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Accurate and user-friendly rapid point-of-care diagnostic tests (POCT) are needed to optimize treatment of Neisseria gonorrhoeae, especially in low-resource settings where syndromic management is the standard of care for sexually transmitted infections. This study aimed to assess the acceptability and usability of a novel lateral flow assay and portable reader for the point-of-care detection of N. gonorrhoeae infection (NG-LFA). This mixed-methods study was conducted as part of a diagnostic performance and usability evaluation of a prototype NG-LFA for detection of N. gonorrhoeae in symptomatic men and women at primary healthcare facilities in the Buffalo City Metro, South Africa. The Standardized System Usability Scale (SUS) was administered, and in-depth interviews were conducted among healthcare professionals (HCPs) and fieldworkers (FWs) at pre-implementation, initial use and 3- and 6-month study implementation to assess user expectations, practical experience, and future implementation considerations for the NG-LFA. Data collection and analysis was guided by the Health Technology Adoption Framework, including new health technology attributes, learnability, satisfaction, and suitability. The framework was adapted to include perceived durability. A total of 21 HCPs and FWs were trained on the NG-LFA use. SUS scores showed good to excellent acceptability ranging from 78.8-90.6 mean scores between HCPs and FWs across study time points. All transcripts were coded using Dedoose and qualitative findings were organized by learnability, satisfaction, suitability, and durability domains. Usability themes are described for each time point. Initial insecurity dissipated and specimen processing dexterity with novel POCT technology was perfected over time especially amongst FWs through practical learning and easy-to-use instructions (learnability). Participants experienced both positive and negative test results, yielding perceived accuracy and minimal testing challenges overall (satisfaction). By 3- and 6-month use, both HCPs and FWs found the NG-LFA convenient to use in primary health care facilities often faced with space constraints and outlined perceived benefits for patients (suitability and durability). Findings show that the NG-LFA device is acceptable and usable even amongst paraprofessionals. High SUS scores and qualitative findings demonstrate high learnability, ease-of-use and suitability that provide valuable information for first-step scale-up requirements at primary healthcare level. Minor prototype adjustments would enhance robustness and durability aspects.

Accurate serologic tests to detect host antibodies to severe acute respiratory syndrome–related coronavirus-2 (SARS-CoV-2) will be critical for the public health response to the coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic. Many use cases are envisaged, including complementing molecular methods for diagnosis of active disease and estimating immunity for individuals. At the population level, carefully designed seroepidemiologic studies will aid in the characterization of transmission dynamics and refinement of disease burden estimates and will provide insight into the kinetics of humoral immunity. Yet, despite an explosion in the number and availability of serologic assays to test for antibodies against SARS-CoV-2, most have undergone minimal external validation to date. This hinders assay selection and implementation, as well as interpretation of study results. In addition, critical knowledge gaps remain regarding serologic correlates of protection from infection or disease, and the degree to which these assays cross-react with antibodies against related coronaviruses. This article discusses key use cases for SARS-CoV-2 antibody detection tests and their application to serologic studies, reviews currently available assays, highlights key areas of ongoing research, and proposes potential strategies for test implementation., Accurate serologic tests to detect host antibodies to SARS-CoV-2 will be critical for the public health response to the COVID-19 pandemic. This article discusses key use cases for SARS-CoV-2 antibody detection tests, their application to serologic studies, and the currently available assays. The authors also highlight key areas of ongoing research and propose potential strategies for test implementation.

