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This article presents the results of research carried out at two previously unreported Eastern Desert Atbara River project (EDAR) Middle Stone Age (MSA) sites—EDAR 134 and EDAR 155. Luminescence dating results indicate human activity in this area during the Marine Isotope Stage 5 period (MIS 5), approximately 90 kya. Discussion concerning the affiliation of both analyzed inventories will be provided, including another MSA site from the EDAR area, where an assemblage dated to MIS 6/5e does not have technological features known from other technocomplexes in the eastern Sahara region (EDAR 135). Microscopic analysis of traces of tool use for the EDAR 155 assemblage shows the high impact of post-depositional (aeolian) processes on the state of preservation of lithic material. Sites EDAR 134 and 155 provide evidence for hominin activity during the late Pleistocene within an area only episodically accessible, due to arid conditions prevailing in the Saharan deserts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Securely dated archaeological sites from key regions and periods are critical for understanding early modern human adaptive responses to past environmental change. Here, we report new radiocarbon dates of > 42,000 cal years BP for an intensive human occupation of Gorgora rockshelter in the Ethiopian Highlands. We also document the development of innovative technologies and symbolic behaviors starting around this time. The evidenced occupation and behavioral patterns coincide with the onset and persistence of a stable wet phase in the geographically proximate high-resolution core record of Lake Tana. Range expansion into montane habitats and the subsequent development of innovative technologies and behaviors are consistent with population dispersal waves within Africa and beyond during wetter phases ~ 60–40 thousand years ago (ka).

Securely dated archaeological sites from key regions and periods are critical for understanding early modern human adaptive responses to past environmental change. Here, we report new radiocarbon dates of > 42,000 cal years BP for an intensive human occupation of Gorgora rockshelter in the Ethiopian Highlands. We also document the development of innovative technologies and symbolic behaviors starting around this time. The evidenced occupation and behavioral patterns coincide with the onset and persistence of a stable wet phase in the geographically proximate high-resolution core record of Lake Tana. Range expansion into montane habitats and the subsequent development of innovative technologies and behaviors are consistent with population dispersal waves within Africa and beyond during wetter phases ~ 60–40 thousand years ago (ka). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We present a series of 12 OSL/IRSL dates that revise and complete the chronology of the important Middle (MSA) and Later Stone Age (LSA) site Umbeli Belli in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. These dates shift the previous radiometric ages thousands of years older than earlier measurements and play a key role in revising the cultural stratigraphy of KwaZulu-Natal. We also discuss how these dates bring the chrono- and cultural stratigraphy of southern Africa into clearer focus. The Robberg sequence of Umbeli Belli is now firmly dated to 21 ± 2 ka, whereas the preceding Early LSA assemblage dates to ~32 ka, representing one of the earliest dates for this cultural expression in the broader region. The final MSA assemblages from Layer 7 to 9 now date to between 35 ka and 40 ka, overlapping more tightly with comparable assemblages from Sibhudu, Umhlatuzana and other sites. Layer 10, which was previously also assigned to the final MSA, now dates to ~47-54 ka, placing the assemblage within the temporal range of the Late MSA. The new dates provide a good explanation for the clear differences in material culture between Layer 10 and the younger layers. We also present two new ages for the deeper horizons 11b and 12 at Umbeli Belli, dating to 76 ± 9 ka and 80 ± 9 ka, respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Mumba rockshelter, located in the northwest of Lake Eyasi is key to understanding the Stone Age in East Africa. The stratigraphy of the site spans the last 130 ka BP and comprises levels from the Middle Stone Age, the Later Stone Age, the Pastoral Neolithic, and the Iron Age. In terms of the Middle Stone Age (MSA), Mumba has helped to define two lithic industries: Sanzako (130 ka BP) and Kisele (90–50 Ka BP) that characterize this techno-complex in northern Tanzania. The Sanzako industry was defined based on level VI-B at Mumba, which was excavated in 1938 by Köhl-Larssen. Here we present the study of the lithic assemblage excavated by Mehlman between 1977 and 1981. Mehlman subdivided this unit into three sublevels (Lower, Middle, and Upper), all of which remained unanalyzed and therefore, unpublished. The main features of the lithic assemblages found in the three sublevels are the presence of discoid, Levallois, and bipolar knapping methods. Additionally, the retouched tools are mainly sidescrapers, denticulates, and notches. This recent research enables us to understand the Sanzako industry in more detail, as well as its nature within the chronocultural framework of the MSA in northern Tanzania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marine Isotope Stages (MIS) 4 and 3 were significant periods encompassing some 50,000 years, including at least two techno-cultural entities: the Howiesons Poort (HP) and post-HP. Exploring subsistence and environmental changes during these periods may help us understand broader aspects of behavioural and occupational patterns over MIS 4 and 3. In this paper, we report on taphonomic analyses of a sample of early HP, late HP and post-HP fauna from Klasies River main site cave 1A. We use these and other faunal data to examine the links between subsistence behaviour and the environment during the HP and post-HP. The results of our analyses indicate that percussion marks are abundant in the HP, with percussion mark frequencies more prevalent in the later HP than the early HP indicating that humans were the primary accumulators of fauna in the HP. Other taphonomic data such as fracture patterns, burning and trampling marks also suggests that human activity was more prevalent in the HP than the post-HP. In contrast, in the post-HP, the prevalence of zoogenic marks on small mammal remains, and comparisons to actualistic assemblages indicate that carnivores probably contributed significantly to the post-HP assemblage. In all the samples investigated, crania dominate skeletal-part profiles. This could be a result of taphonomic bias, or it could indicate that foraging likely occurred relatively close to the site. Analyses of carcass-part utility show that marrow-extraction may have been a key subsistence strategy in the HP. In the post-HP, bone density-mediated attrition had a significant effect on fauna making it challenging to ascertain subsistence patterns, but preliminary analysis may also suggest marrow extraction in combination with other strategies.Post-depositional taphonomic marks such as manganese staining suggest that post-HP and late HP deposits were significantly more affected by moisture than the early HP deposits. Previous investigations of large mammal data point to more closed environments in the early HP, while our data indicate that the environment in the late HP and post-HP was largely similar. In comparing our data to previously analysed micromammal proxy data, we show that major environmental changes at KRM occurred after the shift to post-HP lithic technology. However, the taphonomic data suggests a close relationship between changing subsistence strategies and the MIS4/3 transition.

