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The Massachusetts Toxic Use Reduction Act (TURA) has caused a substantial reduction in toxic chemicals use. The law, which has been drawing strong criticisms from the chemical manufacturing industry, requires some 600 companies to disclose their use of toxic chemicals to the public, formulate biennial use reduction plans and pay an annual fee to fund the program. Industry critics dismiss TURA and contend that corporate commitments and other environmental regulations motivate waste reduction. Cost-benefit studies, however, reveal that TURA's benefits exceeded costs of implementing it.

Objectives. Question 1 raised the Massachusetts state tobacco tax to fund tobacco education programs. This paper examines the process of qualifying and passing Question 1. Methods. Information was gathered from internal memoranda, meeting minutes, newspaper articles, internal documents, letters, newsletters, news and press releases, and personal interviews. Data about campaign contributions were obtained from the Massachusetts Office of Campaign and Political Finance. Results. Three factors help explain why Question 1 passed: (1) the policy environment was favorable because of the social unacceptability of smoking; (2) the activists assembled a large coalition of supporters; and (3) the activists countered industry claims that the new tax would hurt small business and lower-income smokers and would be wasted by the legislature. The ballot initiative passed despite the industry's $7 million campaign to defeat it. Conclusions. The apparent influence of the tobacco industry on the legislature was the driving force behind the decision of public health activists to qualify Question 1. Moving policy-making out of the legislature into the public arena widened the scope of conflict and enabled public health activists to win. (Am J Public Health. 1997;87:968-973)

'Lawes and Libertyes,' a complete legal code of conduct published by the colonists in 1648, differed from the laws of England. The book made direct reference to Latin and Roman laws and reveals the idealism of the colonists and their dream for a new world that is ruled by a common law. This book was reprinted several times and was popular even in England.

Reformers vigorously pushed for the elimination of capital punishment in Massachusetts between 1835 and 1849. The driving force behind the movement was Robert Rantoul, Jr. who was a Democrat elected to the House of Representatives in 1834. However, the first bill he introduced to abolish capital punishment was defeated in Mar 1835. The trial in Mar 26, 1846 of Albert Terrill for the murder of his lover Maria Bickford provided the reformers with the opportunity to press their views. Despite their efforts, however, the movement was unsuccessful.

The spatial spread of policies, usually studied with an emphasis on contagion and demonstration effects, can also reflect considerations of trans-boundary spillovers. The model of the 'race to the bottom' criticizes decentralized regulation as inherently tending towards laxity because of competition among jurisdictions for business. There exists also the possibility of a 'race to the top,' in which a fear of an influx of an activity being regulated elsewhere causes the regulation to spread. An analysis of turn-of-the-century Massachusetts municipal saloon licensing policy illustrates the latter phenomenon. Key Words: decentralization, diffusion, liquor, public policy, regulation.

A state claims the right to boycott a repressive regime. Global trading companies oppose the state - with support from the European Union. The argument started in 1767. Do states [...]

A ruling in a Massachusetts wiretapping case could inhibit the media's oversight of the government. Media organizations and their lawyers were relieved when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in May [...]

Seven states responded to freedom of information questions by creating state agencies on open government. Editor's Note: Robert Freeman is the chairman of the New York State Committee on Open [...]

Objectives. The authors examined trends and predictors of public support for smoke-free restaurants in Massachusetts. Methods. Since 1992, the Massachusetts Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System has asked survey respondents about their attitudes toward smoking in restaurants. Analyses using data from 1992 to 1999 characterized changes over time in support for smoke-free restaurants and the role of demographic and smoking-related factors in predicting support. Results, During 1992 to 1999, the rate of support for smoke-free restaurants increased from 37.5% to 59.8%, with similar increases among current, former, and never smokers. After adjustment for smoking status, support was associated with socioeconomic characteristics, race/ethnicity, and household smoking rules. Among current smokers, lighter smokers and those who were trying to quit were more likely to endorse smoke-free restaurants. Conclusions. There has been a substantial increase in support for smoke-free restaurants among both smokers and nonsmokers in Massachusetts. (Am J Public Health. 2001;91:300-303)

Compared to other nonstate actors such as transnational enterprises (TNEs), international institutions, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), the influence of local (sometimes referred to as noncentral or subnational) government on global [...]