This dissertation aims at understanding which factors may stimulate a transition to an integrated management of municipal solid waste at the national level in Brazil and the local level in Rio de Janeiro. At the national level, it explores how the quantity of recyclable materials recovered by municipalities correlates with its formal structure, such as existing municipal policies, institutional arrangements, administrative variables, and geographical factors. In Rio de Janeiro, this research analyzes the management of solid urban waste as a socio-technical system and aims at investigating niches of innovation that may challenge the mainstream management and drive the waste system to sustainability. Both the national statistical analysis and the local qualitative study reveal, on the one hand, the critical role of environmental education, on the other, the limitation of policy instruments and formal institutions. The statistical analysis demonstrates that having by law the main municipal policy instruments does not guarantee that municipalities perform better in recycling. Moreover, the existence of local policies appeared to be less relevant than the location and size of the municipal population. The policy variables statistically more relevant for explaining the recuperation of recyclable materials turned out to be the environmental education initiatives and climate change actions. After mapping the actors playing a role in the waste governance in Rio de Janeiro, the qualitative study focused on grassroots innovations in waste management in favelas. Environmental education is at the heart of these initiatives that sprout in communities often characterized by violence and lack of public policies. By presenting some of these initiatives, their origins, challenges, survival strategies, and the potential benefits of the interaction with the public and private sectors, this investigation sheds light on the potential of these niches to affect the regime of the waste management of the city. Taken all together, the results suggest that cultivating the environmental awareness of the population and getting their collaboration and engagement in enacting sustainable waste management practices could be at least as critical as passing the appropriate piece of legislation. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo compreender quais fatores podem estimular a transição para uma gestão integrada de resíduos sólidos urbanos em nível nacional no Brasil e no nível local no Rio de Janeiro. No nível nacional, explora-se como a quantidade de materiais recicláveis recuperados pelos municípios se correlacionam com sua estrutura formal, como políticas municipais existentes, arranjos institucionais, variáveis administrativas e fatores geográficos. No Rio de Janeiro, descreve-se a gestão de resíduos sólidos urbanos (RSU) como um sistema sociotécnico e busca-se investigar nichos de inovação que possam desafiar a gestão convencional e conduzir o sistema de resíduos à sustentabilidade. Tanto a análise estatística nacional como o estudo qualitativo local revelam, por um lado, o papel crítico da educação ambiental, por outro, a limitação de instrumentos de políticas e instituições formais. A análise estatística demonstra que ter em lei os principais instrumentos municipais de política ambiental não garante que os municípios tenham um melhor desempenho na reciclagem. Inclusive a existência de políticas ambientais locais se demonstrou menos relevante que a localização e a população da cidade. As variáveis de políticas públicas mais relevantes estatisticamente para explicar a recuperação de material reciclável foram as iniciativas específicas em educação ambiental e mudança climática. Depois de mapear os atores que desempenham um papel na governança dos resíduos do Rio de Janeiro, o estudo qualitativo concentrou-se em inovações de base na gestão de resíduos em favelas. A educação ambiental está no centro dessas iniciativas que emergem em comunidades, que são muitas vezes vítimas de violência e de ausência do poder público. Apresentando algumas dessas iniciativas, suas origens, desafios, estratégias de sobrevivência e os potenciais benefícios da interação com os setores público e privado, esta pesquisa lança luz sobre o potencial desses nichos informais para afetar o regime de gerenciamento de resíduos da cidade. Em conjunto, esses resultados sugerem que cultivar a conscientização ambiental da população e conseguir sua colaboração e engajamento na implementação de práticas sustentáveis de gerenciamento de resíduos pode ser, no mínimo, tão crítico quanto adotar as políticas adequadas.

Comunicación presentada en el Congreso Internacional Interdisciplinar "La ciudad: imágenes e imaginarios" celebrado en la Facultad de Humanidades, Comunicación y Documentación, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid del 12 al 15 marzo de 2018. El largo recorrido histórico del concepto de ciudadanía y su evolución gnoseológica ha sido ampliamente analizado por la historiografía en las distintas etapas históricas. Desde el mundo clásico, en la polis griega, conforme al modelo patriarcal, existía la igualdad ciudadana sólo entre la población masculina. Desde la edad media y los primeros liberalismos excluyentes, no sólo en función del sexo, sino también en función de la raza, renta, propiedades, independencia personal o grado “civilizatorio”, la problemática del acceso a la ciudadanía política ha sido uno de los grandes temas de la historia de las mujeres y del género y a partir de los años 1990, ha sido estimulada por las movilizaciones en favor de la paridad política. El texto se enfocará, pues, en la evolución del concepto de ciudadanía femenina y feminista en la construcción política e imaginaria de la ciudadanía en Occidente. Nos preguntaremos ¿de qué “ciudadanías” son beneficiarias las mujeres y cómo han sido investidas de un concepto de ciudadanía neutra, tanto en las representaciones como en prácticas políticas? ¿Cómo responden las ciudades al concepto de una ciudadanía inclusiva de los desafíos y reivindicaciones de reconocimiento de las mujeres y de los feminismos? The long trajectory of the concept of citizenship and its gnoseological evolution during the different historical stage has been broadly analyzed in historiography. Since the classical world, in the greek polis, according to the patriarchal model, has existed the citizenship equality only among the male population. Since the medieval age and since the earliest form of liberalisms, ―which were not inclusive towards sex, race, income, property, personal independence and the degree of civilizing―, the access to the politic citizenship has always been problematic, indeed one of the most awkward topic in women’s and gender history. In the nineties the female participation to the citizenship has been promoted by the mobilizations in favor of equal politic. The text is going to be focused on the evolution of the concept of female and feminist citizenship among the political and imaginary construction of citizenship in the occidental context. We’ll wonder to which kind of “citizenships” women are beneficiaries and how has been wrapped in a wrong concept of neutral citizenship, both in the representations whether in political one. How cities answer to the concept of inclusive democracy y to the defiance of the inclusive democracy concept and how cities deal with the vindications for the acknowledgement of women’s right and feminisms.

