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The presence of mental health conditions increases vulnerability to unsuccessful reentry outcomes upon release from incarceration. Women with histories of mental health conditions make up a considerable proportion of the female correctional population. Rehabilitation counselors (RCs) are increasingly likely to support women with incarceration histories despite minimal research on correctional populations in the field. Reentry readiness is one area that could benefit from rehabilitation counseling professionals’ unique training. The construct of readiness has been associated with successful outcomes in a variety of contexts, including employment, education, and treatment. This study surveyed a sample of 123 women preparing for release from a state correctional facility to examine the relative contributions that perceived self-efficacy, optimism, and motivation to change have on reentry readiness, and whether the presence of a mental health condition made any further contributions. Results from the hierarchical regression analysis showed self-efficacy and optimism were significant contributors to perceived reentry readiness. The presence of a mental health condition made no further contributions. Implications for RCs working in reentry and/or with clients who have incarceration histories are discussed. Curriculum considerations for RC education programs are also explored.

Leandra Medine indicates that she wants the Man Repeller multi-author blog to ‘serve as an open forum for women to draw their own conclusions’ instead of making ‘any sort of feministic statement’. Medine renders feminism as amorphous and an individual choice but she has been widely lauded for offering a feminist engagement in fashion. Her practices and position, as I argue throughout this article, allow her to fashion feminism, including associating feminism with the man repeller style and replacing aspects of second wave and rights-based feminisms with the purportedly more equitable and liberating website ethos of choice and equality feminism. Yet in replacing ‘feministic’ critiques with promises of stylish cultural change and clothing that reportedly repels men, Medine and other Man Repeller authors elide how systemic oppression functions. This ambivalent relationship to feminism, and dearth of intersectional advocacy, prompted a backlash in 2020. Critics interrogated Medine's facile statement about #BlackLivesMatter, the company's lack of diversity and the unsuccessful restructuring of the blog. As a means of analysing Man Repeller, I employ textual analysis, feminist and queer literature and media theory. I define fashioning feminism as a collaborative and ongoing process of producing feminist positions and thinking, including the negation of certain forms of feminism. I assert that attending to the fashioning of feminism can foreground central and developing feminist theories; the appeal, unstylishness and effacement of feminism; and the connection between style and politics. This includes readers’ interrogations of Man Repeller's politics, which are occurring along with contemporary examinations of racism. Since fashioning feminism is a collaborative and ongoing process of producing feminist positions and thought, engaging with its concepts and debates can further the critical study of feminism, nurture feminist conversations and advocate for social change.

Technology companies claim to connect people through touchscreens, but by conflating physical contact with emotional sentiments, they displace the constructed aspects of devices and women and other oppressed individuals' critiques of how such technologies function. Technology companies and device designers correlate touchscreens and online sites with physical contact and emotional sentiments, promising unmediated experiences in which the screen falls away in favor of visceral materiality and connections. While touchscreens are key elements of most people's everyday lives, critical frameworks for understanding the embodied experiences of using them are wanting. In Touch Screen Theory, Michele White focuses on the relation between physically touching and emotionally feeling to recenter the bodies and identities that are empowered, produced, and displaced by these digital technologies and settings. Drawing on detailed cases and humanities methods, White shows how and why gender, race, and sexuality should be further analyzed in relation to touchscreen use and design. White delves into such details as how women are informed that their bodies and fingernails are not a fit for iPhones, how cellphone surfaces are correlated with skin and understood as erotic, the ways social networks use heart buttons and icons to seem to physically and emotionally connect with individuals, how online references to feminine and queer feelings are resisted by many men, and how women producers of autonomous sensory meridian response (ASMR) videos use tactile strategies and touchscreens to emotionally bond with viewers. Proposing critical methods for studying touchscreens and digital engagement, Touch Screen Theory expands a variety of research areas, including digital and internet cultures, hardware, interfaces, media and screens, and popular culture.

PurposeThis study surveyed sources of moral distress within rehabilitation counseling practice.MethodA mixed-methods approach, the study used both quantitative and qualitative analyses.ResultsOf the 83 participants who completed the survey, the average rating of moral distress was 4.32 (uncomfortable), with 43% reporting a distress rating of 5 (uncomfortable/distressing) or higher. Based on the descriptions, common sources of moral distress involved (a) compromised service delivery, client welfare, and resources, (b) conflicts between client, treatment team, and family, (c) leadership and climate, and (d) organizational policy and practice.ConclusionsImplications address areas for ongoing discussion, including considerations for how to address moral distress to potentially reduce professional burnout and compassion fatigue with in rehabilitation counseling.

