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What happens to an Islamist party after moderating its behaviour and ideology? Existing work on Islamist parties has elaborated the varied causes of moderation. Yet, the mixed findings do not capture the full range of Islamist dynamics. This article draws on a multiyear, interview-based study of the Tunisian Islamist party Ennahda to interrogate the process of intraparty change after moderation. Islamist parties face a two-level problem with external and internal trade-offs. I argue that the intraparty characteristics that enable moderation may also contribute to undermining a party's institutional structure and identity as it responds to an uncertain political context. These findings bring processual evidence from Islamist parties into broader explanations of party change and highlight the ongoing effects of moderation, not just its causes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (AD/HD) and divorce are very prevalent in western societies, and they may occur together. AD/HD is generally viewed as a neurobiological disorder, which has led to a commonly held belief that social-environmental factors play little role in the symptom profile of children diagnosed with the disorder. This study investigated the association between parental divorce, remarriage, multiple transitions, the quality of relationships with family members and the psychological well-being of children and adolescents with AD/HD. First, differences in children's AD/HD symptom profiles in relation to parents' divorce status (single/multiple divorce) and family composition (single parent/stepfamily) were examined. Second, the association between the quality of children's relationships with each family member and parents' marital status (divorced/non-divorced) and family composition was investigated. In addition, age, gender and AD/HD subtype differences were assessed. Third, the association between the quality of children's interactions with family members and children's AD/HD symptom profile was explored. No significant differences in children's behavioural profiles were found in terms of parents' divorce status. Living in stepfamilies was associated with greater AD/HD severity and social malfunctioning. Disruptive parent--child and sibling relationships were found to be related to children's age, gender, AD/HD subtype and parents' marital status. Further, poor interactions with family members correlated with children's AD/HD severity and psychological well-being. In summary, divorce, remarriage and the quality of relationships with family members are important correlates of the symptom profile of children with AD/HD, and this emphasises the need for special treatment modules for these families.

It is generally accepted that Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) results from a dysfunction of the central nervous system, which has led to a commonly held belief that environmental factors play little role in the behavioural problems of children identified as having ADHD. Therefore, the two studies reported in this article investigated the relationship between parental divorce and the psychological well-being of children with ADHD. Subjects, aged 6 to 18 years, were diagnosed with either the inattentive or combined subtype of the disorder. Firstly, differences in children's behaviour between divorced and non-divorced families were examined, and subtype, age, and gender differences were evaluated in terms of symptom severity and comorbid conditions. Secondly, parents' perceptions of the impact of their children's behaviour on marital status and family/parental functioning were examined. Parental divorce was associated with greater symptom severity, more externalizing/internalizing behaviours, and poorer social functioning, but less with academic underachievement. Further, parental divorce was related to adjustment differences in ADHD subtypes, age, and gender. However, the correlation between behaviour problems of children with ADHD and marital/family dysfunction was weak. It may be concluded that parental divorce was associated with the psychological well-being in children with ADHD, and there is some suggestion that ADHD should be viewed as a bio-psychosocial disorder. (Contains 6 tables.)

A study investigated electroencephalographic (EEG) differences between children with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder with reading disabilities (ADHD + RD) (n=20) or without (n=20), and 20 controls. Results indicate differences found in the ADHD + RD group represent an electrophysiological component associated with the reading disability that is independent of ADHD EEG divergences. (Contains references.) (Author/CR)

This study investigated the relationship between divorce and the symptom profile of children with attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder (AD/HD). The files of 1,201 children from a pediatric practice in Sydney, Australia were used in this study. Children were aged 6 to 18 years, and were diagnosed with either the inattentive or combined type of AD/HD. Results show that 213 children had parents who were divorced. Children with the combined type, and especially boys with comorbid conduct disorder/oppositional defiant disorder (CD/ODD) were more common in the divorced group, and children of the inattentive type with comorbid learning disabilities were overrepresented in nondivorced families. Results suggest that divorce is associated with disruptive behavior patterns in children with AD/HD. The importance of including marital status as an important correlate in AD/HD treatment outcomes is discussed. KEYWORDS AD/HD, subtype, gender, age, divorce, comorbidity

A democratic transition is likely to bring significant changes to the character of contentious politics. Scholars argue protest is likely to become normalized and more frequent because of new opportunities, but less radical because it is channelled by political actors into a more responsive political system. However, less attention has been paid to explaining those protest episodes, which remain transgressive. This article uses an original event catalogue and informant interviews to examine the microlevel interactions within one such episode, the Kamour protest in Tunisia in 2017, in which hundreds of young unemployed protesters staged a four-month long sit-in and shut off an oil pipeline to demand jobs and increased state spending in their region. Findings show that in conditions of low political trust, protesters relied on three mechanisms: they escalated but self-limited their actions; organized autonomously but used fraternization to seek the protection of the military; and resisted institutionalization as a political party even as they transformed their claims to appeal to the 'absent state' to demand deeper democratic reforms. Evidence from Tunisia contributes to explaining how political mistrust shapes transgressive protests after a democratic transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]