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Norway and Denmark have recently adopted active policies of temporary protection featuring, inter alia, the revocation of residence permits. These policies narrow the space for human rights considerations and beg the question of how immigration decision-makers approach and navigate this new legal terrain. This article characterizes asylum appeals boards as brokers, who balance competing legal and political imperatives in this uncharted terrain. Contrasting the different ways these measures have been rolled out in both countries, the institutional analysis foregrounds the myriad challenges engendered by this new case complex. While the Danish variant is tightly regulated and coupled to (evolving) interpretations of human rights law, the Norwegian instruction-based approach challenges institutional autonomy. Despite different implementing approaches, the comparative analysis reveals broader strategies and positioning that serve to maintain institutional legitimacy in the face of this exceptional policy shift. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The demographic crisis is one of the key challenges facing many countries in the 21st century, and Ukraine is no exception. Low fertility rates, high mortality, mass emigration and a shrinking working-age population pose significant risks to economic and social development. Solving these problems requires a systematic approach, taking into account both internal factors and global trends affecting demographic processes. Global experience demonstrates different strategies for dealing with demographic challenges. Countries such as Japan, Germany and Italy have faced similar problems and tried to address them through various programmes. Analysing these examples can help Ukraine to identify which approaches are effective and which may need to be rethought or adapted to the Ukrainian context. In this paper, we will examine the population programmes of three countries, assess their impact and possibilities for adaptation in Ukraine, and propose solutions based on evidence from postmodern theories and previous research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how migration policy changes affect the housing and location patterns of immigrants in the UK. Using the UK Longitudinal Household Survey, we examine the relationship between the 2004 EU accession as a migration policy change and housing and locational patterns. In addition to confirming the importance of migration policy frameworks, we find that liberalised migration can create a wave of immigrants with a lower propensity for homeownership and may cause the dispersion of new immigrants to locations away from the gateway cities and primary immigrant clusters such as London. The results are robust to several sensitivity tests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, Nordic countries have seen a general move towards stricter migration policy, including in the area of refugee family reunification. While the body of literature on family reunification in these countries is growing, we lack a broad overview of research on policy and practice, as well as the impact of policy on refugee wellbeing. We conducted a scoping review of the academic literature on family reunification policy, practice and impact on refugees in the Nordic countries. The objective of this study was twofold: to collect and review academic literature on family reunification policy in the Nordic countries and on the experiences of and strategies used by refugees to navigate this process. We used a key concept in the theory of salutogenesis, a sense of coherence, to frame the analysis of refugee experiences. The findings of the review indicated that there is an uneven coverage of the Nordic countries in the literature, both in terms of geography and thematic focus. Much research reports on the negative impact on refugee wellbeing, but qualitative approaches allow for more nuanced insights into refugee experiences and responses. The use of a sense of coherence helped identify refugee use of resources and strategies in the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains the variation in states' governance of forced migration? Why are some groups of forced migrants welcomed and others not? We argue that this depends on whether accommodating a particular group of forced migrants is perceived as an asset or risk to broader political developments at play. Drawing on qualitative material from Tunisia between 1950 and 2020, the paper analyses how the Tunisian state has dealt differently with the large-scale arrival of forced migrants from neighbouring countries after its independence in 1956 and throughout its democratic opening since 2011. We show that during the Algerian War of Independence, perceptions of displaced Algerians as international assets outweighed perceptions of domestic economic and political risks. This resulted in Tunisia's supportive-open approach towards the nearly 200,000 Algerians who were welcomed as prima facie refugees and provided humanitarian assistance. In contrast, the estimated 500,000 Libyans who arrived after 2011 have been perceived both as domestic economic and ideological assets and as important political risks – domestically and internationally. This explains Tunisia's largely laissez-faire approach, whereby state authorities initially welcomed Libyans but refrained from providing humanitarian assistance and residence permits. In both cases, Tunisian authorities had to carefully balance national sovereignty and international obligations in their forced migration governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines transit migration through the Darién Gap and the Mexico–Guatemala border, focusing on the commodification of migration, the transformative role of digital platforms, and the socio-economic impacts on local economies. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and in-depth interviews conducted from 2021 to 2023, we explore how migration has evolved into a commodified journey where services and safety are bought and sold, often exploiting migrants' vulnerabilities. We analyze how digital platforms have become essential tools for navigation and community building among migrants, yet also introduce new risks and inequalities. Our findings highlight the dual nature of local economic adaptations, which both capitalize on and are reshaped by the migratory flows, leading to significant economic and social transformations. The paper argues for a reevaluation of migration policies that integrates these elements and supports a migration governance framework that prioritizes human dignity and rights. Through exposing these dynamic and interlinked phenomena, we aim to contribute to a better understanding of migration that goes beyond traditional paradigms of border security and control, advocating for policies that are just, equitable, and respectful of human experiences and challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution introduces the special issue commemorating the 60th anniversary of International Migration Review. We first review the scholarly themes of articles published in the journal during the last 10 years, since the 50th-anniversary issue. We identify seven broad trends and aspects of international