The star's image flickers into view in the dark space of the theater. Her face is white, cosmetically enhanced, and overexposed to such an extent that it glimmers across the screen rather than suggesting solid flesh. The faces of makeup tutorial producers fill smaller computer screens and flicker because of YouTube's low resolution and sometimes-staccato delivery. Mary Ann Doane suggests that close-ups generate “fascination, love, horror, empathy, pain, unease.”1 Close-ups also convey beauty practices. Richard Dyer describes how light beautifies Lillian Gish, “bringing out the fairness of her hair; the use of make-up too gives her face a seamless white glow.”2 Dyer links this lightness to the articulation of whiteness and goodness, a topic that is picked up in considerations of the relationship between beauty culture, lightness, whiteness, and racial norms. Studies of the development of lighting and cinematography, including Patrick Keating's work, indicate the ways in which binary gendered white subjects are produced within films.3 In the 1930s, these techniques helped constitute the glamorous white star as beautiful. Carol Dyhouse traces the relationship between beauty and film industries and glamour.4 Anne Helen Petersen argues that film …

Feminist media studies has observed a series of significant milestones in recent years: 2015 marked the fortieth anniversary of Laura Mulvey's landmark essay “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema”; Camera Obscura , a groundbreaking journal in our field, celebrated its own fortieth anniversary in

Women use the #ManicureMonday Twitter hashtag to educate people about hand and nail care, share their nail art and expertise, and look at various hands. Beginning in 2013, the scientist Hope Jahren organized a hashtag hijacking in which scientists who were not in control of or associated with #ManicureMonday disrupted individuals' collaborative conversations about manicures, tried to educate participants, and expressed the scientists' values and interests. The scientists argued that what women's hands do is more important than how they look and that women and their manicured hands are constructed as passive objects on the Twitter feed. Jahren and these other scientists have identified Twitter as useful for their conversations about science and extended their own social capital by microblogging. They also use Twitter as a way to instruct women about objectification and other feminist issues and to intervene in women's interest in their nails, which these scientists believe is frivolous and disempowering. In this article, I address the diverse ways in which these ideas of usefulness, useful media, instruction, and social capital are articulated through #ManicureMonday by performing a close textual analysis of the manicure tweets and the hashtag hijacking. My reading is based on the relationship among feminist inquiries about viewing positions and objectification, the literature on useful media, and conceptions of social capital. I argue that we need to attend to the ways the #ManicureMonday hijacking and other instances of media education may not be useful for all participants.

This chapter demonstrates the ways nail polish bloggers have conceptualized the limits and the limitations of femininity without narrowly defining femininity. Nail polish bloggers, informed by general cultural perceptions, understand polish as feminine. In a related manner, society identifies nail polish as a low form. Yet nail bloggers also trouble cultural conceptions of normative femininity through their inability and resistance to wholly describing and identifying the feminine. These bloggers critique some aspects of feminine culture and identify the expectations that prevent them from moving beyond certain applications and norms. They emphasize the produced aspects of their nails and bodies and thereby undermine the idea that women and femininity are natural states.

Photographers, heterosexual brides, and news reporters associate “trash the dress,” or TTD post-wedding photography sessions, with resistance. According to them, TTD changes cultural conceptions of weddings and the visual position of married women. In these sessions, women wear white wedding dresses while strolling in unconventional surrounds, jumping into the water, smearing mud on themselves, and acting like zombies. This detailed study of the ways TTD is associated with resistance, with an emphasis on photographers' practices, contributes to resistance studies and feminist literature by considering how opposition is promised and marketed. For instance, photographers promote TTD images as creative, alternative, and better than wedding photography in promotional blogs and other forums. Claims that TTD politically transforms weddings and women's experiences are in need of critique. Resistance, pleasure, and prestige are intertwined in this cultural activity. It is not completely apt to relate this practic...

eBay promises individuals varied identity positions but renders the most traditional roles—particularly wedding engagements and marriages between a woman and a man. The company indicates that “you can get it on eBay” and the site satisfies desires, fulfills consumer needs, and connects people. Yet, eBay also controls the messy and queer aspects of collecting, and institutes a normalizing structure that compels most individuals to follow eBay's directives, attend to its moral codes, and facilitate community trust. I use close visual and textual analysis and feminist and collecting literature to interrogate how eBay deploys narratives about engagement rings, weddings, and heterosexual unions. I also consider the related ways women sellers list their personal wedding dresses. By providing representations of their weddings and marriages, these women support eBay's normalizing structure and trouble some of its functions. Studying such practices is important because wedding cultures and related rituals ordinari...

