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Numerous studies have identified a late-onset pattern of offending, yet debate remains over whether this pattern is real or attributable to measurement error. The goal of the present study is to identify whether this late-onset trajectory exists. We used prospective longitudinal data from the Rochester Youth Development Study and group-based trajectory modeling to identify distinct developmental patterns in self-reported incidence of general delinquency from approximately ages 14 to age 31. We then examined and compared the means of general, violent, street, and property offending for individuals belonging to late bloomer, chronic, and low-level offending trajectories across three periods: 1) pre-onset (ages 14-17), 2) post-onset (ages 29-31), and, 3) for a subset of participants participating in a follow-up study, post-trajectory (ages 32-40). Results confirmed the existence of a distinct late bloomers offending trajectory characterized by low rates of delinquency throughout adolescence and high levels throughout adulthood. Furthermore, late bloomers had similar mean levels of delinquency as low-level offenders and that were considerably lower than chronic offenders in the pre-onset period and similar means of offending as chronic offenders that were considerably higher than low-level offenders in the post-onset and post-trajectory periods. Comparisons of these three groups on adolescent risk and protective factors indicated that late bloomers were more similar to individuals in the low-level trajectory and had fewer risk and more protective factors than individuals following a chronic trajectory. Contrary to prior work which attributes late-onset offending to reliance on official data which fails to detect adolescent offending, late bloomer offending appears to be a genuine phenomenon. These results lend greater support to dynamic theories of crime.

As more states legalize recreational cannabis, questions remain about the impact of this transition for police who continue to be responsible for enforcing laws governing illicit production and distribution of the drug, use of the substance in prohibited settings, and possession by juveniles. Legalization may also lead to additional responsibilities, including policing homegrown cannabis and licensed businesses involved in cultivating, processing, and selling the drug. Documenting the experience of law enforcement officers in states that have already transitioned to a legal market may provide important insights into the implementation of cannabis policies in other jurisdictions. The present study surveyed 301 law enforcement officers in Oregon three years after the state legalized recreational marijuana. Results indicate that officers perceive increases in many marijuana-related problems following legalization and most officers report that the state’s revised statutes are confusing and difficult to enforce. Implications for public policy are discussed.

OBJECTIVE: Social networks play an important role in the development of and recovery from problem drinking behaviors; however, few studies have measured the social networks of individuals convicted of driving under the influence (DUI) or assessed the relationship between social network characteristics and risk for DUI relapse and recidivism. The goal of this study is to describe the social network characteristics of a first-time DUI population in the 2 weeks before the DUI incident; examine demographic differences in social network characteristics by age, ethnicity, and gender; and assess the relationship between social network characteristics and risk factors for DUI. METHOD: We collected personal (egocentric) social network survey data from 94 participants (65% male) enrolled in a randomized clinical trial comparing the effects of cognitive behavioral therapy with usual care for individuals convicted of a first-time DUI. Multivariate models were used to assess the relationship between pre-DUI personal network characteristics and risk factors for DUI measured at baseline interview. RESULTS: Results indicate that the proportion of drinking partners in one’s personal network was positively associated with drinks per week, binge drinking, alcohol use, marijuana use, and alcohol-related consequences. Several dimensions of personal network support were inversely associated with risk factors for DUI. CONCLUSIONS: The pre-DUI composition of personal networks has a strong relationship to baseline risk factors for DUI; networks composed of more risky individuals (e.g., drinking partners) were associated with greater substance use and drinking and driving behaviors. Networks with greater levels of social support were associated with lower likelihood of self-reported driving after drinking and intentions to drive after drinking. Interventions that target positive and negative aspects of personal networks may enhance clinical treatments.

