidien. Il apparaît en particulier qu’ils et elles se heurtent fréquemment à des assignations à l'engagement militant et à une présomption de partialité. Leurs collègues et leur encadrement remettent ainsi régulièrement en question leur objectivité et leur capacité à couvrir des sujets de manière neutre. L’enquête s’attache à expliciter la nature de ces assignations à l’engagement -qui se mêlent bien souvent à des discours professionnels- ainsi que leurs effets sur les journalistes qui en sont victimes. Face à ces assignations, souvent vécues par les journalistes comme des formes de violence, trois grandes stratégies de résistance ont été identifiées. Une première stratégie voit certains journalistes tenter convertir ces assignations à l’engagement en une preuve d’expertise sur certaines thématiques, en acceptant et en transformant les assignations pour en tirer profit. Une seconde stratégie cherche à renverser l’accusation de partialité en mobilisant des discours professionnels autour d’une maîtrise approfondie de la déontologie, qui devient alors un argument de défense. Enfin, une troisième stratégie consiste à questionner les fondements épistémologiques du journalisme pour invalider les reproches formulés, grâce à un discours critique sur les normes journalistiques et la défense de pratiques professionnelles plus inclusives. Cette étude met ainsi lumière toute l’ambiguïté des discours de valorisation de la « diversité » dans le journalisme tenus depuis le milieu des années 2000, qui ont réduit le problème à un manque de représentativité et de présence de journalistes concerné.es dans les rédactions, sans questionner les dynamiques de pouvoir toujours très fortes au sein de la profession. *** EN. This article examines the newsroom experience of journalists who belong to minority groups. Sixty-one interviews were carried out with LGBTQI and racialized journalists, revealing the difficulties and social offences they encounter on a daily basis, and more specifically, the frequent challenge of both being assigned to playing the part of activists, and facing the presumption of being biased. Their colleagues and managers regularly question their objectivity and their ability to cover issues in a neutral manner. This study sets out to explain the nature of these activist assignments - which are often mixed with professional discourse - and their effects on the journalists who are subjected to them. To counter such imputations, often experienced by journalists as forms of violence, three main strategies of resistance have been identified. The first strategy developed by journalists consists in attempting to convert these imputations to activism into a demonstration of their expertise on certain topics, hence accepting and transforming the imputation to their own benefit. A second strategy aims to reverse the accusation of bias by mobilizing a professional discourse on the thorough mastery of deontology, upheld as a defense argument. Finally, a third strategy involves questioning the epistemological foundations of journalism to invalidate the reproaches formulated through a critical discourse on journalistic norms and the promotion of more inclusive professional practices. This study hence highlights the strong ambiguity of the promotion of “diversity” rhetoric which emerged in the field of journalism since the mid-2000’s: confining the problem to a lack of representativeness and presence of minority journalists in the newsrooms, the power dynamics still at play within the profession have been left unquestioned. *** PT. Este artigo discute as experiências de jornalistas de grupos minoritários dentro das redações. Foram realizadas 61 entrevistas com jornalistas LGBTQI e racializados/as, evidenciando as dificuldades e agressões sociais enfrentadas diariamente por essas pessoas. Observa-se, especialmente, que muitas vezes são cobradas a exercer seu engajamento militante e são suspeitas de falta de isenção. Seus colegas e superiores questionam regularmente sua objetividade e capacidade de cobrir determinadas pautas de forma neutra. O estudo busca analisar a natureza dessa cobrança de engajamento – que muitas vezes vem misturada com discursos profissionais – e seus efeitos sobre os/as jornalistas atingidos/as. Em face dessas cobranças, geralmente experimentadas pelos jornalistas como uma forma de violência, foram identificadas três grandes estratégias de resistência. A primeira estratégia consiste na tentativa de converter essas imputações ao ativismo numa demonstração de sua especialização em determinados assuntos, aceitando e transformando a imputação em seu próprio benefício. Uma segunda estratégia busca reverter a acusação de parcialidade, utilizando-se do discurso profissional sobre o domínio aprofundado da ética jornalística, que passa a ser um argumento de defesa. Finalmente, uma terceira estratégia é questionar os fundamentos epistemológicos do jornalismo de modo a invalidar as críticas apresentadas, por meio de um discurso crítico em relação aos padrões jornalísticos e da defesa de práticas profissionais mais inclusivas. O estudo demonstra a ambiguidade do discurso de valorização da “diversidade” no jornalismo, adotado a partir de meados dos anos 2000, que vem reduzindo essa questão à falta de representatividade