A growing number of authors have discussed the role of climate change in periods of important biological and cultural transition along the hominin lineage. This paper establishes a biocultural framework elucidating human behavioural adaptations during the African Early and Middle Stone Age, centred on three crucial dimensions of hunter-gatherer adaptation: mobility, social network dynamics, and technology. We contend that landscape properties, specifically resource diversity and seasonal to inter-annual resource variability, can be used to model the specific responses of hominin groups to climate change over time, based on their awareness of these properties. Specifically, we focus on hominin technological generalisation and specialisation, meaning the extent to which there is a high degree of specificity (or fit) between final tool form and the task(s) in which the tool is deployed.In this regard, we argue that the archaeological record reveals punctuated and discontinuous specialisation during certain phases of the Early Stone Age driven by landscape predictability. These periods encourage the expression of relevant innovations and stepwise increases in technological complexity. While some of them become lost to demographic or cultural stochasticity, others end up forming the basis for a standardisation of generalised forms within the context of unexpected climatic deterioration. This is highlighted by the late Acheulean: following a period of greater generalisation in the late Early Pleistocene correlating with repeated and severe orbitally-forced periods of aridity, smaller biface forms become more common (or absent) and regional experimentation with prepared-core technology in Eastern Africa takes place in the context of a return to more humid and stable climatic conditions. The onset of more arid and variable climates associated with the emergence of the Middle Stone Age led to the continental expansion of the prepared-core technological substrate underpinning generalised assemblages. The cycle continues in the Middle Stone Age with a return to climatic stability in the Late Pleistocene and subsequent regional diversification of this techno-complex, in which hominins responded with greater toolkit specialisation in a number of different ways. In this context, we support the existence of a cyclical and non-linear relationship between environmental adaptation and cognitive evolution, as part of a wider biocultural feedback loop, which contributes to explain the evolutionary roots of our “generalist specialist” niche.

Lithic technological organisation within the southern Africa Early Middle Stone Age (∼315,000–80,000 years ago) has seen relatively little investigation owing to the subtly of technological change, frequent use of locally derived raw materials, and the archaeological spatio-temporal discontinuity. This has resulted in relatively limited use of explanatory models for technological variability, including mobility, provisioning, tool production, and core reduction strategies. This paper uses 2952 artefacts to test the lithic technological organisation across Marine Isotope Stage 5 units of Mertenhof Rockshelter. Here we argue that the scales and concepts currently used to approach Early Middle Stone Age technology requires reconsideration. The Mertenhof sequence exhibits high proportions of non-local raw materials with their transport reflective of tactical adjustments within relatively stable mobility, provisioning, and reduction strategies. We demonstrate that Early Middle Stone Age populations maintained a diverse array of tactical solutions across these strategic domains, offering a durable and flexible strategy that would be adapted to changing contexts.

The paper examines recently reported Acheulean and Middle Stone Age archaeological occurrences in near-coastal plains on the western periphery of the Red Sea (Sudanese coast) with the aim of illuminating the role of the region in hominin survival, and possibly as an out-of-Africa dispersal conduit. Using a Viewshed analysis in ArcGIS, the study sought to assess the extent to which the seashore may have been visible from the archaeology-bearing localities during conditions similar to the present or those more humid interglacial phases than today. The purpose of the Viewshed analysis is to gauge the range of habitat-options hominins had on the western periphery of the Red Sea. The result demonstrates that the seashore would have been visible from most of the archaeological sites. Thus, it is reasonable to surmise that the coastal margin may have remained an integral part of the space exploited by the hominins that inhabited the nearby inland plains. However, the observation cannot be regarded as attesting all the areas deemed visible were necessarily exploited by hominins. Overall, the archaeological evidence from the study area broadens our understanding of the range of environments hominins occupied in Africa prior to and during their expansion to Eurasia. A proximate goal of the paper is to drive archaeological research attention to near-coastal landscapes, as such places may provide a potent vantage point to assess hominin engagement with the seashore. I conclude with an appeal to the paleoanthropological community to expand field-centered research to the vast understudied regions of Africa so as to capture hominin experiences across diverse ecosystems of the continent. Only then will we be able to discern hominin biogeographic range at different periods and theorize about the ecological drivers of our species' success.