Background Social networks are important predictors of alcohol-related outcomes, especially among those with a DUI where riskier social networks are associated with increased risk of drinking and driving. Social networks are increasingly a target for intervention; however, no studies have examined and measured whether longitudinal changes in social networks are associated with reductions in impaired driving. Objective The current study first examines longitudinal changes in social networks among participants receiving services following a first-time DUI, and then examines the association between network change and drinking outcomes at 4- and 10-month follow-up. Methods The study surveyed a subsample of participants (N = 94) enrolled in a clinical trial of individuals randomized to cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) or usual care (UC) on an iPad using EgoWeb 2.0—an egocentric social network data collection software—about pre-DUI and post-DUI networks and their short- and long-term drinking behaviors. Results Participants were 65% male, 48% Hispanic, and an average of 32.5 years old. Overall, participants significantly reduced the proportion of network members with whom they drank from 0.41 to 0.30 (p = .001) and with whom they drank more alcohol than they wanted to from 0.15 to 0.07 (p = .0001) from two weeks prior to the DUI (measured at baseline) to 4-month follow-up. Furthermore, decreases in proportion of drinking partners over time were associated with reduced drinks per week, self-reported driving after drinking, and intentions to drive after drinking at 4-month follow-up. Participants who reported decreases in proportion of drinking partners also reported significantly less binge drinking at 10-month follow-up. Finally, increases in emotional support were associated with decreases in binge drinking at 4-month follow-up. The study found no differences in the changes in composition of networks between CBT and UC groups. Conclusions These results suggest that individuals receiving services in DUI programs significantly reduced risky network members over time and that these social network changes were associated with reduced drinking and other indicators of risk for DUI recidivism. Clinical interventions that target reductions in risky network members may improve outcomes for those enrolled in a DUI program.

In spite of the significant burden associated with substance use disorders, especially among persons who inject drugs (PWIDs), most affected individuals do not engage with any type of formal or informal treatment. Addiction stigma, which is represented by negative social attitudes toward individuals who use alcohol and/or other drugs, is one of the barriers to care that is poorly understood. The current study: a) assessed implicit (indirect and difficult to consciously control) and explicit (consciously controlled) beliefs about PWIDs among visitors to a public web site; and b) experimentally investigated the effects of ethnicity/race and gender on those implicit and explicit beliefs.N=899 predominantly White (70%) and women (62%) were randomly assigned to one of six target PWIDs conditions: gender (man/woman) x race/ethnicity (White, Black, Latino/a). Participants completed an Implicit Association Test and explicit assessment of addiction stigma.Participants implicitly associated PWIDs (especially Latino/a vs. White PWIDs) with deserving punishment as opposed to help (p=0.003, d=0.31), indicating presence of addiction stigma-related implicit beliefs. However, this bias was not evident on the explicit measure (p=0.89). Gender did not predict differential implicit or explicit addiction stigma (p=0.18).Contrary to explicit egalitarian views towards PWIDs, participants' implicit beliefs were more in line with addiction stigma. If replicated and clearer ties to behavior are established, results suggest the potential importance of identifying conditions under which implicit bias might influence behavior (even despite explicit egalitarian views) and increase the likelihood of discrimination towards PWIDs.

This report provides recommendations for how the Air Force's survey system for monitoring abuse and misconduct in Basic Military Training can best be adapted for use in technical training and flying training environments. The report also provides background on the training environments, revisions to tailor the survey content for these environments, survey pretest results, strategies to promote participation, and recommendations for future use.

To better assess the effects online intake systems might have in practice, researchers conducted an evaluation of the online intake system for civil legal aid that New Mexico implemented in April 2016. The researchers used information collected from staff interviews, surveys administered to applicants, and administrative data collected from both the online intake system and the two largest legal aid providers in New Mexico.

Background Previous literature has found continuity for intimate partner violence, but little research has explored continuity between dating violence and adult intimate partner violence (IPV) or whether protective factors may attenuate this relationship. Aims This research hypothesised a positive relationship between dating violence in early adulthood and later adulthood IPV and that support and attachment would provide buffering and direct protection for this relationship. Methods Data from the Rochester Youth Development Study were used to explore these questions through negative binomial regression. Results Dating violence was statistically significantly related to an increase of adult IPV. Family support, parental reports of attachment to the subject, peer support and parenting-related social support all were protective factors that provided a direct effect for those respondents perpetrating dating violence. None of the protective factors provided buffering protection between dating violence and adult IPV. Conclusions Results confirm significant continuity between dating violence and IPV and that support from peers and family, parenting-related support and parental reports of attachment protect an individual from continuing to engage in intimate partner violence throughout adulthood. Bolstering these supportive relationships may help provide points of intervention to interrupt the link between early dating violence and later adulthood IPV. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

California's Juvenile Justice Crime Prevention Act provides funds for counties to offer evidence-based programs for high-need juvenile probationers and at-risk youths. This report evaluates the program on statewide and county measures. It also compares system costs for program youths in the six months before and after entering a program.