e da presença de jornalistas de grupos minoritários nas redações, sem questionar as dinâmicas de poder que ainda prevalecem na profissão. *** ES. Este artículo analiza las experiencias de periodistas pertenecientes a grupos minoritarios en las redacciones. Se realizaron sesenta y una entrevistas a periodistas LGBTQI y racializadas/os, que describen las dificultades y los prejuicios sociales que encuentran a diario. En particular se evidencia que se enfrentan con frecuencia a llamamientos al compromiso militante y a presunciones de parcialidad. Sus colegas y dirigencia cuestionan regularmente su objetividad y su capacidad para cubrir los temas de forma neutral. El estudio se propone explicar la naturaleza de estos llamamientos al compromiso ―que muy a menudo se mezclan con el discurso profesional― y sus efectos en las/os periodistas que las sufren. Ante estos llamamientos, que a menudo son vividos por las/os periodistas como formas de violencia, se han identificado tres estrategias principales de resistencia. En la primera estrategia, algunas/os periodistas intentan convertir estos llamamientos al compromiso en evidencias de su pericia sobre determinados temas, aceptando y transformándolos para sacarles provecho. Una segunda estrategia pretende revertir la acusación de parcialidad, movilizando el discurso profesional en torno a un dominio profundo de la ética, que se convierte entonces en argumento de defensa. Por último, una tercera estrategia consiste en cuestionar los fundamentos epistemológicos del periodismo para invalidar las críticas formuladas, mediante un discurso crítico sobre las normas periodísticas y la defensa de prácticas profesionales más integradoras. Este estudio pone de relieve la ambigüedad de los discursos de valoración de la “diversidad” en el periodismo empleados desde mediados de la primera década del siglo XXI, que han reducido el problema a una falta de representatividad y de presencia de las/os periodistas afectadas/os en las redacciones, sin cuestionar las dinámicas de poder que siguen preponderando en el seno de la profesión. ***

Copyright of Atlantis: Critical Studies in Gender, Culture & Social Justice / Études Critiques sur le Genre, la Culture, et la Justice is the property of Mount Saint Vincent University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Atlantis: Critical Studies in Gender, Culture & Social Justice / Études Critiques sur le Genre, la Culture, et la Justice is the property of Mount Saint Vincent University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Atlantis: Critical Studies in Gender, Culture & Social Justice / Études Critiques sur le Genre, la Culture, et la Justice is the property of Mount Saint Vincent University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Precarious economic conditions, low pay, layoffs, and dwindling job security motivated journalists to organize in record numbers in the 2010s and 2020s. Cohen and De Peuter's 2020 research on newsworkers' motives and organizing strategies in digital newsrooms finds that economic, political, and cultural factors play a role. Pay equity, a more diverse and inclusive newsroom, and a voice in editorial and strategic decision-making are often cited as arguments for union membership. This monograph asks how newsworkers assess the effect of unionization and guild membership on their work, working conditions, and culture. Interviews with 45 journalists in 16 U.S. newsrooms with unions, both established and recently organized, suggest that several goals, such as pay equity, diversity, and inclusion, have not been achieved. Nevertheless, the act of organizing and the managerial work accomplished by union leadership in the newsroom is creating both institutional change and opportunity. A parallel organizational culture is emerging that mitigates poor leadership and human resource management and serves as training ground for a new class of journalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sur le Journalisme, About Journalism, Sobre Jornalismo is the property of Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lengas is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this text, pianist Daniel Áñez outlines his activities as a programmer and project manager. He focuses on his artistic mission to promote contemporary Latin American music. He also describes his contrasting perceptions of the paradigms and motivations of musicians in Bogotá and Montreal. On a more personal note, this article discusses his experiences and "status changes" in relation to his transition from student to international student, and then to self-employed musician. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes up the idea of collective organizing as a way to create learning and teaching spaces as liberatory. It engages the radical abolitionist work of Ruth Wilson Gilmore that insists we organize collectively as scholars and teachers in the university, to imagine that which engenders freedom. This paper also engages the writings of Black Studies Scholar Rinaldo Walcott and Indigenous Scholar Sandy Grande to reveal how the university with its compensatory individualism and politics of recognition work to maintain anti-blackness and white settler colonial practices. It ends with some examples of refusal and abolitionist practices aimed at creating and imagining spaces of learning and living. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are several banners with messages created by the University of Toronto (UofT) placed alongside the major roads of its three campuses. In 2022, these messages included "Moving Toward Equity," "Putting a Feminist Lens on Economic Recovery," and "Obstacles are Motivations to Push Forward." I remember seeing these banners and asking myself, "What happens when the university becomes the obstacle?" In this article, the author wants readers to think seriously about the university as an obstacle and what that means when thinking about another university now. One of these banners, Obstacles are Motivations to Push Forward, represents the university as a teleological space for forward movement. Like all other banners it is accompanied by the slogan Defy Gravity, part of the university's fundraising campaign, that cites "the climate crisis," "economic and social inequalities," "systemic racism," "injustices against Indigenous peoples," and the COVID-19 pandemic, as reasons to "rise and move forward together." But what does it mean to move forward when the structures you are pushing against are built on neoliberal logics, corporatized institutional structures, and settler-colonial violence? If the university is a problem space that we inhabit, how can we ask a different set of questions with which to imagine another university? If the colonial-capitalist roots of the Canadian university foreclose other futures, is change even possible? Can the university be a locus for change if it is simultaneously an obstacle to change? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jennifer Nadeau describes what it was like growing up as Mary-Jo Nadeau's sister, and seeing glimmers of her activism from a very young age: MJ's empathy, kindness, generosity, fearlessness, fierceness.....and love. Mary-Jo's activism revolved around anti-racist feminism, Palestinian solidarity and unionism, within and outside of the university context. MJ was a force to be reckoned with, challenging and antagonizing existing racist, colonialist, dehumanizing and oppressive systems. MJ lived her life with the intention to envision and create a better world than our current one, and to act collectively within her activist community(ies) to make that vision a reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a short introduction to this journal section on the work and life of Mary-Jo Nadeau. In this introduction, I ask what is our responsibility to the absent-presence of this remembrance and representation of Mary-Jo while we grapple with our grief and melancholic attachments. Ultimately, it is Mary-Jo's exemplary integration of scholarship and activism that inspires the writings in this section. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By turns intimate, scholarly, and political, this reflection of a working-class historian (by birth as well as choice) and feminist scholar of women, gender, and migration highlights the life experiences, intellectual awakenings, and contemporary historical developments that have informed her evolving scholarship. While acknowledging individual achievement, the emphasis is on how collaboration with a life partner/historian, colleagues, students, and activists, as well as "collective solidarities," have significantly shaped and enriched her career. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the après‐mai 1968 through the end of the 1970s, successive groups of French radicals legitimized revolutionary violence and developed a militant protest culture that challenged the state's monopoly on violence. Most scholars have presented political violence in 1970s France as bound to the trajectories of organized Maoist and Trotskyist groups and as the product of revolutionary ideology that was overcome by experience. This article traces how a cohort of radicals continued to articulate discourses of self‐defense, counterviolence, and violence as revolution of the self well into the 1970s. Activists did so because their experiences of conflict confirmed the salience of violent struggle. The article contributes to the historical study of violent phenomena by tracing an approach that integrates the analysis of understandings of violence and experiences of conflictual politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Archives de Sciences Sociales des Religions is the property of Editions EHESS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Transposant quelques caractéristiques du chien sauvage ou animal de compagnie à l’opérateur politique noir africain qui privilégie toujours et d’abord ses intérêts, l’auteur démontre que ce dernier est à considérer comme un « politichien ». Dans ce contexte, la population est dans les oubliettes, les pays d’Afrique noire sombrent et se sous-développent, alors que leurs dirigeants se surdéveloppent et soutiennent même des élections, de certains Chefs d’Etats des pays occidentaux. Ainsi, il est impérieux de repenser les origines du politicien africain, en rendant les partis politiques comme des « germoirs » responsables pour former et préparer des vrais hommes d’Etat, des gouvernants pour l’intérêt collectif.

