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Little is known about suicide attempts among sex offenders. This study examines the rates of nonfatal suicide attempts among a sample (N = 3,030) of incarcerated male sex offenders. Overall, the authors found that 14% of sex offenders in the study sample had made a suicide attempt at some point in their lives. Of those, 11% had reported a suicide attempt prior to incarceration, 0.5% had made a suicide attempt while incarcerated, and 2.5% made suicide attempts both prior to and during incarceration. Sex offenders who made suicide attempts were significantly more likely than those who did not make suicide attempts to have had an abusive childhood, a history of psychiatric problems, intellectual impairment, male victims, and related victims. Suicide attempters also scored higher on actuarial risk measures than nonattempters. No differences were found in attempter status between sex offenders who committed sex offenses against children and those who committed sex offenses against adults. A history of psychiatric problems and treatment as well as childhood abuse/neglect and perpetration against male victims predicted suicide attempter status. These findings are discussed as they pertain to suicide prevention, risk assessment, and the collateral consequences of sex offender legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study examined whether evaluators use actuarial risk scores and risk information to make determinations about sex offender risk status for the purpose of enhanced registration and notification. Although it was expected that sexual offenders selected for enhanced registration and notification would have higher scores on actuarial risk assessment tools than those who were not selected, few differences were found between groups with regard to risk factors associated with sexual offense recidivism. Given that actuarial tools enhance the prediction of sexual recidivism, this study may shed light on problems in the implementation of sex offender policy measures. Results are discussed as they pertain to the assessment and application of registration and community notification statutes for sexual offenders. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Residency restrictions prohibit sex offenders from living within close proximity to schools and other areas where children congregate. Though widely implemented, little empirical research has yet examined where sex offenders reside in relation to schools. Using mapping software, this study examines the differential impact of residency restrictions on housing availability in town, county, and city-wide jurisdictions, and further examines distances of sex offender and comparison community member residencies in proximity to schools. Though findings reveal that residency restrictions mostly impact housing availability in urban areas, residency shortages would likely occur in rural and suburban areas as well. Moreover, although sex offenders residing in city areas tend to live closer to schools than randomly selected community members, offenders with child victims in the same area live further from schools than offenders with no child victims. Policy implications, including concerns over housing shortages, and suggestions for future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information from 363 convicted child molesters, housed in either a state correctional facility or an inpatient sex offender treatment program, was examined using legal, correctional, and treatment records to determine factors that differentiate violent child molesters from non-violent child molesters. Of this sample, 21% of the offenders were considered violent. Consistent with prior literature, multivariate analyses revealed that violent offenders were significantly younger, more likely to be unemployed, tended to be single, had committed their first sex crime at an earlier age, and had more total sex crime charges. Additionally, offenders were more sexually violent with strangers than immediate family members and with older victims compared to younger victims. Contrary to prior literature, violent child molesters were more likely to be married than divorced or widowed. These findings are particularly important considering the relationship between history of violence and recidivism. The results are discussed in relation to previous findings, difficulties in defining violence, and risk assessment. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Studies have produced equivocal findings regarding whether sex offenders are stable in their choice of victims. Indeed, it remains unclear whether a sex offender's subsequent victims are typically of the same gender, age range, and victim-perpetrator relationship as that of the initial victim. Although some differences may be attributed to methodological disparities, others are not. This study sought to clarify this question by examining the tendency of sex offenders to switch from one type of victim to another, both within an index offense and across offenses and all victims. Archival records of 789 incarcerated sex offenders were examined. Of those offenders who had multiple victims at the index offense (n = 279), 13% had victims of both genders, 14% had victims in different age categories (child, adolescent, and adult), and 13% had varying relationships with the victims (i.e., family member, acquaintance, or stranger). When the records of those with past sexual convictions were examined (n = 208), 20% of offenders had a prior victim of a different gender; 40% crossed over across age categories, and 48% of the repeat offenders had varying relationships with the victim across convictions. Offenders who had both male and female victims and offenders who had victims of varied relationship status across crimes had higher Static-99 risk scores than offenders who were more stable with regard to victim selection. These findings are compared to those of previous studies, focusing on how these results add clarity to a previous literature whose conclusions were challenged by the use of disparate sampling and research methodologies.

Little is known about suicide attempts among sex offenders. This study examines the rates of nonfatal suicide attempts among a sample (N = 3,030) of incarcerated male sex offenders. Overall, the authors found that 14% of sex offenders in the study sample had made a suicide attempt at some point in their lives. Of those, 11% had reported a suicide attempt prior to incarceration, 0.5% had made a suicide attempt while incarcerated, and 2.5% made suicide attempts both prior to and during incarceration. Sex offenders who made suicide attempts were significantly more likely than those who did not make suicide attempts to have had an abusive childhood, a history of psychiatric problems, intellectual impairment, male victims, and related victims. Suicide attempters also scored higher on actuarial risk measures than nonattempters. No differences were found in attempter status between sex offenders who committed sex offenses against children and those who committed sex offenses against adults. A history of psychiatric problems and treatment as well as childhood abuse/neglect and perpetration against male victims predicted suicide attempter status. These findings are discussed as they pertain to suicide prevention, risk assessment, and the collateral consequences of sex offender legislation.