Significance: Recent research reveals that the arid western interior of South Africa has experienced substantially more humid conditions on several occasions during the last 70 000 years. These findings, likely regional in scope, speak to changes to the resource base available to prehistoric hunter-gatherers. Together with recent archaeological findings from this region, there has emerged a growing recognition that previously archaeologically overlooked areas of South Africa's arid interior need to be included in models of human history. This presents new challenges for archaeologists and palaeoclimatologists, particularly given the prevalence of surficial, rather than stratified, archaeological evidence throughout much of this region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues against recognising a 'generic Middle Stone Age (MSA)' as a formal taxon for use in African prehistoric archaeology. Surveying 46 Eastern African MSA stone tool assemblages reveals wild mismatches between what an undifferentiated or 'generic' MSA is supposed to do and what it almost certainly will do. A generic MSA will reduce African prehistoric archaeology's potential contribution to human origins research. If one were searching for a way in which to make Africa's stone tool evidence irrelevant to human origins research, then one could hardly do better than to offer archaeologists a generic MSA to which to assign lithic assemblages. At the editors' invitation, the paper also comments briefly on several of the other contributions to this special issue of Azania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent decades have seen a surge of interest in the Middle Stone Age (MSA) as it constitutes the archaeological background to the early evolution of Homo sapiens. Research primacy has been given to rare regional and temporal signatures of MSA technological diversity and material culture, typically in open grassland or sparse savanna regions. These include, for example, the Still Bay, Howiesons Poort, Lupemban and Aterian, all of which can be seen as specific variants of the MSA. Archaeological assemblages apparently lacking distinctive features have received little attention in their own right. Such occurrences can be subsumed under the informal term of a more 'generic' MSA. The marginalisation of this material culture is problematic as it dominates the MSA record. The apparent continuity and commonality of generic MSA elements over large spatial and temporal scales also raise manifold questions about the early evolution of our species. As such, a 'generic' MSA might be perceived as the common technological and material substrate of early Homo sapiens behaviour and culture. At the same time, we lack quantitative studies that justify subsuming close to 300,000 years of material culture into a single category. This special issue of Azania is based on a symposium at the Sixteenth Congress of the PanAfrican Archaeological Association of Prehistory and Related Studies in Zanzibar (Tanzania) that brought together researchers working in different African regions to scrutinise apparently 'non-specific' MSA lithic assemblages across time and space, evaluating their commonality and relevance on different chronological and geographical scales. The six articles in this issue span comparative quantitative studies within and across regions, methodological and theoretical advances to reach these goals and the integration of palaeoecological data. A common interest lies in understanding but also testing the validity of using a 'generic' MSA and the general relevance of more specific or generic technological assemblages in the wider framework of modern human cultural and biological evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Eastern Africa maintains a key position in debates surrounding the emergence of Homo sapiens across Africa. Extensive research in the region has revealed a rich fossil record in association with a 'generic' but variable Middle Stone Age (MSA) material culture, providing an important laboratory for testing hypotheses about the behavioural evolution of our species. For example, multiple archaeological studies of the eastern African MSA note a link between the distribution and density of sites, archaeological diversity and environmental conditions, with ecology and demography often cited as key drivers of cultural evolution. This article formulates new hypotheses using theoretical models of complex fitness landscapes of evolution and reviews the archaeological and climatic records of Middle-late Pleistocene eastern Africa in the light of these ideas. It proposes that evidence from eastern Africa implicates much of the region as a refugial zone within Pleistocene Africa, providing consistently suitable conditions for survival that were characterised by high and changing biodiversity, facilitating population growth and interconnectivity as well as material culture diversification. Interactions between different evolutionary processes likely resulted in the complex cultural mosaic observed across Africa, including the appearance of 'specific' innovations against a backdrop of more 'generic' MSA elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a 100-year scientific research legacy, the Middle Stone Age (MSA) record of Central Africa remains poorly known and is stubbornly peripheral to debates on the timing, pace and nature of technological change in relation to the evolutionary origins of Homo sapiens. The MSA Lupemban industry is often characterised as the singular representative of the MSA across the region, but the details of its chrono-stratigraphic relationship with preceding and particularly succeeding industries are still unclear. To archaeologists working with longer records on the margins of Central Africa, the Lupemban has been principally conceptualised in relation to the preceding Acheulean/MSA transition, and as a specifically early MSA, late Middle Pleistocene (MIS 7?) entity. Evidence presented here suggests that it was subsequently replaced or graded into a 'generic' or 'undifferentiated' MSA, or into a sub-regional 'Lupembo-Tshitolian' industry. By contrast, the shorter records of Lowland Atlantic Central Africa mean that there archaeologists have instead reported the Lupemban as a probably late-persisting Upper Pleistocene (MIS 3/2?) industry that