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Vowel contrasts tend to be perceived independently of pitch modulation, but it is not known whether pitch can be perceived independently of vowel quality. This issue was investigated in the context of a lexical tone language, Mandarin Chinese, using a printed word version of the visual world paradigm. Eye movements to four printed words were tracked while listeners heard target words that differed from competitors only in tone (test condition) or also in onset consonant and vowel (control condition). Results showed that the timecourse of tone recognition is influenced by vowel quality for high, low, and rising tones. For these tones, the time for the eyes to converge on the target word in the test condition (relative to control) depended on the vowel with which the tone was coarticulated with /a/ and /i/ supporting faster recognition of high, low, and rising tones than /u/. These patterns are consistent with the hypothesis that tone-conditioned variation in the articulation of /a/ and /i/ facilitates rapid recognition of tones. The one exception to this general pattern-no effect of vowel quality on falling tone perception-may be due to fortuitous amplification of the harmonics relevant for pitch perception in this context.

Cross-language speech perception studies regularly employ categorization tasks to determine listeners’ repertoire of phonological categories. In these tasks, participants select a phoneme from a list of letters or keywords to indicate which speech category they heard. However, recent studies have shown poor categorization accuracy when native (L1) English speakers are asked to categorize English vowels. Categorization tasks require phonemic awareness (PA), the explicit knowledge that words consist of segments, which is acquired alongside alphabetic literacy. Individual differences in PA may account for variability in L1 categorization accuracy. That is, participants with poor phonemic awareness may have difficulty explicitly identifying phonemes in a categorization task, particularly for English vowels, where grapheme-phoneme correspondences are relatively opaque. To test whether PA is related to categorization accuracy, 115 L1 English listeners completed an L1 vowel categorization task and three PA tasks: phoneme counting, deletion, and reversal. Strong correlations were observed between categorization accuracy and all three PA tasks, suggesting PA may account for a substantial proportion of individual variability in vowel categorization tasks. This finding questions the utility of the categorization task for determining listeners’ phonemic categories and has further implications for assessing second language speech categories.

Japanese learners of English can acquire /r/ and /l/, but discrimination accuracy rarely reaches native speaker levels. How do L2 learners develop phonological categories to acquire a vocabulary when they cannot reliably tell them apart? This study aimed to test the possibility that learners establish new L2 categories but perceive phonological overlap between them when they perceive an L2 phone. That is, they perceive it to be an instance of more than one of their L2 phonological categories. If so, improvements in discrimination accuracy with L2 experience should correspond to a reduction in overlap. Japanese native speakers differing in English L2 immersion, and native English speakers, completed a forced category goodness rating task, where they rated the goodness of fit of an auditory stimulus to an English phonological category label. The auditory stimuli were 10 steps of a synthetic /r/&ndash, /l/ continuum, plus /w/ and /j/, and the category labels were L, R, W, and Y. Less experienced Japanese participants rated steps at the /l/-end of the continuum as equally good versions of /l/ and /r/, but steps at the /r/-end were rated as better versions of /r/ than /l/. For those with more than 2 years of immersion, there was a separation of goodness ratings at both ends of the continuum, but the separation was smaller than it was for the native English speakers. Thus, L2 listeners appear to perceive a phonological overlap between /r/ and /l/. Their performance on the task also accounted for their responses on /r/&ndash, /l/ identification and AXB discrimination tasks. As perceived phonological overlap appears to improve with immersion experience, assessing category overlap may be useful for tracking L2 phonological development.