En este artículo se aborda, a partir de un estado de la cuestión sobre el debate historiográfico más reciente en torno a las mujeres y la revolución rusa, el papel que tuvieron las feministas rusas, las ravnopravki, las luchadoras por la igualdad de derechos de las mujeres. A través de algunas de las protagonistas del asociacionismo feminista, haré especial hincapié en el movimiento sufragista que se fue consolidando en un momento clave para el Imperio ruso, desde 1905 hasta 1917. Pasando de una revolución a otra, de un domingo a otro (1905- 1917), analizaré, a raíz de la bibliografía existente, no muy copiosa, las formas de la participación de las mujeres en el estallido de la Revolución de febrero, el día 23 de febrero o 8 de marzo de 1917 según el calendario adoptado: el Día Internacional de las mujeres, disputado entre bolcheviques y feministas. Por último, tomaré en consideración otro día muy señalado en la historia del protagonismo revolucionario femenino ruso y su descripción en la historiografía: el día 19 de marzo de 1917, cuando, 40.000 mujeres marcharon por la Nevsky Prospect, bajo el lema: igualdad para las mujeres y obtuvieron el sufragio universal del nuevo gobierno provisional. Starting with a review of the historiographical debate about women and the Russian Revolution, this paper deals with the role that Russian feminists, the ravnopravki, played in the fight for the equal rights of women. Through some of the protagonists of feminist associations, the focus is on the Suffragist movement that was gaining momentum at a key moment for the Russian Empire between 1905 and 1917. Going from one revolution to another, from one Sunday to another (1905-1917), the analysis relies on the existing, though not-so-abundant literature and explores the ways in which women participated in the outbreak of the February Revolution, on 23 February or 8 March 1917, depending on the calendar adopted for International Women’s Day, which was disputed between Bolsheviks and feminists. Finally, consideration is given to another important date in the history of the revolutionary role of the movement of Russian women and its description in historiography, 19 March 1917, when 40,000 women marched down the Nevsky Prospect under the slogan: Equality for women! and obtained universal suffrage from the new Provisional Government.

En este artículo se aborda, a partir de un estado de la cuestión sobre el debate historiográfico más reciente en torno a las mujeres y la revolución rusa, el papel que tuvieron las feministas rusas, las ravnopravki, las luchadoras por la igualdad de derechos de las mujeres. A través de algunas de las protagonistas del asociacionismo feminista, haré especial hincapié en el movimiento sufragista que se fue consolidando en un momento clave para el Imperio ruso, desde 1905 hasta 1917. Pasando de una revolución a otra, de un domingo a otro (1905- 1917), analizaré, a raíz de la bibliografía existente, no muy copiosa, las formas de la participación de las mujeres en el estallido de la Revolución de febrero, el día 23 de febrero o 8 de marzo de 1917 según el calendario adoptado: el Día Internacional de las mujeres, disputado entre bolcheviques y feministas. Por último, tomaré en consideración otro día muy señalado en la historia del protagonismo revolucionario femenino ruso y su descripción en la historiografía: el día 19 de marzo de 1917, cuando, 40.000 mujeres marcharon por la Nevsky Prospect, bajo el lema: igualdad para las mujeres y obtuvieron el sufragio universal del nuevo gobierno provisional. Starting with a review of the historiographical debate about women and the Russian Revolution, this paper deals with the role that Russian feminists, the ravnopravki, played in the fight for the equal rights of women. Through some of the protagonists of feminist associations, the focus is on the Suffragist movement that was gaining momentum at a key moment for the Russian Empire between 1905 and 1917. Going from one revolution to another, from one Sunday to another (1905-1917), the analysis relies on the existing, though not-so-abundant literature and explores the ways in which women participated in the outbreak of the February Revolution, on 23 February or 8 March 1917, depending on the calendar adopted for International Women’s Day, which was disputed between Bolsheviks and feminists. Finally, consideration is given to another important date in the history of the revolutionary role of the movement of Russian women and its description in historiography, 19 March 1917, when 40,000 women marched down the Nevsky Prospect under the slogan: Equality for women! and obtained universal suffrage from the new Provisional Government.

