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Copyright of Journal of Italian Studies / Rivista di Studi Italiani is the property of Rivista di Studi Italiani and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Spagna Contemporanea is the property of Viella Editrice srl and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Slobodan Jovanović made frequent stays in Italy since his earliest childhood, which contributed to his thorough and comprehensive understanding of Italian history, politics, science, culture and arts. His father, Vladimir Jovanović, maintained close contact with Mazzini, whose liberal nationalism he embraced and followed. Some of their closest family members resided in Rome during the First World War, because Vladimir Jovanović’s sonin-law, Mihailo Ristić, served as Serbia’s minister to Italy (1914-17). For about half a century Slobodan Jovanović was an interpreter of Italian political history, of its influence on Serbian and Yugoslav history, and of the work of Italian statesmen and theorists, notably Machiavelli. In the 1930s he taught a doctoral course on Italian public law and corporate system. After the Second World War he lived in exile in London. Some of the works he published there showed that some solutions in the constitution of socialist Yugoslavia, presented as an original invention, had already existed in interwar Italian corporate law.

This article recounts the Alcott sisters' experience in Rome, in the contingency of the Tiber's flood and of the political transition to the Italian unification. The arrival of the King of Italy is welcomed by Louisa May and originates, along with the inundation, a vivid urban sketch written in the tragicomic style of Dickens. Alcott's support to the patriots is here discussed as part of the neglected intellectual legacy of Bronson Alcott, whose romantic pedagogy inspired Little Men: her novel conceived and written in Rome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary political debate is replete with presentations of nationalism that see it as a reactionary movement with a troubling history and dubious prospect. It is often contrasted with globalism, presented in equally sweeping terms. A closer look at the tensions between nationalism and globalism reveals a far more complex picture, especially when the nineteenth and twentieth century histories of those terms are examined. This paper argues for a more nuanced view of nationalism and its value in societies, a value that depends on the action of metapolitical forces, most especially religion, to save nationalism from violent distortions and globalism from naïve utopianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents the content of the lectio magistralis delivered by the recipient at the doctor honoris causa ceremony hosted by Babeş-Bolyai University. It broadly outlines the relations between the political events that took place in the Italian Peninsula and in Central and Southeastern Europe in the nineteenth century, in the period of national revivals. Thus, in Italy, the struggle of the Greek insurgents against the Sultan quickly created the myth of an independent Greece. Conversely, Garibaldi's conquest of the South created a new myth that became popular and desirable throughout Europe. As to the Romanians, their interest in Italy increased as a result of the formation of the unified Italian national state and they paid particular attention to the victories of Garibaldi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Societa e Storia is the property of FrancoAngeli srl and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Commentators attempting to explain Italy often see many contradictions and peculiarities. Looking in particular at Italian political thought, they find personalities and rarely schools. Nonetheless, this essay will focus on the legacies of Mazzini and Gramsci. They are the most distinguished Italian personalities in the debate about modern international relations. They diverge on most arguments concerning the international as a political category and are rarely discussed together. Today's Mazzini is included in the debate about the conditions that justify international military interventions, while Gramsci is mainly discussed during considerations of the empowerment of subordinate workers. However, what unites them is the peculiarity of Italy placed halfway between the developed and underdeveloped worlds. In addition, the social and territorial amorphousness of Italy gave rise to the necessity of a process of remodelling and rethinking the role and form of politics beyond conventional institutional frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Around 1830, the counter-revolutionary movement began to wither but a new European fever would burst in 1848. On one hand, the revolutionary wave of 1848 covers a short period of time – 1848 and 1849. On the other hand, it falls within a broader perspective due to the upholding of liberal and national aspirations.This was both a liberal and national phenomenon that marked the revolutionary movement in Italy.In spite of the utopia underlying such a project, created in 1834, the latter was undoubtedly significant when seen from a cross European perspective based on a democratic view of the Nation-State. It should be noted that this patriotic élan was also a moment of convergence in Europe. This was the feeling that encouraged Mazzini in 1848, when he believed that favorable conditions had been met for the struggle against Austrian oppression.In fact, the unifications of Germany and Italy changed the European balance of power.Mazzinian and Garibaldian, revolutionary and moderate, Genoa played a leading role in important moments of the 19th century Italian life: “Le due anime quella mazziniana e della sinistra rivoluzionaria in genere, e quella moderata, che avrà dopo l’Unità un ruolo importante – sono entrambe protagonista nel quadro dele vicende risorgimentali”.