population movements, migration, and the migrant experience, including mixed migration, access to asylum, climate migration, South-South models of integration and assistance, studies of legal and liminal status, and attitudes and national political response to immigrants, as key themes represented in the last decade of IMR articles. We then discuss the process of creating the special issue and introduce the scholars and their contributions to the issue around the analytical and conceptual themes of (i) knowledge, expertise, and policy; (ii) migration theory; (iii) methods and analysis; (iv) assimilation and transnationalism; (v) borders and bordering; (vi) legal statuses and in-between experiences; and (vii) migrant well-being and health. Finally, we reflect on what we have accomplished so far, but also challenges IMR as a journal and the broader community of international migration scholars, practitioners, and advocates to continue to work toward further diversity, interdisciplinarity, innovation, and collaboration in our work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores how bureaucratic structures shape shifting migration policy paradigms in Colombia and Ecuador during the Venezuelan forced displacement. Despite an underdeveloped legal framework, Colombia adopted a welcoming policy, granting Venezuelans a 10-year stay permit, driven by its operational migration bureaucracy Colombia Migration and the newly established Border Management Office. Conversely, Ecuador enforced restrictive measures influenced by its Ministry of the Interior, in spite of enshrining the right to human mobility in its constitution. Analyzing thirty-four interviews with key policy-makers, we reveal that the Venezuelan forced displacement led to a reallocation of migration responsibilities within bureaucracies, shifting migration policy paradigms. Our findings highlight the influence of bureaucratic structures—including institutional culture, mission, hierarchy, and specialization—on dominant migration policy paradigms. In doing that, this research bridges the literature on migration governance paradigms and national bureaucracies and challenges assumptions about the weakness of Southern bureaucracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Google Trends has garnered scholarly attention for its application in fields such as disease spread, consumption patterns, or voting behavior. However, research concerning ethnic attitudes is limited, with most literature concentrating on racist searches in the United States, thereby neglecting immigration and European contexts. Furthermore, no previous studies have contrasted search patterns with explicit survey measures of racial or antiimmigrant prejudice. This study intends to fill these gaps by examining the case of Spain to explore whether and which Google searches about immigration are associated with migration attitudes and/or immigration levels. Based on a panel region-level database from 2010 to 2022, we applied Fixed-Effects OLS regression models to contrast search behavior with European Social Survey and/or Spanish Population register data. Queries related to immigrants are significantly more prevalent in areas with higher proportions of immigrants that are often othered. Furthermore, queries concerning the number of people of in the country are consistently associated with restrictive migration policy preferences regarding immigrant influxes, in line with longstanding survey research on negative attitudes and perceived demographic threat. Even if prone to false positives, this suggests that a surge in certain queries regarding immigrant volumes could serve as a useful, free, real-time tool for detecting potential shifts regarding restrictive immigration policy preferences.

Objective/context: This study analyzes how Chile has handled the granting of asylum from 2010 to the present, effectively transforming it into an exception. This situation has intensified amid increasing regional forced mobility due to various barriers to accessing the asylum application process and requirements imposed by regulatory changes aligned with migration governance policies. By employing the notion of a humanitarian frontier, the study examines processes of selectivity and differentiation marked by affiliation with certain nationalities. Methodology: A mixed qualitative analysis was conducted, including statistical review, document analysis, and examination of management practices related to forced displacement. The study explores two cases that illustrate how the state has restricted the recognition of asylum. Conclusions: The findings reveal that Chile employs selective state management differentiated by nationality, prioritizing the protection of certain migrant groups that align with the classical definition of a refugee. This approach is linked to the non-recognition of other diasporas experiencing forced mobility. Originality: This paper examines the state of asylum in Chile by connecting it to the concept of a humanitarian frontier, aiming to reveal how state protection intertwines with the control of mobility.

Optimization algorithms often encounter challenges in effectively managing the trade-off between exploration and exploitation, usually leading to less-than-optimal outcomes. This study introduces two novel migration policies in multi-population version of kidney-inspired algorithm (KA) to address this dilemma. The initial algorithm, coded as MultiPop-KA, implements a predetermined migration policy. Conversely, the second algorithm, coded as AutoMultiPop-KA, adopts an adaptive migration policy selection process that determines migration type based on the average fitness of sub-populations. By capitalizing on a multi-population framework and incorporating two migration policies, these methods aim to achieve a more refined equilibrium between exploration and exploitation, thereby augmenting the effectiveness of the KA. Experimental evaluations, conducted across 25 test functions and applied to 18 benchmark feature selection problems, demonstrate the efficacy of the proposed techniques. These results indicate that the proposed approach can significantly enhance optimization algorithms’ performance and overall quality.

This paper explores the dynamics of workforce mobility in Eastern Europe and its economic impact on both origin and destination countries. It examines the key drivers of migration, such as wage disparities, labor market demands, and economic development, with a focus on the role of migration networks and remittances. The analysis highlights how labor migration from Eastern Europe has contributed to economic growth in both sending and receiving countries by addressing labor shortages, boosting entrepreneurship, and enhancing skill acquisition. However, it also addresses the challenges, including brain drain, dependency on remittances, and the impact on local labor markets. Additionally, the paper discusses the evolving role of Eastern European countries as both sources and destinations for migration, driven by foreign investments and internal economic development. Finally, the study assesses the broader social, political, and economic implications of workforce mobility in the region, offering insights into future migration trends and policy considerations.