Ethnographic evidence reveals that many crimes in poor minority neighborhoods evade criminal justice sanctioning, thus leading to a negative association between the proportion of minority residents in a neighborhood and the arrest rate. To explain this finding, we extend recent theoretical explications of the concept of legal cynicism. Legal cynicism refers to a cultural orientation in which the law and the agents of its enforcement are viewed as illegitimate, unresponsive, and ill equipped to ensure public safety. Crime might flourish in neighborhoods characterized by legal cynicism because individuals who view the law as illegitimate are less likely to comply with it; yet because of legal cynicism, these crimes might go unreported and therefore unsanctioned. This study draws on data from the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods to test the importance of legal cynicism for understanding geographic variation in the probability of arrest. We find that, in neighborhoods characterized by high levels of legal cynicism, crimes are much less likely to lead to an arrest than in neighborhoods where citizens view the police more favorably. Findings also reveal that residents of highly cynical neighborhoods are less likely to engage in collective efficacy and that collective efficacy mediates the association between legal cynicism and the probability of arrest.

This work is the fifth monograph in the special series on Transition from juvenile delinquency to adult crime. The first issue (on criminal transition) was published in the number 9 (2011) of the same journal; the second (about criminal career patterns) and the third (theoretical explanations of criminal transitions) were published in the number 11 (2013), and the forth just in the present 13 number of the journal. Meanwhile, this paper deals with juvenile delinquency in the United States and the combined intervention with juvenile offenders of both justice systems juvenile and adult. The legal debates and the historical circumstances that led youth delinquents to be transferred, in certain cases, to the adult justice system are analysed as well as their problems. Finally, various research results and other rational considerations are reviewed (about brain maturation and individuals? development, effective rehabilitation programs, on the diminished responsibility of minors, etc.). These results support the desirability of juvenile delinquents are preferably processed in the framework of the juvenile justice and not in the adult criminal justice.

We investigate adolescent risk factors, measured at both early and late adolescence, for involvement in child maltreatment during adulthood. Comprehensive assessments of risk factors for maltreatment that use representative samples with longitudinal data are scarce and can inform multilevel prevention. We use data from the Rochester Youth Development Study, a longitudinal study begun in 1988 with a sample of 1,000 seventh and eighth graders. Participants have been interviewed 14 times and, at the last assessment (age 31), 80% were retained. Risk factors represent 10 developmental domains: area characteristics, family background/structure, parent stressors, exposure to family violence, parent-child relationships, education, peer relationships, adolescent stressors, antisocial behaviors, and precocious transitions to adulthood. Maltreatment is measured by substantiated reports from Child Protective Services records. Many individual risk factors (20 at early adolescence and 14 at later adolescence) are significantly, albeit moderately, predictive of maltreatment. Several developmental domains stand out, including family background/structure, education, antisocial behaviors, and precocious transitions. In addition, there is a pronounced impact of cumulative risk on the likelihood of maltreatment. For example, only 3% of the youth with no risk domains in their background at early adolescence were involved in later maltreatment, but for those with risk in 9 developmental domains the rate was 45%. Prevention programs targeting youth at high risk for engaging in maltreatment should begin during early adolescence when risk factors are already at play. These programs need to be comprehensive, capable of addressing the multiple and interwoven nature of risk that is associated with maltreatment. Language: en

Full text aanvragen via link What makes a juvenile delinquent develop into an adult criminal? What defines-cognitively, developmentally, legally-the transition from juvenile to adult and what determines whether patterns of criminal behavior persist? In most US states and Western nations, legal adulthood begins at age 18. This volume focuses on the period surrounding that abrupt transition (roughly ages 15-29) and addresses what happens to offending careers during it. Edited by two leading authorities in the fields of psychology and criminology, Transitions from Juvenile Delinquency to Adult Crime examines why the period of transition is important and how it can be better understood and addressed both inside and outside of the justice system.