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cet article se focalise sur le modèle d’action sociale partisane expérimenté à Naples au sein de la Maison du peuple, située dans l’ancien hôpital psychiatrique judiciaire de la ville. Ce complexe de 9000 m2 abandonné depuis plusieurs années fut occupé par un collectif de militant·e·s communistes en 2015 dans le but de donner vie à des pratiques sociales, politiques et culturelles à travers le principe d’autogestion. En 2017, le collectif décida de fonder l’organisation politique de gauche radicale Potere al popolo! (Pouvoir au peuple!). La structure fut alors convertie en Maison du peuple, au sein de laquelle les militant·e·s expérimentent désormais un modèle d’action sociale hybride. Afin d’analyser ce modèle, nous proposons le concept d’« action sociale partisane », définie comme une forme d’action collective impliquant la production de pratiques sociales par une organisation politique. Sur le plan empirique, nous présentons l’histoire de ce projet collaboratif et nous faisons état des pratiques organisées par les participant·e·s au sein de cet espace. Aussi, nous analysons les logiques d’action sur lesquelles se fonde le modèle étudié ainsi que leur évolution depuis la fondation de l’organisation politique Potere al popolo!. Enfin, en nous appuyant sur la théorie actionnaliste développée par Alain Touraine, nous interrogeons les effets de l’action sociale partisane au sein de la Maison du peuple de Naples, en ce qui concerne la redéfinition de leur identité culturelle par les acteurs·rice·s impliqué·e·s. En conclusion, nous discutons le rapport entre citoyenneté culturelle et processus de subjectivation.

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Film Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of ESSACHESS is the property of ESSACHESS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of ESSACHESS is the property of ESSACHESS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Présence Francophone is the property of College of Holy Cross, Department of Modern Languages & Literatures and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nouvelles Perspectives en Sciences Sociales is the property of Editions Prise de parole and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents the approach and the stakes involved in the activist project « Our places, our parties, our fights: our history matters ». Dedicated to the collection and transmission of archives regarding the history of feminist and lesbian movements in Geneva, this project aims to provide a space for collective learning. The contribution creates a visual journey and a soundscape to introduce the reader to some pivotal moments of this little-known history: the provocative actions of the WLM-Geneva; the famous « bals des chattes sauvages »; the launch of the lesbian magazine Clit 007 (1980-1986); the 1982 «Goudou-Manif»; the radio broadcasts Sappho Revient and Canicule (1980s-1990s); the 8th ILIS conference in Geneva in 1986; the cafes, bars and nightclubs; the creation of the Natalie Barney Women's Center and Lestime.