temporally abuts the Later Stone Age (LSA) without any 'generic MSA'. This paper reviews key sequences from the periphery and core of Central Africa and explores these differing perspectives to address the reality and complexities of a Central African 'generic MSA'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a response to the conference session 'Generic MSA: fact or fiction?' held as part of the PanAfrican Association Conference in 2022 in Unguja, Tanzania. It questions the validity of the concept of a 'generic Middle Stone Age' and goes beyond the simple debate of terminology that has persisted for nearly 75 years. Instead, it uses this as a starting point to discuss the past, present and future of lithic analyses, including the history of terminology in the African Stone Age, the current topics of lithic enquiry and the role of lithic analysis following the Third Science Revolution. It highlights the effect of tensions between science versus humanities approaches and provides suggestions for future lithic analysts. Lithic studies remain of great importance but are only one source of evidence in modern interdisciplinary human origins research. The paper contends that there is not a single approach suitable for all sites or regions since analyses are contingent upon the questions being asked. Instead, it emphasises opportunities for multivocality and suggests that despite the focus here on the Middle Stone Age the conclusions reached are more widely applicable to other times and places. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stone points are one of the key features used to define the African Middle Stone Age (MSA). Regional patterns in their shape and size through time have been thought to reflect inter-group interactions and networks of populations and are used to define cultural phases within the MSA. However, eastern Africa does not have distinctive and widely applied chrono-stratigraphic point variants that divide its MSA record, which is often described as being highly variable. This paper presents a metric and geometric morphometric analysis of eastern African MSA points and evaluates potential drivers of variation in them in relation to null models of isolation by distance, time and environment. Approximately half of the shape variance in our sample can be explained by spatial, temporal and environmental differences, as well as by size, indicating a degree of demographic continuity through sustained cultural transmission. A portion of the remaining variance likely represents stylistic differences between assemblages, which are often the subject of interest in archaeological studies. The highly variable nature of the eastern African MSA may reflect the region's refugial positioning within the continent, with point technology a flexible adaptive system that was dynamically employed across Africa during the MSA depending on varying social and ecological contexts, resulting in the appearance of both 'generic' and 'specific' tool forms at particular times and places. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We present a series of 12 OSL/IRSL dates that revise and complete the chronology of the important Middle (MSA) and Later Stone Age (LSA) site Umbeli Belli in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. These dates shift the previous radiometric ages thousands of years older than earlier measurements and play a key role in revising the cultural stratigraphy of KwaZulu-Natal. We also discuss how these dates bring the chrono- and cultural stratigraphy of southern Africa into clearer focus. The Robberg sequence of Umbeli Belli is now firmly dated to 21 ± 2 ka, whereas the preceding Early LSA assemblage dates to ~32 ka, representing one of the earliest dates for this cultural expression in the broader region. The final MSA assemblages from Layer 7 to 9 now date to between 35 ka and 40 ka, overlapping more tightly with comparable assemblages from Sibhudu, Umhlatuzana and other sites. Layer 10, which was previously also assigned to the final MSA, now dates to ~47–54 ka, placing the assemblage within the temporal range of the Late MSA. The new dates provide a good explanation for the clear differences in material culture between Layer 10 and the younger layers. We also present two new ages for the deeper horizons 11b and 12 at Umbeli Belli, dating to 76 ± 9 ka and 80 ± 9 ka, respectively. Significance: • Revised and new age estimates are given for the Middle and Later Stone Age sequence of Umbeli Belli. • These age changes allow new comparisons with nearby prehistoric sites. • They change our view of the regional variability of technologies and cultures between ca. 80 and 20 ka on the east coast of South Africa.

The Namib Sand Sea (NSS) in Namibia is known to preserve a wide variety of Pleistocene-age archaeological sites. However, few Middle Stone Age (MSA) sites in this region have been systematically investigated and basic questions around chronology and technological organization remain open. Here we examine Narabeb, an open air MSA surface site exposed in an interdune pan, ∼30 km into the northern NSS. Narabeb was first documented in the 1970s, and then re-examined in 2021 and 2022 by members of this team. Lithic technological analysis combined with a geomorphological description of the site, palaeoenvironmental interpretation of fine-grain water-lain sediments, and luminescence ages from northern and southern locations on the Narabeb pan provide some of the first understanding of human-environmental interactions and estimates of chronology from the later-Middle and Late Pleistocene in the NSS. In addition, we apply a quantitative approach to aeolian linear dune accumulation and extension to explore possible scenarios for landscape development at this site, in order to better understand the former water course(s) affecting the area. The new chronology suggests this site contained standing water at, or just after, the MIS 7/6 transition, and again at, or just after, the end of MIS 6 into early MIS 5. The timing of greater phases of water availability have some overlap with the speleothem growth record at Rössing Cave, situated ∼90 km north of the NSS (and ∼135 km north of Narabeb). Our results provide the foundation for larger, regional-scale analyses of early human adaptive strategies in this unique environment within Southern Africa.