Auditory speech appears to be linked to visual articulatory gestures and orthography through different mechanisms. Yet, both types of visual information have a strong influence on speech processing. The present study directly compared their contributions to speech processing using a novel word learning paradigm. Native speakers of French, who were familiar with English, learned minimal pairs of novel English words containing the English /θ/-/f/ phonemic contrast under one of three exposure conditions: (a) the auditory forms of novel words alone, (b) the auditory forms associated with articulatory gestures, or (c) the auditory forms associated with orthography. The benefits of the three methods were compared during training and at two posttraining time points where the visual cues were no longer available. We also assessed participants' auditory-only discrimination of the /θ/-/f/ contrast pretraining and posttraining. During training, the visual cues facilitated novel word learning beyond the benefit of the auditory input alone. However, these additional benefits did not persist when participants' discrimination and novel word learning performance were assessed immediately after training. Most interestingly, after a night's sleep, participants who were exposed to orthography during training showed significant improvement in both discrimination and novel word learning compared to the previous day. The findings are discussed in terms of online versus residual impacts of articulatory gestures and orthography on speech processing. While both visual cues are beneficial when they are simultaneously presented with speech, only orthography shows residual impacts leading to a sleep-dependent enhancement of lexical knowledge through memory consolidation and retuning of the second language /θ/-/f/ contrast. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Non-native vowels perceived as speech-like but not identified with a particular native (L1) vowel are assimilated as uncategorised, and have received very little empirical attention. According to the Perceptual Assimilation Model (PAM: Best, 1995), contrasts where one or both phones are uncategorised are Uncategorised-Categorised and Uncategorised-Uncategorised, respectively. We reasoned that discrimination accuracy for these assimilations should be influenced by perceived phonological overlap (i.e., overlap in the categorisations to L1 vowels), and predicted excellent discrimination for non-overlapping contrasts, followed by partially overlapping, and completely overlapping contrasts. To test those predictions, Australian English speakers discriminated between Danish monophthongal and diphthongal vowel contrasts that formed Uncategorised-Categorised and Uncategorised-Uncategorised assimilations, varying in the presence of overlap, in addition to Two-Category and Single-Category contrasts. The discrimination accuracy results supported our predictions. These findings have implications for PAM, and broader relevance to second-language learning models, as they allow for more precise discrimination predictions to be made based on assimilation type.

Pronunciations of Beijing Mandarin are those of Standard Mandarin (hereafter Mandarin), which developed from the Beijing dialect. Native speakers of other regional dialects in China learn Mandarin as an early second language, and produce its four lexical tones (level, rising, dipping, and falling) with regional accents. This study investigated how native Beijing Mandarin listeners perceptually assimilate regionally accented Mandarin lexical tones. Native Beijing Mandarin listeners (M age = 21.31 years) were recruited to identify 16 Mandarin real words (4 consonant-vowel syllables: ba, di, du, gu × 4 tones) produced by speakers of Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou dialects and to rate how similar the productions were to the Beijing accent. Stimuli were blocked by syllable, maintaining minimal contrasts between the tones. The Beijing listeners identified Mandarin words in all three accents with high accuracy (>90%), indicating that they reliably assimilated the regionally accented tones into the four Mandarin tones. However, their reaction times were longer and their rating scores were lower for the regional accents than for the Beijing stimuli. This indicates that while Mandarin listeners are sensitive to accent differences in Mandarin lexical tones, they show phonological constancy across regional accents, which is crucial for tone categorization and discrimination of tone contrasts.

This study (N = 370) examined mate preferences in men and women using the budget allocation paradigm across traits typically studied and the value placed on geographic proximity or propinquity. Importantly, traditionally studied preferences (i.e., physical attractiveness and social status) were seen as priorities, whereas the novel trait of distance was a luxury, suggesting that people were willing to travel to find a partner who satisfies their more important mate preferences. Men valued a short-term mate who was close to them more than women did. Prior work on mate preferences was replicated in their context-specific nature as per evolutionary models of mate choice.

This study investigated tone variations in regionally accented Mandarin (i.e., Standard Mandarin [SM] spoken by native speakers of other regional dialects in China). Yantai, Shanghai, and Guangzhou dialects were selected because their tone systems are different in various ways from the Beijing dialect, which is the basis of the SM tone system. 16 female regional speakers (4 speakers × 4 dialectal regions) were recruited to produce SM monosyllabic words that allow minimal contrasts among the four Mandarin lexical tones (i.e., level, rising, dipping, and falling tones). The overall f0 contours within and across the four regional accents were modelled with growth curve analysis up to second-order orthogonal polynomials. The averaged tone shapes were significantly different within each of the regional accents, indicating that each group of regional Mandarin speakers successfully differentiated the four Mandarin lexical tones. However, the tone shape for each of the non-Beijing groups deviated significantly from Beijing Mandarin in two ways: (1) The quadratic term for the regional accents' dipping tones each differed significantly from Beijing accent; (2) The slopes of the regional accents' rising and falling tones each differed significantly from Beijing accent. These two differences facilitate better understanding of tone variations triggered by regional accents.