The study examines the limits and prospects of political regulation of the migration crisis in West Africa. The authors characterize the migration situation in the countries of the region, analyze the available political instruments of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) that facilitate the migration processes in the region. Furthermore, the efficacy of these instruments in addressing the growing number of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), which could potentially precipitate a humanitarian crisis, is evaluated. The analysis of the migration situation in West Africa is based on an extensive statistical database that provides the information on the number and structure of migrants, including refugees and IDPs, as well as on the direction of migration flows. Special attention is paid to the instruments of political regulation of migration processes available to ECOWAS, and the analysis is based on international legal documents (protocols, declarations, agreements, etc.), which constitute the core of the regional migration policy. The intensification of forced migrations in West Africa, provoked by interrelated and aggravating threats, including armed conflicts and natural disasters, has resulted in a significant migration crisis in the region. The analysis of the legal framework of migration policy at the ECOWAS level reveals that this international organization is responding quite quickly to the massive increase in the number of refugees and IDPs. The ECOWAS migration policy is distinguished by a high level of elaboration, taking into account all the main provisions of regional and global agreements regulating migration issues. Despite its progressive nature, the migration policy of the organization is not flawless since it pursues conflicting sets of tasks, namely integration and securitization. The first set of tasks is aimed at ensuring the economic integration of West African countries, which implies an increase in population mobility. The second set of tasks is aimed at strengthening the control over migration flows and encapsulating them within the region. At the same time, the ECOWAS migration policy does not contain a sufficient number of specific mechanisms for overcoming migration crises. The lack of financial and human resources in the countries of West Africa determines the high level of involvement of international organizations in the development of the migration policy of ECOWAS. The example of the Rabat Process, whose development is strongly influenced by the European Union (EU), illustrates that a number of external political actors are more interested in encapsulating the migration crisis in West Africa than in solving it. In other words, the potential of ECOWAS is being used by external political actors to achieve the goals of their own migration policies. In the future, this could lead to an escalation of conflicts in West Africa, provoking an even larger migration crisis and promoting inter-regional disagreements.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2024 9(2), 529-55 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. – II. The Court’s ability to influence policies. – III. Research design – IV. The analogous application of the Directive – IV.1. Periods of residence completed under Directive 68/360 – IV.2. Free movers returning to their Member State of origin – IV.3. Free movers naturalised in the host Member State – V. National responses to the analogous application of the Directive – V.1. Periods of residence completed under Directive 68/360 – V.2. Free movers returning to their Member State of origin – V.3. Free movers naturalised in the host Member State – V.4. Same-sex spouses – VI. Judicial Europeanisa-tion through deconstitutionalisation – VII. Concluding remarks. | (Abstract) The Court of Justice of the European Union (the Court) is often hailed as a pioneer in integration through law. Existing scholarship on the Court’s judicial power overwhelmingly focuses on constitu-tionalisation and the horizontal policy dimension. As a result, the judicial techniques behind the Court’s policy-making and the ensuing implications for domestic policies remain largely understudied. The re-cent deconstitutionalisation of EU law begs the question as to whether the Court can steer national policies through its case-law without constitutionalising policy outcomes. The Article responds to this gap, by empirically investigating the legal techniques underpinning the Court’s policy-making in a de-constitutionalised manner and the ensuing implications for Member States’ policies. The analysis exam-ines the legal reasoning in all cases where the Court applies the provisions of Directive 2004/38 by anal-ogy, as an example of the deconstitutionalisation process, and traces the responses of all Member States to the Court’s jurisprudence. The findings illustrate that the creation of rights through the analo-gous application of Directive 2004/38 enables the Court to diplomatically balance competing interests and is successful in generating judicial Europeanisation in the domain of migration.

The article presents the transformation of US migration policy and analyzes its impact on the balance of power in the 2024 presidential election campaign. The 2024 election campaign in the US is characterized by significant differences between the major parties and their voters, as well as an emphasis on key economic and immigration issues that have divided American society. Mexico is the main labor donor to the US, and it is also a gateway for illegal migration from Latin America and Southeast Asia. Almost all the time of the existence of the United States, the immigration policy of the country shows that migration plays an important role in the development of American society. The problem of illegal migration has always existed and continues to have a significant impact on the socio-economic development of the country. The current U.S. immigration strategy combines continuity with restrictive measures, while seeking to adapt migration flows to the economic needs of the country. The article analyzes the impact of migration policy on the U.S. political landscape during the 2024 election campaign. Migration policy in the United States today is a tool for conducting political struggle and "settling scores". Illegal migrants from Latin American countries will have a particular impact on the upcoming elections, so a characteristic feature of the 2024 election campaign is a cross-party struggle for the Latin American electorate, coupled with tougher migration policies. The authors draw attention to the reasons for the transformation of the US migration system and give their forecast regarding the outcome of elections in the country under certain conditions.