Cet article fait appel à la sociologie interactionniste pour explorer les biographies et les carrières morales de deux anciennes zhiqing devenues, aux alentours de 2007, deux figures maternelles célèbres dans une blogosphère tongzhi dynamique. Leur rencontre avec de jeunes tongzhi a été à l'origine d'un mouvement de mobilisation de parents d'enfants à la sexualité considérée comme non conforme en Chine. En ancrant le militantisme tongzhi dans l'histoire de la Chine contemporaine et en reconstruisant deux processus parallèles du devenir militant, cet article cherche à mieux comprendre comment l'agentivité politique a vu le jour dans un contexte autoritaire tout en appelant à étudier les pratiques militantes comme des activités historicisées en quête de sens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cahiers de Littérature Orale is the property of INALCO: Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper starts from the premise that family care work is more than an individual struggle – it is a public issue requiring collective engagement towards structural change. But how do carers themselves become engaged in forms of activism designed to achieve such change? In this paper, we present findings from an exploration into how five activist-inclined carers of older adults (all daughters) interpret the meaning of care work. We examine whether and how their narratives manifest an understanding of care as a public issue and responsibility. Cases were theoretically sampled from a larger qualitative dataset; each woman participated in 2–3 interviews over a 2-year period. Findings illuminate the complexities of identity, emotion and broader discourses as these intersect in the daughters' narratives. Echoing the invisibility of carer needs and of the gendered nature of family care work, participants' activist inclinations tended to foreground the needs of older adults; to the extent that they supported structural changes to help families, this was to assist carers in their primary responsibility for parent care. Moreover, none of the women framed their efforts as part of a feminist struggle. Discussion addresses implications for the empowerment and engagement of carers within broader advocacy movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Compte rendu de Béatrice Fleury et Jacques Walter (dir.), "Violences et radicalités militantes dans l’espace public en France, des années 1980 à nos jours", Paris, Riveneuve, 2020.

Arguing that the concept of littérature-monde conceals unequal relations between literary cultures, this article examines the socio-economic contexts of literary translation from and into Breton from the fifteenth to the twenty-first century. The value of translation across the corpus of 1025 texts lies primarily in creating intercultural relationships and promoting cultural diversity. Translation into Breton represents a vital defence of a language with dwindling speaker numbers: in the late 1970s it increases dramatically, with littérature de jeunesse spearheading a change in state policy allowing regional languages to be taught in schools. Yet translation can also reinforce an existing power imbalance, highlighting the central role played by French in the linguistic and literary construction of Breton society. Poetry, songs and contes translated from Breton often perpetuate stereotypes of a bardic, oral culture, while nationalist writers reject self-translation into French as capitulation before the dominant culture. Since the 1980s, many have chosen to bypass French by translating into languages such as Welsh, Scottish, Irish or Catalan, creating a network of minority literatures. Since the market for Breton translation is so small, however, such texts serve as valuable identity markers, a symbolic, affective force articulating a quest for socio-political legitimacy via literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La sociologie du militantisme fait généralement du passage à l’acte la première étape du devenir militant. On gagnerait pourtant à déplacer le regard : comment en vient-on à se sentir politiquement engagé avant même toute institutionnalisation de l’engagement ? Cet article s’appuie sur une observation participante des dispositifs de recrutement de l’organisation trotskyste Lutte ouvrière (LO) et sur une douzaine de récits de vie avec des individus en situation de recrutement, qui ont vocation à être reconduits dans les prochaines années pour mesurer l’évolution du processus d’engagement politique des jeunes recrues. Ces dernières ne peuvent espérer être intégrées comme « révolutionnaires professionnels » avant plusieurs années. Les émotions sont l’instrument de leur transformation subjective et deviennent dès lors une voie essentielle pour pouvoir construire une analyse phénoménologique de l’engagement politique, irréductible à l’adhésion militante.

Mohammed Kouaci (1922-1996) is the best-known photographer of the Algerian war of independence (1954-1962). However, his archives, preserved by his family, remain for the most part unpublished. Very seldom explored and studied, they were never inventoried. The historian who wishes to use these photographs as a source is faced with complex methodology questions. This article, based on the interaction of written, oral and photographic sources, explores a research experience in Algeria centered on a private archive. It traces the singular itinerary of the militant photographer who migrated to Paris in 1946 and who we find in Tunis in 1958 when he becomes head of photography of the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic’s Ministry of Information. The analysis of the photography archive allows to restore his activity in a broader context: Mohammed Kouaci was one of the many artisans, anonymous for the most part, of the information policy led by the National Liberation Front during the war of independence, which offered a counter narrative to the one imposed by France. Photography played a central role in media strategies and the internationalization of the Algerian cause which, in the end, proved to be fruitful.