Contemporary wedding cultures, in Western heterosexual forms, tend to perpetuate normative femininity, women's visual accessibility, and women's position as clean and mannered bodies. Trash the Dress (TTD) postwedding sessions repeat and trouble these cultural conceptions. Photographers work with married women in TTD sessions and document them wearing white wedding dresses while wandering through the country, posing in dilapidated surroundings, jumping into dirty water, and covering themselves in mud. Many women then discuss and portray these events in Internet wedding forums. In these settings, women pleasurably gaze at erotic images of women; compliment the women who post; imagine how emotionally painful it is to get dresses dirty; and remember the sticky, erotic, and disturbing aspects of being wet and filthy. TTD representations of revolting fluids and soiled bodies, which women incorporate into their sessions, may briefly encourage viewers to look, but they are difficult to gaze at. These women's engagements with TTD images, other women, and dirt are notable because they trouble the bounded body, problematize the ways lens-based media has enabled men to look at women, and offer women a form of pleasure and desire that is not so easily correlated with traditional weddings and femininity.

eBay promises to engage everyone while asserting its organizational logic and configuring people. eBay encourages members to identify as traditionally gendered and heterosexual by employing personalization and Web 2.0 conventions. Members tend to follow eBay’s directives and self-present with such culturally approved identities as binary gendered individuals and heterosexual couples. These identities, including the over 1000 portrayals of heterosexual couples and chaotic homes that I analyze using the humanities methods of close visual, textual and theoretical analysis are worth studying because they are derived from significant identifications with objects, consumerism and the company, and compromised by the messy aspects of collecting and the purportedly defiling features of used objects. Members’ depictions of disordered homes negatively code individuals, render the eBay site and auctions as less desirable and suggest the association of the company with goodness and heteronormative purity is fraudulent. The clutter and disorganization of other Web 2.0 sites also troubles traditional identity positions and organizational logics. Further research into the ways norming occurs in these settings is imperative because narratives about internet empowerment make it difficult to identify how regulation and personalization work together.

eBay underwear and swimwear sellers incorporate gay identities and female masculinities into the eBay site. They indicate that the men depicted in listings are gay, suggest listings that are of interest to gay men, and include unconventional bodily presentations. While eBay asserts its role as a selling platform, gay underwear and swimwear listings are often a byproduct of men's interests in self-display and communication with other men. Their sexual representations conflict with eBay's heteronormative focus and the company often regulates them. I reflect on the political influence gay clothing sellers have when imaging their gym-built bodies, soft flesh, uneven physiques, genital bulges, and flaccid penises. The humanities-oriented methods of close visual, textual, and theoretical analysis assist me in considering over 1000 eBay listings and related profiles from the English-language website. I argue that these sellers deserve critical deliberation because they undermine eBay's normalizing discourses and...

Overbooking and no-show forecasting remain critical components of airline revenue management, even as the airline business model changes to meet low-cost challenges. In this paper, we examine the performance of a blended cost-based, PNR-adjusted approach to no-show forecasting, as compared to traditional methods of no-show forecasting. Our results show that this method generates up to 10 per cent revenue gains per available seat-mile compared to historical average no-show rates, and consistently outperforms expert no-show forecasts. We also estimate the revenue gains from overbooking to range between 15 percent and 18 percent of the total revenue gains from revenue management for a 33-day period in the peak summer season.

The designers and programmers of internet settings may indicate that images and events are distributed in real time and as they happen, the technologies are alive, and that the form is unique, but television and internet sites employ similar narratives about liveness, intimacy, and spatial entrances. Internet renderings of liveness suggest that representations are unmediated because images and texts are presented at the same time as the viewer is watching. This makes the various mediated and constructed aspects of the technologies, including the continuation of normative beliefs about gender, race, and sexuality, easier to ignore. Considering how television structures the viewer, historical and critical writings about television liveness, and narratives about internet liveness, and applying this literature to webcams and other internet settings, indicates that these internet renderings are a part of ongoing cultural conventions and provides methods to resist the more stereotyped aspects of these representations.