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of the legal regulation of multiple citizenship under the modern legislation of Ukraine. Within the framework of the article, the author tries to analyze the current state of enshrining the right to citizenship in the legislation of Ukraine and the degree of the regulation of multiple citizenship. The possibility of introducing the multiple citizenship in Ukraine has been clarified and its necessity has been established. The announced changes to the legislation on citizenship were analyzed. The author put an emphasis on the relevance of issues of multiple citizenship, caused by the emigration of Ukrainians, by the large Ukrainian diaspora in the foreign countries as well as by the numerous representatives of national minorities who live in our country. In the context of the article, the importance of solving multiple citizenship issues at the legislative level and developing a clear state policy in this area are emphasized. Since enshrining in the legislation the so-called principle of «nonrecognition of multiple citizenship» means only the non-recogni tion of its legal consequences. An intermediate conclusion about the significant gaps in the legislation of Ukraine about multiple citizenship based on the results of the analysis of normative-legal base was made. The author is convinced that the multiple citizenship in Ukraine come of conscious activity of the legislator and the need to solve the issues of multiple citizenship in Ukraine is extremely high. The theoretical and legal foundations of understanding the actual concept of citizenship and the concept of the right to citizenship by the legislation of Ukraine were analyzed. The multiple citizenship as a special legal position of a person who at one time is in the citizenship of two or more states was established. The author put an emphasis on the fact of absence of the concept of bipatrism in the law of Ukraine "On citizenship" and on the absence of the principle of inadmissibility of cases of multiple citizenship among the principles of state policy in the field of citizenship. It was concluded that the draft laws introduced by the President of Ukraine are directed towards changing the ordinary, not the constitutional, legislation on citizenship. That is why the opinion regarding the expediency of changing the legislation on citizenship in order to solve the problems of the outdated migration policy and satisfy the interests of a lar ge part of Ukrainians was expressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has long been no secret that migration processes have a great impact on the number and composition of the population of all countries. These processes have always played and will play a multifaceted role in the development of mankind, acting as a form of human adaptation to the changing conditions of its existence. The war between Russia and Ukraine, which began back in 2014 with the occupation of Crimea along with some areas of Donetsk and Luhansk regions, has serious far-reaching consequences, one of which is significant migration flows. As a result of hostilities, occupation, and invasion of Russian troops in February 2022, many Ukrainians were forced to seek refuge in other regions of the country or beyond. This led to the emergence of mass internal migration to relatively safe regions of Ukraine and unprecedented in the history of our country external migration to neighboring European states. Accordingly, these migration processes have a great impact on the demographic structure and social situation both in the receiving regions of Ukraine and in the countries that received Ukrainian refugees. It has been demonstrated that the main demographic risks faced by Ukraine pose a threat to stable socio-economic development and have become a serious challenge for Ukrainian society. The most urgent task of Ukrainian migration policy today is the development of political instruments that would encourage and facilitate the return of Ukrainian refugees to their homes. The article uses a systematic analysis based on statistical data of international and public organizations, and statesmen to determine the peculiarities of migration flows in war conditions; induction and deduction - to systematize the key causes and consequences of the migration of the population of Ukraine. The main emphasis is on the analysis of the impact of migration processes on the economic development of Ukraine, social stability and cultural identity of the population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The healthcare sector is ubiquitously plagued by workforce shortages in economies around the globe. The fragility of this structural shortage becomes apparent when external shocks, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, exacerbate the lack of workers in clinical practice. In this article, we summarize current trends in healthcare workforce development across the globe, review theoretical concepts of workforce shortages, and discuss policies to address them. In practice, developed countries often address workforce shortages with targeted migration policies. However, targeted workforce migration policies only intensify workforce shortages in low-and middle-income countries. Theoretical macroeconomic models suggest that supply shortages may result from too low wages, supply lagging behind demand, and social perception. Changes in the wage rate cannot sufficiently increase the supply of health professionals as scholars find inelastic wages for physicians and nurses. Nonpecuniary factors such as working conditions, job satisfaction, and intrinsic motivation are at least equally important as financial incentives. In conclusion, increased wages can only be part of a heterogeneous policy plan to address shortages. Migration and retirement levels of health professionals can temporarily mitigate workforce shortages but rarely change the underlying systemic issues. Increasing the number of places available in medical and nursing schools while also improving, both, financial and nonfinancial incentives for employees are long-term structural policy options. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Categorising certain forms of human movement as 'migration' and others as 'mobility' has far-reaching consequences. We introduce the migration–mobility nexus as a framework for other researchers to interrogate the relationship between these two categories of human movement and explain how they shape different social representations. Our framework articulates four ideal-typical interplays between categories of migration and categories of mobility: continuum (fluid mobilities transform into more stable forms of migration and vice versa), enablement (migration requires mobility, and mobility can trigger migration), hierarchy (migration and mobility are political categories that legitimise hierarchies of movement) and opposition (migration and mobility are pitted against each other). These interplays reveal the normative underpinnings of different categories, which we argue are too often implicit and unacknowledged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper revisits conventional wisdom on US degree premiums for immigrant workers and shows that, despite the benefits of a US degree, migration policies and substandard labor conditions contribute to international student motivations to return home. Using two original datasets, I find that about a third of Indian-born US graduates leave the US, seeking employment opportunities abroad and a respite from US work visa restrictions. I draw on 105 in-depth interviews and 7,177 employment histories constructed from LinkedIn, and the analysis demonstrates the use of digital data to shed new light on under-studied patterns of return migration in institutional perspective. I find that US work visas are related to the underemployment of immigrant workers, and gaps in visa availability are associated with US labor market departure for Indian international students. At the same time, foreign employers reward skills and credentials developed in the US, and the results suggest that US degrees carry a higher premium in foreign labor markets. The paper emphasizes the role of institutions in the skilled migration system and identifies disjunctures in US migration policy. I identify opportunities for policy reform to improve immigrant labor conditions and increase the retention of US-educated migrants in the US labor market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration governance, migration management and migration crises have been key themes among migration scholars and governments over the last decade. Historically, systemic political economic crises are accompanied by the scapegoating of migrants, often as a strategy to shift the focus away from political and economic decisions taken by states. The EU has been no exception, and political and social tensions around migration are arguably at an all-time high, as European governments aim to protect their interests and manage their borders amidst increasing migration pressures globally. In this paper, we will examine these three EU immigration prevention strategies, with a focus on the recently adopted Pact on Migration and Asylum. Specifically, we ask the following research question: what are the roles of temporariness and return/readmission as important EU strategies to hinder, stop, and exclude the movement of migrants to EU (and Schengen)? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrant destination states of the Global North generally seek to stem irregular migration while remaining committed to refugee rights. To do so, these states have increasingly sought to externalize migration control, implicating migrant origin and transit states in managing the movement of persons across borders. But do externalization policies actually have an impact on unauthorized migration flows? If yes, do those impacts vary across different migrant categories given that both asylum seekers and other migrants can cross borders without prior authorization? We argue that these policies do have an impact on unauthorized migration flows and that those impacts are distinct for refugees and other migrants. Using data on "irregular/illegal border crossings" collected by Frontex, the Border and Coast Guard Agency of the European Union (EU), we first find that the geographical trajectories of refugees and other migrants who cross EU borders without authorization are distinct. Using a novel method to estimate whether individuals are likely to obtain asylum in 31 European destination states, we find that "likely refugees" tend to be concentrated on a single, primary migratory route while "likely irregular migrants" may be dispersed across multiple routes. Through an event study analysis of the impact of the 2016 EU–Turkey Statement, a paradigmatic example of externalization, we show that the policy primarily blocked likely refugees while deflecting likely irregular migrants to alternative routes. Our findings ultimately highlight how externalization policies may fail to prevent unauthorized entries of irregular migrants while endangering refugee protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a remarkable gap in research regarding principal‐centred analyses of control means towards—in a formal sense—rather weak independent administrative actors as agents. Therefore, the paper develops a theoretical notion to link means of ex ante and ex post control and applies it to the (re‐)actions of ministries vis à vis hardship commissions in the German Länder by asking: How does the super‐ordinated ministry (principal) try to control the hardship commission (agent) and with what effect? The theoretical framework is based on principal‐agent theory and argues that the respective relationship is best understood by a notion of control pliers which interlinks the principal's preferences, its means of ex ante and ex post control and the agent's output. We hereby draw on partisan and organization theory. The overall research design of the paper is confirmatory and the focus on the federal states allows to control most of the external variance. We use descriptive statistics and structural equation modelling for path analysis to investigate the ex ante and ex post elements of the control pliers. Our empirical analysis is based on the output of 12 hardship commissions for the period of 2005–2017. Our results show that ex post control seems to matter more than ex ante control, but also that the effects of both may be characterized as interdependent. Furthermore, we show that partisan influence seems to matter more than organizational factors considering the output of the agent but that most can be won by combining the two approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the dynamics of workforce mobility in Eastern Europe and its economic impact on both origin and destination countries. It examines the key drivers of migration, such as wage disparities, labor market demands, and economic development, with a focus on the role of migration networks and remittances. The analysis highlights how labor migration from Eastern Europe has contributed to economic growth in both sending and receiving countries by addressing labor shortages, boosting entrepreneurship, and enhancing skill acquisition. However, it also addresses the challenges, including brain drain, dependency on remittances, and the impact on local labor markets. Additionally, the paper discusses the evolving role of Eastern European countries as both sources and destinations for migration, driven by foreign investments and internal economic development. Finally, the study assesses the broader social, political, and economic implications of workforce mobility in the region, offering insights into future migration trends and policy considerations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses migration processes in the first quarter of the 21st century, which have become a characteristic feature of global development and emerged as a global challenge for the future of humanity. One of the factors influencing these processes has been the Russian-Ukrainian war, initiated by the Russian Federation against Ukraine in 2014. Until 2022, this war was perceived by the international community as a localized conflict; however, during this period, it triggered large-scale displacements of people forced to leave their homes due to ethnic cleansing, discrimination, and brutal violations of human rights. As a result of the large-scale war initiated by Russia against Ukraine, external migration of Ukrainians has reached unprecedented levels, particularly in the countries of the European Union. This situation has come as a surprise both to the state leadership and to many Ukrainians who were unprepared for such a turn of events. Ukraine lacked sufficient experience in managing issues related to mass migration, making it extremely difficult to determine the quantitative and qualitative parameters of migration flows under these extraordinary circumstances. This presents challenges not only for the state but also for international organizations trying to provide assistance and support to Ukrainians who have left their homes. In such conditions, it is crucial to develop effective strategies to support refugees, integrate them into new societies and cultures, and address the social and economic consequences of this migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada has been increasing allocation to the Provincial Nominee Program in the immigration target total. Regionalisation of immigration has been an ongoing transformation of migration management since the 1990s, making the immigration policy domain progressively fragmented. Adopting a policy diffusion framework, I examine 30 regional immigration streams designed to attract and retain international students. Competing for the best, provinces distinguish and privilege certain student groups, creating a diverse policy landscape, yet simultaneously, many provincial policies resemble each other, creating common student immigration scenarios. I argue that in competition for talent, provinces (a) create very similar streams and, while aspiring to differentiate, (b) impose more restrictions than the federal programs. With the shift in authority, provinces gained the freedom to not only design custom migration policies but also to deviate from the original purpose of provincial programs—to complement, not compete!—with the federal ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) increasingly seeks cooperation with transit and sending countries to prevent irregular migration and enforce returns. Yet, these countries have little incentives to engage in such cooperation. To overcome interest asymmetries, the EU has sought to link trade and migration control in its preferential trade agreements (PTAs). Drawing on a comprehensive dataset of migration provisions in all PTAs signed between 1960 and 2020 and a qualitative analysis of key policy documents, we show that the inclusion of such provisions does not follow patterns of interdependence and strategic priorities resulting from problem pressure. Rather, the proliferation of migration control provisions in EU PTAs is best explained by the institutional framework guiding the negotiation of these provisions. Whilst reflecting the political will to use PTAs as a 'carrot' to incite third‐country cooperation, these findings also show the limits of targeted action on migration control via commercial policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