L'obiettivo principale di questo articolo è l'analisi del ruolo dell'Unione Donne Italiane (UDI) e della sua partecipazione come agente dell'antifranchismo negli ultimi anni della dittatura franchista e come testimone di un momento determinante del femminismo spagnolo. Lo studio si realizzerà, in primis, a partire dai documenti dell'Archivio Centrale dell'UDI e della rivista Noi Donne. Il testo si concentra sulle campagne dell'UDI in appoggio alle donne spagnole intorno al novembre del 1971, in seguito ai processi di Burgos, e al settembre del 1975, dopo le ultime esecuzioni del franchismo. In un secondo momento si analizzerà il ruolo che l UDI esercitò come attento osservatore e attore invitato, dal 6 all 8 dicembre del 1975, a Madrid a Las Jornadas de la liberación de la Mujer, in concomitanza con la proclamazione dell'Anno Internazionale delle donne da parte dell ONU. Il ruolo dell UDI, la sua origine antifascista e il suo travagliato incontro con il femminismo spiega, in parte, anche la sintonia con il Movimiento Democrático de Mujeres nel dicembre del 1975. Infine, ciò che si pretende è sottolineare il ruolo delle donne italiane nel rafforzare il processo di transizione verso la democrazia. The main objective of this article is the analysis of the role of Unione Donne Italiane (UDI) and its participation as an agent of anti-Francoism in the last years of the Franco dictatorship and as a witness of a decisive moment in Spanish feminism. The study will be carried out, first of all, based on the documents of the Central Ar-chive of the UDI and the magazine “Noi Donne”. The text focuses on UDI campaigns in support of Spanish women around November 1971, after the Burgos trials, and September 1975, after the last executions of the Franco regime. In a second moment, from December 6 to 8, 1975, in Madrid, in “The Women’s Liberation Days”, the role played by the UDI as an attentive observer and guest actor will be analyzed, coinciding with the proclamation of the International Year of Women for the UN. The role of the UDI, its anti-fascist origin and its “problematic” encounter with feminism explains, in part, also the harmony with the Women’s Democratic Movement in December 1975. Finally, what is claimed is to emphasize the role of Italian Women in strengthening the process of transition to democracy. El objetivo principal de este artículo es el análisis del papel de la Unione Donne Italiane (UDI) y su participación como agente del antifranquismo en los últimos años de la dictadura franquista y como testigo de un momento decisivo en el feminismo español. El estudio se realizará, ante todo, a partir de los documentos del Archivo Central de la UDI y de la revista “Noi Donne”. El texto se centra en las campañas de UDI en apoyo de las mujeres españolas alrededor de noviembre de 1971, después de los juicios de Burgos, y septiembre de 1975, después de las últimas ejecuciones del régimen de Franco. En un segundo momento se analizará, del 6 al 8 de diciembre de 1975, en Madrid, en “Las Jornadas de la Liberación de la Mujer”, el papel que ejerció la UDI como observador atento y actor invitado, coincidiendo con la proclamación de la Año Internacional de la Mujer por la ONU. El papel de la UDI, su origen antifascista y su encuentro “problemático” con el feminismo explica, en parte, también la armonía con el Movimiento Democrático de Mujeres en diciembre de 1975. Finalmente, lo que se afirma es enfatizar el papel de las mujeres italianas en el fortalecimiento del proceso de transición a la democracia.