Studying how sitting and stasis are incorporated into everyday life indicates the variety of embodied positions that people occupy. It also challenges the ways non-disabled individuals are associated with straight standing and two-legged walking and then privileged. In this article, I analyze male computer programmers' descriptions of sitting, stasis and being large. Close textual, theoretical, and visual analysis is employed in considering programmers' posts to Ars Technica, Slashdot and other asynchronous Internet forums. In these settings, programmers describe a lifestyle of ‘sitting at computers for 8, 10, 12, even 24 hours at a time’, physically growing into chairs and being ‘a fat lazy bastard’. By indicating their long periods of stasis and over-involvement with physicality and screen representations, these male computer programmers compromise their position as erect and walking individuals. The position of computer programmers is quite different from normative masculinity, which is associated wit...

(2002). The Aesthetic Of Failure: Net Art Gone Wrong. Angelaki: Vol. 7, No. 1, pp. 173-194.

This article considers ongoing attempts to regulate or even ban research on LambdaMOO. Industry, private individuals, and research institutions have supported MOOs, or multi-user object-oriented worlds. The early research on MOOs by Pavel Curtis, who was one of the key designers, suggests that these systems are part of a research project and have been researched since they were originally designed. However, a group of MOOers have grown increasingly uncomfortable about the quotation of certain texts on web sites and academic journals and the potentially panoptic effect of research. Some of these practices have breached community conventions. Yet, such things as testing, invisibly watching, freely quoting characters, and ignoring certain rules have always been aspects of the system. The dispute over research ethics and the participation of varied researchers within this setting indicate that diverse values are represented among MOOers and different expectations exist about how the MOO might be a community. The term ``community'' and the presumption that online characters are people may have also incorrectly informed the research debate by making it seem that online settings provide immediate access onto spaces, bodies, and individuals. Many MOOers may believe that research threatens individuals and community. However, critical histories and analysis are needed in order to explain the system to new users and encourage alternative forms of development. Such work can only be produced if online systems are open to research and critique.

Most guidelines and proposals for Internet research ethics are based on regulations for human subjects research. In the related research, Internet material is viewed as animate and described as people. Humanities researchers have rarely been a part of the debate about Internet research ethics and the practices of these scholars have not been taken into consideration when drafting most of the guidelines. This threatens to limit the kinds of Internet research that can be performed – critical strategies are particularly discouraged – and the ways that researchers and other users understand the Internet. Researchers who use human subjects models have not fully acknowledged computer mediation, the constructed aspects of Internet representations, and the screen. If we view Internet material as cultural production then the models for Internet research would be Art History and Visual Culture, English and Literary Studies, Film and Media Studies, Music and Sound Studies, and Theatre and Performance Studies. A more complete integration of these approaches into Internet Studies – either as a sole investigatory strategy or in tandem with other forms of inquiry – would change researchers' ethical questions. It would also show instances in which human subjects guidelines do not apply to complex Internet material. It is imperative to demonstrate that Internet material is not people because this conception makes highly constructed words and images seem natural and stereotyped representations appear to be real.

This article relates the textual processes of looking and gazing on MOO's (multiuser object oriented worlds) to feminist theories of the gaze. The gaze and look are privileged terms in these chat oriented settings because of the programming decision to associate information inquiries with the typed command to 'look '. The use of the look command makes it seem that physiognomy oriented character descriptions and architecturally familiar room types can be seen. Many users want to believe that character descriptions offer a view that is like the 'real' body of the user. The constructed nature of the character, literally produced by text, is partially concealed by the insistence that the metaphorical sight of the look is the equivalent of truth. A series of other commands, such as @watch, @peruse, @kgb, @fbi, @scope, glance, @peep, @gawk, and see, also emphasize sight so that the textual setting is made over into a visual space. The names of these commands, and the detailed sets of i...

This article considers the textually constructed 'virtual museum' of LambdaMOO and the users that manufacture their virtual bodies within this structure. As in traditional museums, the MOO museum functions as a legitimising force for the population's activities and as a strategy for constructing aesthetic values. The traditional museum relies on a stable culturally shared understanding of what bodies, objects, spaces, art, and viewers are in order to shape meaning. It is these very characteristics that are disordered by virtual MOO environments. The on-line virtual museum requires a new theory of spectatorship because it presents a quotation, or view, of a museum rather than a physical building structure that can be explored by the corporeal body of the viewer. These performative 'views' destabilise the spectator's ability to access a factual narrative or to remain invested in the realness of the museum system. Thus, the term 'museum' and the traditional viewing body are redefined by the components of MOO environments. This article considers the ways that virtual spectatorship and the virtual museum can constitute a kind of critical work on the traditional museum.