EU policy responses to the migration crisis caused by the Russian war against Ukraine challenge existing explanations of EU migration policy, which have typically leaned on economic rationales. This study leans on public attitudes to shed light on Poland's opposition to migration co‐operation across three recent European migration crises: Syria (2015), Belarus (2021) and Ukraine (2022). Throughout these crises, Poland has become a significant migration border country and one of the top refugee‐receiving countries. We build an analytical framework for exploring how the Polish government instrumentalised 'parochial attitudes' that prioritise sovereignty, locality and the in‐group and exclude out‐groups, and we analyse Poland's (op)position to EU co‐operation on migration through this lens. Using survey data, policy documents, 83 media articles and 10 interviews with policy‐makers and experts, we demonstrate that Poland's position on EU solidarity measures has remained static despite the dynamic, evolving circumstances and aligned with parochial attitudes amongst the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International migration plays an important role in shaping the global economy, serving as both a source of financial resources for countries and a means of balancing demographic and labour disparities across nations. Labour migration, in particular, is integral to the redistribution of labour and capital, influenced by varying levels of economic development, natural resource availability, and technological progress. While globalisation has facilitated the movement of people and strengthened international cooperation, migration patterns are significantly affected by military conflicts. The ongoing war in Ukraine has intensified these dynamics, prompting a significant outflow of Ukrainian labour to Europe. This review explores the economic, social, and demographic impacts of this migration, analysing its effects on host countries and the complex challenges it poses for Ukraine, particularly regarding demographic stability and post-war reconstruction.

Introduction. The aggravation of migration problems both in Russia and in other countries actualizes the study of migration relations, identifying the causes and consequences of emerging problems. Research methodology. The research is based on a systematic approach, as well as provisions on the correlation of objective contradictions, problems and conflicts. Results. The manifestation of internal contradictions of various elements of the migration relations system, as well as contradictions between the elements of this system, in the problems of migration is revealed. In this aspect, the problems of shadow and unstable employment of migrants, the problems of migrants’ social dependency, the contradictory influence of migration on demographic processes and socio-economic development of Russia, on the preservation of Russian identity are considered. It is proved that adequate forms of resolving contradictions in the system of migration relations do not allow problems to escalate into conflicts, but promote equal coexistence of representatives of various national ethnic groups and cultures on the territory of Russia, effective participation of migrants in the economic, social and cultural life of Russian society. Migration flows have a contradictory effect on solving problems in the field of socio-economic development of the country: they stabilize the situation with labor resources, and reduce the quality of the workforce; resolve the contradiction between the needs of demographic reproduction of the Russian population and natural population decline and pose a threat to the preservation of Russian identity, etc. Conclusion. The imperfection of migration policy, its inadequacy to the challenges of the current migration situation, the lack of adequate forms of resolving the contradictions of this system lies at the heart of the aggravation of problems and tensions in migration relations, and the emergence of conflicts. Due to the fact that conflicts can lead to the intensification of extremist and terrorist activities with devastating consequences, in order to avoid them, society and the state must learn how to prevent conflicts in a timely manner and successfully resolve them so that migration processes can realize their positive potential.

The dual nature of the influence of international migration on the level of economic development, social situation and national security of the host country is considered. The author evaluates both the role of external migration as a compensatory component of natural population decline at the current stage of development, and the negative effects of this process. Taking into account the specifics of the regional structure of the Russian Federation and its inherent differentiation in terms of the level of socio-economic development, in order to increase the validity of management decisions regarding the regulation of migration flows at the regional level, a system of statistical indicators is proposed in the form of a model set of diverse indicators that characterize the impact of migration flows on the economy of the region and social burden on the population. The author examines 6 main analytical areas: contingent load, migration intensity, migration load, migration efficiency, migration density, migration effectiveness, represented by relevant indicators. This system of indicators was the basis for conducting multidimensional cluster analysis in order to identify regions that have a similar profile in terms of the influence of external migration processes. As a result, 6 clusters were identified and described, which have significant differences in terms of the influence of external migration processes on the socio-economic characteristics of the region. The application of the approach under consideration, according to the author, will help improve the quality of migration flow management and the effectiveness of migrant adaptation policies at the regional level.

The article analyzes the transformation of migration policy in France in recent years. French immigration policy, following in the wake of the common course of the European Union, implies the adoption of increasingly restrictive laws in an assimilationist logic. The changes also apply to immigrants from Africa, who make up 46.1% of all immigrants living in France. Based on the analysis of statistical data and official documents regulating migration between the EU and France on the one hand and African countries on the other, the article examines the historical context and the current state of the African immigrant community in France, and draws conclusions about the excessive politicization of the immigration issue. The reasons for the migration of Africans to France, the composition of communities, and the situation of African immigrants in France are analyzed. Special attention is paid to the causes and consequences of the politicization of the migration problem in France. The article examines the latest changes in French immigration legislation and their impact on the situation of African immigrants. It is concluded that in modern French political discourse, immigrants of African descent are represented as problematic groups of the population unsuitable for integration into the French society. The risk of forming the immigration policy for reasons of political expediency lies in the fact that immigrants from African countries find themselves in an increasingly disadvantaged position in France.