In one of history’s ironies, the republic that arose in Rome out of Europe’s revolutionary wave in 1848 was crushed by the new republic that had formed in France at the same time. In an additional irony, the destruction of the Roman Republic and the restoration of the papal theocracy were overseen by the internationally renowned champion of constitutional rights and freedom, Alexis de Tocqueville, then France’s foreign minister. This article sheds new light on this dramatic series of events through an examination of the French diplomatic correspondence, which reveals growing dismay at the direction in which events were unfolding. The correspondence also gives a sense of how close the French came to abandoning the pope, a decision that could have changed the course of Italian and French, as well as Church history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In addition to shaping individuals, the family unit can be an important agent of political change. Although Victorian family values fortified the father's role as the undisputedpaterfamiliaswith almost unlimited patriarchal control, the Ashurst family disavowed convention. For three generations the Ashursts carried their commitments to equality and freedom out of the home, where the ideas were nurtured, into civil society, where family members campaigned for change. From the 1830s through to the early twentieth century they were on the front lines of reform in Britain. Through their correspondence and social contacts, they created an international network stretching from Italy to the USA. Anecdotes in their letters, memoirs and obituaries reveal how families transmit values. The Ashursts defined ‘family’ broadly, including not only blood relatives but also those who cared as deeply as they did about reform. Rather than accommodate to cultural norms they self-consciously subverted society's expectations to foster nonconformity. Family members involved themselves in prominent campaigns of the era from anti-slavery to Italian unification to women's suffrage. They created circles of likeminded activists, both male and female, and built upon the connections established at home. Ostensibly a family that rejected conventional norms, their unwavering loyalty to each other and lifelong close relationships reflect their embrace of one of the most fundamental Victorian values: the sanctity of the family. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the translational legacy of the doctrine of Giuseppe Mazzini to the British co-operators. It states the scant attention reserved by labour historians to the long legacy of the doctrine of Mazzini amongst the British co-operators while British radical's support for Italian Risorgiment to revolutionary is popular. It also argues on the allegiance of Mazzini's doctrine to Italian exile's doctrine has crossed class divisions.

Copyright of Mediterranea - Ricerche Storiche is the property of Mediterranea-Ricerche Storiche and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Marxist theory has always maintained that a strict continuity exists between liberalism and fascism, and has even proclaimed that there is a causal connection between the two. Therefore fascism comes to be portrayed as the ‘armed wing’ of the bourgeoisie. The Marxist thesis is weak for two reasons: first, because the connection between liberalism and fascism, though it doubtless exists, is considerably more complex, mediated and contradictory than it suggests; and second, because it axiomatically denies the revolutionary nature of fascism, which despite what Marxists claim, represents a rupture with the liberal tradition and demonstrates a relative autonomy from it. In the case of Italy, this autonomy arises from the fact that Fascism was born from the turmoil surrounding the genesis, the course and the outcome of the Great War, and was fed by fragments of philosophies and political theories radically opposed to liberalism, democracy and Marxism (though not to socialism) which arose in Europe at the turn of the 19th century. A birth in such a turbulent cultural and political climate could not give rise to an internally consistent and coherent ideology. The theoretical works of philosophers such as Giovanni Gentile encouraged liberalism to fool itself into seeing in fascism an unruly brother who could be put to good use by opposing socialism. This delusion enabled the rise to power of Mussolini. The revolutionary side to Fascism could draw on Italian populism’s latent revolutionary tradition which developed in the 50 years following unification as a transfiguration of ideological currents which contributed to the Risorgimento but which had been defeated by Cavourian liberalism. These included Mazzinianism and a particular type of radical anti-monarchism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Addressing Italian workers in his Doveri dell’uomo of 1860, Mazzini unequivocally laid out his thoughts on women's rights. The thinker from Genoa, all the more after his encounters with other political philosophers from different national environments such as Britain and France, saw the principle of equality between men and women as fundamental to his project of constructing first the nation, and second a democratic republic. In his ideas regarding emancipation Mazzini, who spent a good 40 years of his life in exile, was one of a small group of European thinkers who in challenging the established customs and prevailing laws not only hoped for the end of women's social and judicial subordination, but also held that changes to the position of women were essential to the realisation of their political projects. Thanks to this respected group of intellectuals, the issue of female emancipation found a place in the nineteenth-century European debate regarding democracy and the formation of national states. The closeness of the positions of these thinkers, and their commitment in practice as well as theory, mean that it can legitimately be argued that in the course of the nineteenth century a current of feminist thinking took shape. This was born of the encounters between and reflections of various intellectuals who met first in France and then in England, and who came to see women's rights not just as a discrete issue for resolution but as fundamental to their projects for the regeneration of nations, or, as in the Italian case, for the construction and rebirth of a nation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the Mazzinian sense, duties are not commandments. Duty means dia logos, dialogue. It posits a dialectical approach that welcomes different points of view, recognizes the dignity and legitimacy of diversity, is determined to understand the reason of 'others' for the sake of peaceful coexistence, and to oppose institutions and governments that trample on fundamental human rights. Duties in the Mazzinian sense are ethical guidelines, to be examined and applied personally on a daily basis, keeping in mind the consequences of one's actions. This definition of duty is the premise for the Mazzinian concept of republican solidarity, which rises from the awareness that everyone and everything has an assigned role and a dignity of its own, and is therefore in direct or indirect relationship with the rest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between Mazzini and Garibaldi is described in its ideological roots and in its political developments, in order to show their different attitude towards the Italian unification. Although their first misunderstanding happened during the Roman Republic in 1849, Mazzini's influence is still strong in the organization and in the success of the liberation of Two Sicilies in 1860, particularly through Francesco Crispi. The final personal break was caused by the unlucky experience of the Mentana expedition (1867), when Garibaldi failed to free Rome. Fundamental ideas as democracy, republic, social justice, humanity and universal brotherhood have been however always common to them. The two protagonists of Risorgimento never intended accepting the role to which their fateful encounter prompted them - the one to provide the brawn and the other the brains for Italy's liberation. Just as Mazzini never renounced involving himself in the operational decisions of the movement, Garibaldi never gave up his own way of thinking and looking at things. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]