To become language users, infants must embrace the integrality of speech perception and production. That they do so, and quite rapidly, is implied by the native-language attunement they achieve in each domain by 6–12 months. Yet research has most often addressed one or the other domain, rarely how they interrelate. Moreover, mainstream assumptions that perception relies on acoustic patterns whereas production involves motor patterns entail that the infant would have to translate incommensurable information to grasp the perception–production relationship. We posit the more parsimonious view that both domains depend on commensurate articulatory information. Our proposed framework combines principles of the Perceptual Assimilation Model (PAM) and Articulatory Phonology (AP). According to PAM, infants attune to articulatory information in native speech and detect similarities of nonnative phones to native articulatory patterns. The AP premise that gestures of the speech organs are the basic elements of phonology offers articulatory similarity metrics while satisfying the requirement that phonological information be discrete and contrastive: (a) distinct articulatory organs produce vocal tract constrictions and (b) phonological contrasts recruit different articulators and/or constrictions of a given articulator that differ in degree or location. Various lines of research suggest young children perceive articulatory information, which guides their productions: discrimination of between- versus within-organ contrasts, simulations of attunement to language-specific articulatory distributions, multimodal speech perception, oral/vocal imitation, and perceptual effects of articulator activation or suppression. We conclude that articulatory gesture information serves as the foundation for developmental integrality of speech perception and production.

This study examined three ways that perception of non-native phones may be uncategorized relative to native (L1) categories: focalized (predominantly similar to a single L1 category), clustered (similar to > 2 L1 categories), and dispersed (not similar to any L1 categories). In an online study, Egyptian Arabic speakers residing in Egypt categorized and rated all Australian English vowels. Evidence was found to support focalized, clustered, and dispersed uncategorized assimilations. Second-language (L2) category formation for uncategorized assimilations is predicted to depend upon the degree of perceptual overlap between the sets of L1 categories listeners use in assimilating each phone within an L2 contrast.

Research on language-specific tuning in speech perception has focused mainly on consonants, while that on non-native vowel perception has failed to address whether the same principles apply. Therefore, non-native vowel perception was investigated here in light of relevant theoretical models: the Perceptual Assimilation Model (PAM) and the Natural Referent Vowel (NRV) framework. American-English speakers completed discrimination and native language assimilation (categorization and goodness rating) tests on six nonnative vowel contrasts. Discrimination was consistent with PAM assimilation types, but asymmetries predicted by NRV were only observed for single-category assimilations, suggesting that perceptual assimilation might modulate the effects of vowel peripherality on non-native vowel perception. © 2014 S. Karger AG, Basel

The perceptual assimilation model (PAM; Best, C. T. [1995]. A direct realist view of cross-language speech perception. In W. Strange (Ed.), Speech perception and linguistic experience: Issues in cross-language research (pp. 171-204). Baltimore, MD: York Press.) accounts for developmental patterns of speech contrast discrimination by proposing that infants shift from untuned phonetic perception at 6 months to natively tuned perceptual assimilation at 11-12 months, but the model does not predict initial discrimination differences among contrasts. To address that issue, we evaluated the Articulatory Organ Hypothesis, which posits that consonants produced using different articulatory organs are initially easier to discriminate than those produced with the same articulatory organ. We tested English-learning 6- and 11-month-olds' discrimination of voiceless fricative place contrasts from Nuu-Chah-Nulth (non-native) and English (native), with one within-organ and one between-organ contrast from each language. Both native and non-native contrasts were discriminated across age, suggesting that articulatory-organ differences do not influence perception of speech contrasts by young infants. The results highlight the fact that a decline in discrimination for non-native contrasts does not always occur over age.

Monolingual listeners are constrained by native language experience when categorizing and discriminating unfamiliar non-native contrasts. Are early bilinguals constrained in the same way by their two languages, or do they possess an advantage? Greek–English bilinguals in either Greek or English language mode were compared to monolinguals on categorization and discrimination of Ma'di stop-voicing distinctions that are non-native to both languages. As predicted, English monolinguals categorized Ma'di prevoiced plosive and implosive stops and the coronal voiceless stop as English voiced stops. The Greek monolinguals categorized the Ma'di short-lag voiceless stops as Greek voiceless stops, and the prevoiced implosive stops and the coronal prevoiced stop as Greek voiced stops. Ma'di prenasalized stops were uncategorized. Greek monolinguals discriminated the non-native voiced-voiceless contrasts very well, whereas the English monolinguals did poorly. Bilinguals were given all oral and written instructions either in English or in Greek (language mode manipulation). Each language mode subgroup categorized Ma'di stop-voicing comparably to the corresponding monolingual group. However, the bilinguals’ discrimination was unaffected by language mode: both subgroups performed intermediate to the monolinguals for the prevoiced-voiceless contrast. Thus, bilinguals do not possess an advantage for unfamiliar non-native contrasts, but are nonetheless uniquely configured language users, differing from either monolingual group.