Our enhanced capacity to innovate is a key feature that sets Homo sapiens apart as a species. The Middle Stone Age archaeological record of Pleistocene Africa documents the emergence and elaboration of this capacity, and its relationship to changes in past climate and environments. However, the models and interpretations developed to understand the relationship between early Homo sapiens’ innovativeness and climate change are varied and often contradictory. Here, we review these contrasting interpretations. We contend that while climate change may have influenced early human innovation, it was in an inconsistent and multifaceted way.

The importance of the arid interior of southern Africa for human evolution has come into focus in recent years. However, the current distribution of archaeological sites is limited to the southern margin of the Kalahari sediments in South Africa and to the northern part of Botswana. Surface scatters of archaeological artefacts in other parts of the Kalahari have not been studied systematically despite their potential to test human adaptation to marginal environments in the past. We developed a mobile Geographical Information System (GIS) set-up that allows us to record the archaeological potential of Botswana's southwestern Kgalagadi district in a rapid and standardised manner. This paper describes five archaeological sites identified through our survey in the wider area around the town of Tsabong. Four of these sites, as well as the majority of identified surface archaeology, belong to the Middle Stone Age based on a first assessment of their lithic typology. A pattern is emerging of particular concentration of these sites on or near quartzite outcrops that are located next to pans. Additionally, six test pits confirmed the high potential for further archaeological investigations in this area using a landscape approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In southern Africa, the Howiesons Poort is one of the earliest technocomplexes in which small blades and bladelets were systematically produced and retouched into formal tools. While the presence of small lithic artefacts in an assemblage is welldocumented, little is known about production pathways. This paper reports on the analysis of the lithic assemblage from Horizon 6/7 of Charles Keller's excavations of Montagu Cave, South Africa, to evaluate how raw material and decision-making affects the size of stone tools in Howiesons Poort assemblages. It addresses the following questions: how were small blades produced? Was it a deliberate choice or a constraint imposed by raw material availability? Results show branching modes of production for large and small blanks beginning with raw material acquisition. The independent production of small blanks is reinforced by the presence of cores on flakes in the assemblage. However, a relatively standardised core reduction process was used consistently, regardless of core size. The main technological and typological features observed in Horizon 6/7 are in line with other known Howiesons Poort assemblages. Considered as a whole, these observations highlight the consistency of Howiesons Poort blade technology and the deliberate production of small blanks and tools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Louedale is the only open-air Middle Stone Age site iii the Free State dated to early Marine Isotope Stage 4. Framing the chronology of this context, especially by taking into account diagenetic processes that may N.(fect nge results, is thus fundamental to understand modern human dynamics in the interior of South Africa. In a recent study, we inuestigated the effect of diagenesis on teeth samples collected for Ucombined electron spin resonance and uranium-series dating at the site. By combining different characterisation niethods, it was shown that the wrimium (U) content of enamel varied in the specimens, and carbonthat it was positively correlated with the degree of crystallinity of carbonate hydroxyapatite, whereby larger amounts of U are associated with highly crystalline enaniet. The large variability in U content was in contrast witli thefact that teethwerefound in the same depositional context. High levels of U in some of the samples limit the accu ract/Of age determiltations, Since seueral 1111-Jertainties remain regarding U uptake and teaching, which both affect dose rate modelling. In stick complex cases, calculating minimum nges is the most cautious option. New samples were collected at the site during the excavation canipitign in 21)11. Enamel was analysed using Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy and scanning electron microscopy coupled with cathodoluminescence iii order to determine its degree Of atomic order and the presence of foreign ions (especially U), and the correlation between the two. We discuss here the contribution of U-uptake modellingon the age calculation, and present new ESR ages calculated assumpassuming an early uptake of U, ranging from 84 + 9 ka to 56 + 5 ka. Together with previous ages obtained on the gravel layer, a weighted inean age of 64 kn can be used as a minimum age estimate for thebase of the seque 11Ce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Halibee member of the Upper Dawaitoli Formation of Ethiopia's Middle Awash study area features a wealth of Middle and Later Stone Age (MSA and LSA) paleoanthropological resources in a succession of Pleistocene sediments. We introduce these artifacts and fossils, and determine their chronostratigraphic placement via a combination of established radioisotopic methods and a recently developed dating method applied to ostrich eggshell (OES). We apply the recently developed 230Th/U burial dating of OES to bridge the temporal gap between radiocarbon (14C) and 40Ar/39Ar ages for the MSA and provide 14C ages to constrain the younger LSA archaeology and fauna to ∼24 to 21.4 ka. Paired 14C and 230Th/U burial ages of OES agree at ∼31 ka for an older LSA locality, validating the newer method, and in turn supporting its application to stratigraphically underlying MSA occurrences previously constrained only by a maximum 40Ar/39Ar age. Associated fauna, flora, and Homo sapiens fossils are thereby now fixed between 106 ± 20 ka and 96.4 ± 1.6 ka (all errors 2σ). Additional 40Ar/39 results on an underlying tuff refine its age to 158.1 ± 11.0 ka, providing a more precise minimum age for MSA lithic artifacts, fauna, and H. sapiens fossils recovered ∼9 m below it. These results demonstrate how chronological control can be obtained in tectonically active and stratigraphically complex settings to precisely calibrate crucial evidence of technological, environmental, and evolutionary changes during the African Middle and Late Pleistocene.

