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Neither the ECOWAS Common approach nor single-country unilateralism offers consistent and dependable systems for effective migration governance in West Africa. Both approaches derive from neo-realist and neo-liberal frameworks and produce incoherent, contradictory, and conflicting migration systems which adversely affect the quality of transborder mobility, governance, and security. Using the case of Nigeria and the Republic of Benin, this article applies social constructivism to argue for a third approach to migration governance: one in which neighboring or bordering states implement flexible, coherent, and hybrid migration systems based on the specificities of their cultural, political, and economic needs, while adapting to the common regional approach and foregoing their distinct unilateralism. The constructivism-based approach focuses on four dimensions underpinning exclusively flexible and mutually acceptable migration standards: (i) joint transborder security and policing, (ii) joint rehabilitation of dilapidated and porous transboundary areas, (iii) bilateral harmonization of immigration laws and policies, and (iv) protection of immigrants' social rights., Author(s): Victor Chidubem Iwuoha [sup.1] , Casmir Chukwuka Mbaegbu [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.10757.34, 0000 0001 2108 8257, Department of Political Science, University of Nigeria, , Nsukka, Nigeria Introduction A [...]

The outbreak and spread of coronavirus disease (COVID-19) is probably the most serious global challenge since World War II. While research has paid considerable attention to the technical, epidemiological and public health aspects of the pandemic in Africa, it neglects the social, economic and political dimensions. Relying on analysis of data on trends of COVID-19 infections from the World Health Organization and Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, and a rapid review of available international and national policy/programme documents on COVID-19 control responses in Africa, this study assessed the extant protocols and responses to COVID-19 in relation to urban governance principles. Utilizing the political economy framework, the social conditions of informal labour and business activities during the COVID-19 pandemic are explored with accession to social habitus of informality. The paper argues that in as much as the COVID-19 pandemic is a pervasive health problem it should be treated more as a social and political economy challenge given the large informal nature of urbanism in Africa. The study concludes that urban governance that incorporates collective organization, community groups, non-state and informal actors offers scope in the battle against COVID-19 in Africa. Rethinking African urbanism in line with the principles of the Global Campaign on Urban Governance is also canvassed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the years, the absence of party ideology has impacted on the pre- and post-election outcomes with its attendant consequences on democratisation and peace building in Africa. The character of Africa, nay Nigerian state, unhealthy intra and inter party relations and partial attitudes of election management body undermines post-election peace building amidst democratisation. The study revisits the challenge of party politics, electoral violence and dynamics of peace building in Africa, and specifically in Nigeria. The study addresses this task, long recognised but relatively neglected in extant literature with a view to exploring the practical sagacity and dynamics of elections as mechanism for peace building and panacea to electoral violence. The study contends that the nature of party politics and its weak internal conflict resolution mechanism portends great danger for peace building and democratisation in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The novel COVID -19 pandemic is a global challenge, yet the effects of the virus are different in every sector of the economy. Economic activities in the informal sector (IFS) of developing countries are highly dynamic but contribute substantially to the general growth of the economy and personal or household income of women. About 90% of women in the IFS of the developing countries are some of the most vulnerable to COVID - 19 pandemic. This is because they were forced to choose exposing themselves to the virus and putting food on the table through their daily toils. Due to limited access to essential social services, many of these women engage in small-scale trades in an unhygienic environment. This study examined the extent political economy of COVID-19 has affected women in the IFS the predictors of the level of effect and the possibility of locational difference of the effect. This research utilized Marxian political economy (dialectical materialism) built on a well-structured questionnaire enumeration of women from 357 households in Nsukka Local Government Area of Enugu State, Nigeria. The choice of Nsukka Local Government Area is hinged on the availability of the urban, semi urban and rural communities. The lockdown of the economy was used to capture the political economy of COVID-19. The real limit mean, binary logistic regression and One-Way ANOVA were used to address the objectives of the study. The analyses result showed that the political and economic dynamics of Covid-19 negatively affected these women to a high extent. The variables that determine the level of effect of political economy of Covid-19 on these women were their weekly income and the product they sold. However, the level of effect of the interplay of politics and economy of Covid-19 on women in the informal sector was not significantly different across the urban, semi-urban and rural locations. Based on the results, the study recommend amongst others for the re-jigging of the social provisioning nets by the government to avert the effects of unexpected disruption of economic activities in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]