Alors que l’ONU est souvent vue comme un organisme lointain, un « machin » dépersonnalisé et anonyme, j’ai choisi de rencontrer trois personnalités particulièrement humaines et qui ont comme point commun leur engagement pour faire agir les Nations unies au service du progrès social, des droits de l’homme et de l’aide aux peuples dans le besoin. Un Africain, Carlos Lopes (Guinée-Bissau), et deux Européens, le sociologue suisse Jean Ziegler et le syndicaliste français Bernard Thibault, ont développé dans ces entretiens les motivations de leur engagement aux Nations unies et leur jugement personnel sur l’action de cet organisme, souvent décrié, mais indispensable, car étant la plus démocratique des organisations internationales.

Hegemonic until a short time ago, the idea of a resolution of the environmental crisis by a "small steps" policy and "eco-responsible" behaviors now seems insufficient for many environmentalists. Some of them attest to an ideological and strategic hardening which operates on the background of a critique of the socioeconomic order. Assuming a double movement with, on the one hand, the radicalization of environmentalists and, on the other, the greening of radical activists, this article lays the theoretical and methodological foundations of a research in progress on what one can consider, in the field of social movements, as a "radical environmentalist pole". In so doing, it provides programmatic tracks for the study of commitments which, by taking the Green New Deal seriously, challenge the established order and open up alternative political horizons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Environmental Education is the property of Canadian Journal of Environmental Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the trajectory of the Latin American Women's Group in Paris. Formed in 1972, this group published the bilingual (Portuguese and Spanish) newsletter Nosotras between 1974 and 1976. Based on the texts published in this newsletter and interviews, I have tried to understand how these women theorized their own oppression, how they developed the idea of “we, the women” and of a “Latin American specificity”. Based on the problems they were facing as Latin American women in Europe and the fact that it was impossible to separate their multiple “affiliations”, they sought to thematize the various forms of domination they experienced and to develop strategies of struggle and alliances to confront this reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of ALTER: European Journal of Disability Research, Journal Europeen de Erche sur le Handicap is the property of European Society for Disability Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Recherches Sociographiques is the property of Recherches Sociographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La trace historique laissée jusqu’à aujourd’hui par les organisations sportives communistes nationales peut s’apprécier au travers des militantismes sportifs, éducatifs et politiques premiers promus au cours du temps, en prenant soin d’en discerner les transformations majeures. Une des clefs pour saisir ce cheminement militant réside dans l’appréciation du travail d’impulsion réformatrice successif soutenu par des générations d’acteurs – parfois incarnées par un ou deux leaders charismatiques – qui surent renouveler le projet d’intervention sociale et politique de la Fédération sportive du travail1, mais plus encore de la Fédération sportive et gymnique du travail. Quatre ruptures rythment l’histoire militante de fédérations qui furent toujours en lien avec le communisme français, même si une réelle distance caractérise la relation établie entre la FSGT et le PCF depuis quatre décennies. Sans proposer une histoire totale de ces fédérations affinitaires, au demeurant parfaitement illusoire, le propos vise ici à souligner la capacité d’innovation et de repositionnement sportif, idéologique et politique permanent qui caractérise la vie de ces organisations. Il présente la profonde mutation qui conduit, en un court siècle, d’un militantisme sportif révolutionnaire à la promotion d’un « sport pour tous » mondialisé, marqué de nos jours par le projet d’alter-sport.

Après avoir été lycéen membre de l’UJRF, Paul Fromonteil mène depuis l’âge de 17 ans une vie de militant au sein du Parti communiste français. Il a été aussi militant étudiant et opposant à la guerre en Algérie. Il a débuté dans les responsabilités politiques au sein du Parti communiste comme secrétaire fédéral dans le département de la Vienne, puis comme secrétaire politique de Georges Marchais de 1976 à 1986. Dans ce cadre, il a assuré des missions internationales, notamment en Chine et au Vietnam. Il a été élu municipal à la mairie de Châtellerault, maire adjoint avec Édith Cresson. Enfin, il a été élu au Conseil régional du Poitou-Charentes, vice-président dès 1983, lors de la mise en place des régions, puis réélu et vice-président avec Ségolène Royal jusqu’à sa retraite politique en 2010. En 2013, l'élu et militant communiste a décidé de remettre toutes ses archives personnelles à diverses institutions publiques.