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This article aims at giving a comprehensive account of a so far undescribed reduplicative pattern in Italian named syntactic discontinuous reduplication with antonymic pairs (SDRA). This pattern, characterized by the non-contiguous repetition of the same element within a larger fixed configuration defined by two spatial antonyms, can be schematized as , where Adv1 and Adv2 are antonyms (e.g., di qua ‘here’ ∼ di là ‘there’). After describing its formal and functional properties, based on naturally occurring data extracted from the Italian Web 2016 corpus, the SDRA is analyzed as an independent ‘construction’ in the Construction Grammar sense. This construction is claimed to convey a general value of ‘plurality’ and to have developed a polysemy network of daughter constructions expressing more specific functions such as ‘distributivity,’ ‘related variety,’ and ‘dispersion.’ In addition, we propose considering the SDRA a ‘multiple source construction,’ originating from the blending of two independent constructions: syntactic reduplication and irreversible binomials with antonymic adverbs. Finally, we discuss SDRA-like patterns in other typologically different languages (Russian, Modern Hebrew, Mandarin Chinese, German), pointing out similarities and differences, and paving the way to a more systematic study of discontinuous reduplication in a crosslinguistic perspective.

This article aims to fill a gap in the typological literature by discussing the typology of overt denominal verb formation strategies, that is, morphosyntactic strategies other than conversion/zero‐derivation that are used to derive a verb from a nominal base. We analyse the morphological, syntactic and semantic properties of these strategies in a variety sample of 222 languages. These properties include the morphological status, the productivity, and the semantic effects of the overt verbaliser, as well as the features of the nominal base and the polysemy patterns that characterise verbalisers across languages. The typological survey is complemented by a section on the diachronic typology of overt denominal verb formation strategies, in which we identify the most common diachronic sources of overt verbalisers and discuss the diachronic dynamics that involve them in relation to other denominal verb formation strategies such as conversion/zero‐derivation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to give a comprehensive description of the suffix ‑ pödï of Akawaio (Cariban, Venezuelan). In particular, we aim to investigate the functions that this marker can express and the grammatical status that it has in the grammar of Akawaio. This is a challenge because ‑ pödï shows broad multifunctionality that has not yet been fully explored. A review of the typological phenomenon of pluractionality suggests that all the functions of this suffix can be captured within the pluractional conceptual space. In addition to mapping the functions of ‑ pödï into the pluractional space, we also identify additional morphology that explains the absence of ‑ pödï in the other typical pluractional functions. Finally, we give an overview of pluractional markers in other Cariban languages, with particular reference to Kari'nja. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at investigating the semantics of nominal reduplication cross-linguistically. Nominal reduplication is treated as an iconic morphological device expressing functions that have something to do with plurality. Nevertheless, in the languages of the world, other types of functions are attested as well, which seem to pivot around different notions like conceptual similarity, heterogeneity, combinations of them, or even possession. Based on a large-scale cross-linguistic analysis, we provide a typology of nominal reduplication considering the range of semantic functions and the type of reduplicative patterns. We argue that the attested variation clearly points to a common semantic core underlying the various functions, and this core can be identified in some modification of the degree and type of referentiality. Finally, the attested tendencies and correlations may shed new light on the role of iconicity in explaining the connection between reduplicated nouns and their functions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hittite features three derivational suffixes, i.e., -ške/a-, -šša-, and -anna/i-, that attach to verbs and are commonly described as expressing a number of imperfective-like functions. So far, the distribution and use of these suffixes has defied a satisfactory explanation. Whereas some scholars argue that they operate within the domain of lexical aspect, others view them as associated with the encoding of grammatical imperfective aspect. In this paper, we focus on the interpretation of -ške/a- and argue that a better understanding of the nature of this suffix can be achieved if one frames its description within the typology of pluractional constructions. As we show, the range of polyfunctionality of -ške/a- fully complies with the cross-linguistic behavior of pluractional markers. We also provide a tentative diachronic scenario that accounts for the rise of such polyfunctionality out of the original semantic core of the suffix. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]