By 12 months, children grasp that a phonetic change to a word can change its identity (phonological distinctiveness). However, they must also grasp that some phonetic changes do not (phonological constancy). To test development of phonological constancy, sixteen 15-month-olds and sixteen 19-month-olds completed an eye-tracking task that tracked their gaze to named versus unnamed images for familiar words spoken in their native (Australian) and an unfamiliar non-native (Jamaican) regional accent of English. Both groups looked longer at named than unnamed images for Australian pronunciations, but only 19-month-olds did so for Jamaican pronunciations, indicating that phonological constancy emerges by 19 months. Vocabulary size predicted 15-month-olds' identifications for the Jamaican pronunciations, suggesting vocabulary growth is a viable predictor for phonological constancy development.

Cues have been identified as important precursors to successful diagnoses among expert practitioners. However, current approaches to the identification of expert cues typically rely on subjective methods, making the validity of cues difficult to establish. The present research examined the utility of a Paired-Concept Association Task (P-CAT) as a basis for discriminating expert and novice cue activation in the context of offender profiling. Three studies are reported: 1A employed a cognitive interview for the acquisition of cue-based concepts used by experts and novices; 1B presented pairs of concepts as part of the P-CAT, which recorded response latency; and, 1C employed a survey to further gauge participants’ perceptions of the concepts. The results revealed differences between experts and novices in the cue-based associations activated, and in the response latencies associated with the P-CAT, across expertise. The P-CAT accurately discriminated expert from novice cue activation and consequently offers a new method for objectively validating expert cue use.

Humans have remarkable statistical learning abilities for verbal speech-like materials and for nonverbal music-like materials. Statistical learning has been shown with artificial languages (AL) that consist of the concatenation of nonsense word-like units into a continuous stream. These ALs contain no cues to unit boundaries other than the transitional probabilities between events, which are high within a unit and low between units. Most AL studies have used units of regular lengths. In the present study, the ALs were based on the same statistical structures but differed in unit length regularity (i.e., whether they were made out of units of regular vs. irregular lengths) and in materials (i.e., syllables vs. musical timbres), to allow us to investigate the influence of unit length regularity on domain-general statistical learning. In addition to better performance for verbal than for nonverbal materials, the findings revealed an effect of unit length regularity, with better performance for languages with regular- (vs. irregular-) length units. This unit length regularity effect suggests the influence of dynamic attentional processes (as proposed by the dynamic attending theory; Large & Jones (Psychological Review 106: 119–159, 1999)) on domain-general statistical learning.

How listeners categorize two phones predicts the success with which they will discriminate the given phonetic distinction. In the case of bilinguals, such perceptual patterns could reveal whether the listener’s two phonological systems are integrated or separate. This is of particular interest when a given contrast is realized differently in each language, as is the case with Greek and English stop-voicing distinctions. We had Greek–English early sequential bilinguals and Greek and English monolinguals (baselines) categorize, rate, and discriminate stop-voicing contrasts in each language. All communication with each group of bilinguals occurred solely in one language mode, Greek or English. The monolingual groups showed the expected native-language constraints, each perceiving their native contrast more accurately than the opposing nonnative contrast. Bilinguals’ category-goodness ratings for the same physical stimuli differed, consistent with their language mode, yet their discrimination performance was unaffected by language mode and biased toward their dominant language (English). We conclude that bilinguals integrate both languages in a common phonetic space that is swayed by their long-term dominant language environment for discrimination, but that they selectively attend to language-specific phonetic information for phonologically motivated judgments (category-goodness ratings).

An experiment investigated the effect of tonal language background on discrimination of pitch contour in short spoken and musical items. It was hypothesized that extensive exposure to a tonal language attunes perception of pitch contour. Accuracy and reaction times of adult participants from tonal (Thai) and non-tonal (Australian English) language backgrounds were recorded as they discriminated intact and low-pass filtered Thai and English items that differed in rising/falling contour (speech task), and musical items that differed in rising/falling contour, major/minor interval, and contour plus interval features (music task). As hypothesized, the tonal language group was significantly faster and more accurate at discriminating intact speech items on the basis of pitch contour. The tonal language group was also significantly faster in response to musical contour and intervals, although accuracy was equivalent across language groups. The results provide some support for the contention that a tonal language environment fosters perceptual attunement to contour in spoken items and this can generalize to relatively fast responding to contour in a more musical setting.