Nubian Levallois technology has become a prominent and hotly debated topic in current Palaeolithic discourse, with important arguments surrounding modern human dispersals, cultural interactions and technological innovations resting on the presence of Nubian cores in lithic assemblages. However, not all published instances of Nubian cores fulfil their strict technological criteria, with resultant implications for how their presence in space and time is interpreted. To address this, this dataset compiles a comprehensive literature review of 154 published sites where Nubian cores have been reported. Each case is presented with key contextual information synthesised from the literature, and the identification of Nubian cores is critically evaluated. The dataset shows that over the last decade, while there has been a marked increase in the number and distribution of sites with reported Nubian cores, these artefacts increasingly diverge from the technological and morphological characteristics that define this core type. As such, 24 identifications are queried as not fulfilling the strict Nubian core criteria. A further three are rejected with no supporting evidence in the literature, and four noted as contested cases. This dataset serves as a key resource for studies of Nubian Levallois technology, providing a centralised literature review with spatial and contextual data to support robust future research on the topic.

Modern human behavioral innovations from the Middle Stone Age (MSA) include the earliest indicators of full coastal adaptation evidenced by shell middens, yet many MSA middens remain poorly dated. We apply 230Th/U burial dating to ostrich eggshells (OES) from Ysterfontein 1 (YFT1, Western Cape, South Africa), a stratified MSA shell midden. 230Th/U burial ages of YFT1 OES are relatively precise (median ± 2.7%), consistent with other age constraints, and preserve stratigraphic principles. Bayesian age-depth modeling indicates YFT1 was deposited between 119.9 to 113.1 thousand years ago (ka) (95% CI of model ages), and the entire 3.8 m thick midden may have accumulated within ∼2,300 y. Stable carbon, nitrogen, and oxygen isotopes of OES indicate that during occupation the local environment was dominated by C3 vegetation and was initially significantly wetter than at present but became drier and cooler with time. Integrating archaeological evidence with OES 230Th/U ages and stable isotopes shows the following: 1) YFT1 is the oldest shell midden known, providing minimum constraints on full coastal adaptation by ∼120 ka; 2) despite rapid sea-level drop and other climatic changes during occupation, relative shellfish proportions and sizes remain similar, suggesting adaptive foraging along a changing coastline; 3) the YFT1 lithic technocomplex is similar to other west coast assemblages but distinct from potentially synchronous industries along the southern African coast, suggesting human populations were fragmented between seasonal rainfall zones; and 4) accumulation rates (up to 1.8 m/ka) are much higher than previously observed for dated, stratified MSA middens, implying more intense site occupation akin to Later Stone Age middens.

When and where did humans first fashion footwear? Ichnology holds the potential to answer this unresolved question in palaeoanthropology. The global record of sites from which shod-hominin tracks have been considered is sparse. Consideration of proxies for footwear use, in conjunction with areas of known Middle Stone Age/Middle Paleolithic hominin tracksites, suggests two suitable regions in which to search for shod-hominin tracks of this age: southern Africa and Western Europe. Inhabitants of these areas in the Middle Stone Age would have had the means, motive and opportunity to fashion footwear. Ichnological evidence from three palaeosurfaces on South Africa's Cape coast, in conjunction with neoichnological study, suggests that humans may indeed have worn footwear while traversing dune surfaces during the Middle Stone Age. The hominin track record may be biased towards identification of tracks made by barefoot individuals, therefore the development of criteria for the identification of shod-hominin tracks should aid in future interpretation efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ochre has been found at many Middle Stone Age sites throughout southern Africa. Much work has been done to document these iron-rich raw materials, their modifications and their implications for past communities’ behaviours, skills and cognition. However, until recently few works focused on the Middle Stone Age Waterberg ochre assemblages. The paper presents the ochre assemblage recovered at Red Balloon rock shelter, a new Middle Stone Age site on the Waterberg Plateau. The site preserves Middle Stone Age occupations dated around 95,000 years ago. Scanning electron microscopy observations, portable X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy and infrared spectroscopy characterization document the presence of four ochre types. The MSA ochre assemblage recovered is mainly composed of specularite and specular hematite similar to the ones of Olieboomspoort and North Brabant. Microscopic observations and infrared analyses of soil sediment and of post-depositional deposits found on the ochre pieces show that this raw material specificity is of anthropic origin and not the result of post-depositional processes. Optical and digital observations of the archaeological assemblage and its comparison with a preliminary exploratory experimental one highlight the use of abrasion and bipolar percussion to process the ochre pieces at the site. The results point to the know-how and skills of the Middle Stone Age populations who inhabited the Waterberg region around 95,000 years ago. This raises the question of whether the specificities of the Waterberg ochre assemblages correspond to populations’ adaptation to the local mountainous mineral resources and the existence of a regional ochre processing tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports on, and supplies the checklists for, the known foodplant population currently growing around Diepkloof Rock Shelter, South Africa, within radii of ∼12.5 km, ∼35 km and ∼70 km. It demonstrates that many of the species identified from the