Introduction. The relevance of this research is due to the need to develop an integration policy in Russia as an integral part of migration policy aimed at incorporating immigrants into the main social institutions. Intense migration flows with the absence of clear actors involved in integration policies, lead to the ethnic enclaves emergence, migrants isolation and other negative phenomena, which in their turn generate negative attitude towards migrants on the part of the local population. The purpose of the research is to single out the immigration policy time frame, which would correspond to particular models of external migrants integration into the Russian society, to analyze models of migrants integration in the context of public migration policy from 1992 up to now, and work out recommendations to formulate the migrants integration policy. Materials and methods. The research methods used are theoretical analysis of the text of regulatory legal acts, scholarly literature, comparison and analogy methods, comparative legal and statistical approaches, and qualitative analysis of documents as a specific sociological method. Results. Based on the analysis of various models of migrant integration proposed by domestic and foreign scholars, the author’s typology is given as the foundation to identify stages and characterize types of the real integration models. The need to improve migration processes management in the field of integration policy is substantiated, and steps to form an adequate integration model are identified. Conclusions. By now, a considerable amount of work has been done in the Russian Federation to create a system of sociocultural immigrant integration. However, integration policy is not yet sound enough; no federal law is adopted to adequately regulate relevant social relations.

The article analyzes the influence of the current international situation on the concept of German identity. The main elements that form the basis of contemporary German self-consciousness are identified. The author explores the relationship between the regional, national, and supranational components of German self-identification, examining the persistent mental “divide” between the new (former GDR) and the old lands (West Germany). Special attention is paid to the challenges posed for the Federal Republic of Germany in terms of historical discourse and memorial practices by the influx of migrants from the Middle East and North Africa. The role of the 2023 Palestine-Israel escalation in the transformation of the national narrative is separately examined. The article also evaluated the conflict around Ukraine as a factor in strengthening the European dimension of German identity.Among the key methods used by the author are content analysis of speeches by German officials, analysis of legislation and media. In addition, logical, chronological, and comparative-historical methods were applied. All this in aggregate led to the following conclusions. The Federal Republic of Germany is undergoing a systemic and multidimensional identity crisis. The main challenge is finding a balance between historical responsibility, transatlantic commitments, and national interests. The goal of the German establishment is to formulate a new national idea, which includes defining the role and place of Germany in the world, forming a value consensus regarding migrants, and overcoming the alienation between the east and west of the country. However, in the post-1990 world order, such a large-scale task remains rather impossible for the current elites.

The article examines the problems of regulating illegal migration by developed countries and the European Union, the achievements that cause not always correct criticism, and the possibilities of using the experience of a number of countries and new approaches in this regulation are shown. Particular attention is paid to international organizations dealing with the problems of international migration. It was concluded that there is no clear division of their functions by type of migration, which prevents the formation of long-term policies. Proposals were formulated to strengthen the role of the International Labour Organization (ILO) in rule-making and norm-setting on labor migration, which plays an increasingly important role in sustainable development. It was concluded that it is necessary to change the status of the migration conventions, otherwise effective regulation of labor migration is impossible. The countries of the Persian Gulf that attract external labor immigrants despite the rapid growth of the local population are highlighted. The difference in countries’ policies towards labor migration in the 21st century compared to the 20th century is shown. The concept of “fiduciary duty” of federal governments in relation to external migration was introduced.

To what extent can we infer government objectives from policies on paper? We show that this assumption in migration scholarship is problematic because most states adopt immigration policies that are inconsistent, combining or alternating between contradictory objectives. Further, we develop a measure to track how immigration policy inconsistency varies over time. We use these methods to demonstrate that some of the main theories of policy inconsistency, which focus on variables located at the national scale, find limited empirical support. Based on these findings, we make the case for further research into the local scale of politics, focusing on the agency of street-level bureaucrats and migrants. We then discuss the potential for crossing quantitative and qualitative divides in order to further explore the impact of local factors on national immigration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Migration has challenged society. Most people who move do so for economic reasons, but others move for more tragic reasons. The proportion of female migrants was slightly higher than that of male migrants, partly due to the longer life expectancy of women and the higher demand for female migrants in care‐related Jobs. The process may affect migrants' health, particularly in countries where healthcare is associated with high economic costs or insurance availability. A global systematic review of qualitative studies with meta‐synthesis was conducted. The results can be used to support health policy and clinical practice. Objective: To describe how migrants perceive and experience the process of migrating and how it affects their health. Search strategy: Databases consulted were Medline, PsychInfo, Cuiden, Cinahl, WOS, Scopus, Social Science Database, and Epistemonikos. Thirty‐four articles were selected for final meta‐synthesis. Inclusion criteria: All qualitative primary studies were included that describe the experiences or perceptions of migrants and refugees over 18 years that talk about their migration process and the impact on their health; written in English or Spanish between 2016 and 2021. Articles referring to second generations and those dealing with pathologies that pre‐date the migration process were excluded. Data extraction and synthesis: The COREQ and JBI templates were used as quality criteria. Studies mostly used a phenomenological methodology and in‐depth interviews, both individual and group, were used for data collection and narrative synthesis. Main results: Uncertainty emerges as a main category. Three other interrelated themes have a direct impact on migrants' health: Language, Social Networks and Work. There are several conditions in each of these that have a positive or negative impact on health. The gender condition appears in both work and social networks, positively and negatively. Discussion and conclusions: Health would be improved by having a stable job, which would facilitate access to health resources. Social networks and language are facilitators of access to a better job, but not the only condition. From a gender perspective, social networks can become a source of health problems, especially for women. The process of migration places women in a position of vulnerability due to the difficulties of reconciling family and work life. Job insecurity, workload, loss of family life or social isolation increase hopelessness and anxiety, leading to health problems. Public or patient contribution: As an academic review study, no patient contribution was required, and this study serves as a theoretical framework for more in‐depth research that will work with migrant populations. As a public contribution, this work provides evidence of the need to improve access to health for some populations, in line with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) set for 2030. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its 2013 National Immigration and Asylum Strategy, Morocco has deployed an intra-African migration discourse of solidarity and human rights. King Mohammed VI was appointed African Union (AU) "champion" on the migration issue and presented the bloc with an African Agenda for Migration. This paper assesses the protection potential of this agenda for forced migrants. To uncover underlying power and strategic interests, the African Agenda on Migration and Morocco's accompanying discourse are contextualised in relation to Morocco's general African policy and its overall migration policy. Also a double discrepancy is examined, between Morocco's diplomatic stance towards the AU and towards the EU and between its discourse and governance practices. The paper shows how Morocco skilfully employs migration diplomacy to further its geostrategic objectives at the African continental level, as it does in other international relations. This underpins the conclusion that the Agenda has little potential to improve the protection of forced migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the fall of 2022, the political parties that later came to form the Swedish government with the support of the Sweden Democrats came together in an agreement for the mandate period 2022--2026 called Tidö Agreement: Contract for Sweden. In this article, we examine how the proposals on migration and integration presented in the agreement are consistent with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child's starting points regarding children as holders of rights, and with the conventions four general principles. Based on WPR strategy, we ask questions about what is defined as a problem in a specific policy and on which assumptions this definition is based, as well as what is left out. In our analysis, we place special focus on the general principle of the best interests of the child, and we reason about the implications the proposals may have for children and their families in groups that are defined as problematic in the Tidö Agreement. We also offer alternative definitions and solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Migracyjne Przegląd Polonijny is the property of Wydzial Studiow Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych UJ oraz Polska Akademia Umiejetnosci and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Church in the World / Crkva u Svijetu is the property of University of Split, Catholic Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Modern welfare states struggle with fragmented policies and siloed governments, as well as with the need to deal with wicked problems. We argue that addressing such problems from the perspective of central government can be facilitated by notions of joined‐up government that, combined with vertical aspects of modern governance, provide a basis for analysis. To embark upon such challenges, we examine policy integration and policy coordination within the complex area of Swedish migration policies in light of the European migrant crisis. Through a content analysis of an extensive qualitative material (interviews and documents), we show that policy integration is weakly associated with joint objectives and decision‐making. As a contribution to prior knowledge in the field, we emphasize the unintuitive finding that counteracting siloism and fragmentation in Swedish migration policy is not achieved through coherent governance ranging across tiers, functions, and sectors but mainly at subnational levels through policy coordination relying on a bottom‐up approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The paper is dedicated to issues of the conception of migration security in legislation and doctrine of the Administrative Law. It is stressed in the paper that migration processes in the modern world are a scope of the variety of social relations of the comprehensive safety, legal, management, and economic character that are related to the replacement of residents and non-residents of Ukraine into the state and out of it. This replacement is an object of administrative impact and administration and has an appropriate goal and task. It is suggested to define migration security as a state of security of whole the scope of strategic and regional migration interests of Ukraine, an absence or minimization of internal and external factors of risks. There is outlined, a purpose of governmental impact in the field of migration processes is insuring organization and managemental, and legislative impacts on the migration as a social phenomenon and its specifical expressions; formation of the content of migration relationships, determining the status of its participants; and impacting on factors which lead to violation of established requirements, illegal migration, and which are an object of attention of the state policy within the counteraction to this phenomenon. It is emphasized, that means of ensuring migration security should be current institutional elements of the migration system, built based on wide usage of information technologies, digitalization of management processes and making administrative-managemental solutions, integration of databases, and wide use of biometric identification tools, professional training of officials of the State Migration Service, and clear regulative regulation of activities. Compliance with the requirements of international cooperation and the state's unwavering fulfillment of international legal obligations, organization and legal ensuring transparent visa policy and support, balanced institutional system of the administration of migration processes, active law enforcement activities and cooperation, the use of the latest means of migration control through the use of biometric document flow, maintaining demographic and other types of registers, with unconditional compliance with the requirements for the protection of personal data, ensuring the administrative and legal possibility of interaction between the subjects of migration policy are significant principles of the state migration policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Iustitia Socialis: Revista Arbitrada de Ciencias Jurídicas y Criminalísticas is the property of Fundacion Koinonia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The European Union has progressively communitarised its migration policy. The formation of public support for this integration of a core state power presents an intricate puzzle. On the one hand, immigration is part and parcel of the conflict around the opening and closing of nation states, and thereby mobilises nativist views and Euroscepticism. On the other hand, the European Union may serve as a shield against external threats such as uncontrolled immigration. This article sheds light on this conundrum by examining how refugee arrivals affect public support for a common European migration policy across 28 European Union member states between 1992 and 2021. The results lend support to a post-functionalist logic of an identitarian backlash against integration and a collective action logic of instrumental solidarity in line with national interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]