shelter's Middle Stone Age charcoal record still grow on the landscape today and that 33 of the ancient charcoal-identified species are historically known as foodplants in southern Africa. With this contribution the current foodplant species that could serve as dietary resources are extended to 81 within a day's return trip (∼12.5 km) from the site, 158 within the ∼35 km radius and 170 on the greater foraging landscape extending up to ∼ 70 km from Diepkloof. Data are presented that indicate the proportional increases in plant growth forms and edible plant parts by extending foraging ranges. Initial interpretation of the data shows that foragers may have had adequate access to herbs and shrubs from which leafy vegetables and fruits can be collected, as well as hydrophytes (such as waterblommetjies) within a day's return trip. To increase especially access to energy-rich corms and roots, they may have used additional/other camp sites or home bases to exploit their ∼35 km foraging range. By travelling over longer distances, access to grass grains that also serve as famine foods can be exponentially increased. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Determining the timing and drivers of Pleistocene hydrological change in the interior of South Africa is critical for testing hypotheses regarding the presence, dynamics, and resilience of human populations. Combining geological data and physically based distributed hydrological modeling, we demonstrate the presence of large paleolakes in South Africa's central interior during the last glacial period, and infer a regional-scale invigoration of hydrological networks, particularly during marine isotope stages 3 and 2, most notably 55 to 39 ka and 34 to 31 ka. The resulting hydrological reconstructions further permit investigation of regional floral and fauna responses using a modern analog approach. These suggest that the climate change required to sustain these water bodies would have replaced xeric shrubland with more productive, eutrophic grassland or higher grass-cover vegetation, capable of supporting a substantial increase in ungulate diversity and biomass. The existence of such resource-rich landscapes for protracted phases within the last glacial period likely exerted a recurrent draw on human societies, evidenced by extensive pan-side artifact assemblages. Thus, rather than representing a perennially uninhabited hinterland, the central interior's underrepresentation in late Pleistocene archeological narratives likely reflects taphonomic biases stemming from a dearth of rockshelters and regional geomorphic controls. These findings suggest that South Africa's central interior experienced greater climatic, ecological, and cultural dynamism than previously appreciated and potential to host human populations whose archaeological signatures deserve systematic investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Seven hominin ichnosites in aeolianites on the Cape south coast of South Africa have been dated using Optically Stimulated Luminescence, yielding age estimates from Marine Isotope 6 through Marine Isotope Stage 4. All rock outcrops containing these sites are situated on the modern coastline. The new ages are consistent with geomorphological expectations, and with other numerical dating results from the wider southern Cape coastline. Seen in a global ichnological context, the cluster of South African sites (including two previously dated sites) contains nine of the twenty-three sites older than 70 ka from which hominin tracks have been reported. With a single exception they are also the only sites older than 40 ka that have been attributed to Homo sapiens, and include the oldest tracks (153 ± 10 ka) thus far attributed to our species. The South African coastline contains an archaeological and palaeoanthropological record of global significance, to which the hominin ichnological record, preserved on aeolianite palaeosurfaces and now chronologically constrained, can make a substantial contribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Linking human technological and behavioural advances to environmental changes is challenging, as it requires a robust understanding of past climate at local scales. Here, we present results from regional high-resolution numerical simulations along with climate data directly from the archaeological sequence of Blombos Cave (BBC), a well-studied site in coastal southern Africa. The model simulations cover two distinct periods centred at 82 and 70 thousand years (ka) ago (Marine Isotope Stage [MIS] 5 and the onset of MIS 4, respectively), when orbital parameters and global sea level were markedly different from one another. Climatic changes from 82 to 70 ka are determined through four simulations that use past and present-day coastline configurations. The hydrogen isotopic composition of leaf waxes (δ2Hwax) and n-alkane distributions and abundances are used to reconstruct hydroclimate around BBC. The leaf wax n-alkane record, one of the first produced in an archaeological setting in this region to date, can be interpreted as a drying signal from MIS 5c to 4. This agrees with our modelling results, which indicate a drier and more continental climate over coastal southern Africa at 70 ka, compared to 82 ka. The simulated aridification is most evident from the reduced precipitation amounts in both summer (∼20%) and winter (∼30%). The annual number of summer days (Tmax ≥ 25 °C) and cold nights (Tmin < 5 °C) in the vicinity of BBC increases more than 5 and 3-fold, respectively, under the more continental climate at 70 ka. Weaker westerly winds in winter, a cooler Agulhas Current, and a land surface expansion associated with the coastline shift due to lower sea levels at 70 ka all contribute to the simulated climate shift. Our approach highlights the importance of multiple lines of evidence for achieving robust results, while demonstrating how both large-scale forcing and local influences worked together in shaping the local climate that early humans lived in. Adaptation to a drier climate and increased continentality around BBC might have induced greater mobility, which led to increased population interactions, cultural transmission rates, skill exchange, and material complexity during the so-called Still Bay period.

Melka Kunture es un clúster de yacimientos prehistóricos situados en el altiplano etíope, a 2.000-2.200 m sobre el nivel del mar, en la cuenca alta del río Awash. El clima es más bien fresco (temperatura media anual de 17° C) y lluvioso. Los resultados palinológicos demuestran que la vegetación durante el Pleistoceno era de tipo afromontano y, por lo tanto, diferente a la de sabana que se desarrolla en cotas más bajas. Tras casi 60 años de excavaciones en 20 yacimientos y en unos 60 niveles arqueológicos distintos, la secuencia arqueológica identificada incluye el Olduvayense, Achelense, Middle Stone Age y Late Stone Age. También se han descubierto fósiles de homininos en asociación directa con industrias líticas de diferentes tecnocomplejos. Además, se conocen niveles icnológicos, que proporcionan información sobre la vida y el comportamiento de homininos y fauna. La investigación sobre la adaptación de los homininos al clima y al entorno de las tierras altas es relevante para entender cómo y cuándo se produjo el primer poblamiento de Europa.

Raman spectroscopy identified graphite and multilayer graphene on ~70,000‐year‐old stone tools from Middle Stone Age deposits at Sibudu Cave, KZN, South Africa. The graphite/multilayer graphene appeared to be concentrated on the hafting side of the artefacts, suggesting that it was added to the hafting glue. However, graphite/multilayer graphene was only identified on stone tools made of hornfels and not on those made of dolerite and quartzite. A geological origin is therefore not out of the question. In this paper, we present arguments for and against its origin as geological or as constituent of the hafting resin. Our results favour its geological origin and serve as a cautionary tale for interpreting residues on archaeological artefacts without an in‐depth study of the raw materials used to produce the tools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Middle Stone Age deposits at Sibudu contain sedge (Cyperaceae) nutlets, which previously have been interpreted as indirect evidence of bedding. Scanning electron microscopy was used to identify the sedge nutlets through comparison of archaeological specimens with modern analogues. The presence of nutlets of Cladium mariscus (L.) Pohl subsp. jamaicense (Crantz) Kük, a 1–3 m tall sedge with long scabrid leaves, was unexpected and challenges the bedding hypothesis because of the minute sharp hairs along the midrib and margins of the leaf blades. Nevertheless, we argue for the use of Cladium as bedding material, possibly as the foundation on which softer matter was laid. It is possible that the Cladium nutlets and rhizomes may have been eaten and that the plant was also used as kindling or fuel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last two decades, red ochre has played a pivotal role in discussions about the cognitive and cultural evolution of early modern humans during the African Middle Stone Age. Given the importance of ochre for the scholarly debate about the emergence of 'behavioral modernity', the lack of long-term spatio-temporal analyses spanning large geographical areas represents a significant gap in knowledge. Here we take a continent-wide approach, rather than focusing on specific sites, regions or technocomplexes. We report the most comprehensive meta-analysis of ochre use to date, spanning Africa between 500 and 40 thousand years ago, to examine data from more than a hundred archaeological sites. Using methods based on time averaging, we identified three distinct phases of ochre use: the initial phase occurred from 500,000 to 330,000; the emergent phase from 330,000 to 160,000; and the habitual phase from 160,000 to 40,000 years ago. The number of sites with ochre increased with each subsequent phase. More importantly, the ratio of sites with ochre compared to those with only stone artifacts also followed this trend, indicating the increasing intensity of ochre use during the Middle Stone Age. While the geographical distribution expanded with time, the absolute number of ochre finds grew significantly as well, underlining the intensification of ochre use. We determine that ochre use established itself as a habitual cultural practice in southern, eastern and northern Africa starting about 160,000 years ago, when a third of archaeological sites contain ochre. We argue that this pattern is a likely material manifestation of intensifying ritual activity in early populations of Homo sapiens. Such ritual behavior may have facilitated the demographic expansion of early modern humans, first within and eventually beyond the African continent. We discuss the implications of our findings on two models of ritual evolution, the Female Cosmetic Coalitions Hypothesis and the Ecological Stress Hypothesis, as well as a model about the emergence of complex cultural capacities, the Eight-Grade Model for the Evolution and Expansion of Cultural Capacities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We challenge the view that our species, Homo sapiens, evolved within a single population and/or region of Africa. The chronology and physical diversity of Pleistocene human fossils suggest that morphologically varied populations pertaining to the H. sapiens clade lived throughout Africa. Similarly, the African archaeological record demonstrates the polycentric origin and persistence of regionally distinct Pleistocene material culture in a variety of paleoecological settings. Genetic studies also indicate that present-day population structure within Africa extends to deep times, paralleling a paleoenvironmental record of shifting and fractured habitable zones. We argue that these fields support an emerging view of a highly structured African prehistory that should be considered in human evolutionary inferences, prompting new interpretations, questions, and interdisciplinary research directions.