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Recently food shortage has become the major flagging scenario around the globe. To resolve this challenge, there is dire need to significantly increase crop productivity per unit area. In the present study, 24 genotypes of rice were grown in pots to assess their tillering number, number of primary and secondary branches per panicle, number of grains per panicle, number of grains per plant, and grain yield, respectively. In addition, the potential function of miR156 was analyzed, regulating seed sequence in rice. Furthermore, OsSPL14 gene for miR156 was sequenced to identify additional mutations within studied region. The results demonstrated Bas-370 and L-77 showed highest and lowest tillers, respectively. Bas-370, Rachna basmati, Bas-2000, and Kashmir Basmati showed high panicle branches whereas, L-77, L-46, Dilrosh, L-48, and L-20 displayed lowest panicle branches. Bas-370 and four other studied accessions contained C allele whereas, L-77 and 18 other investigated accessions had heterozygous (C and T) alleles in their promoter region. C-T allelic mutation was found in 3rd exon of the OsSPL14 gene. The sequence analysis of 12 accessions revealed a novel mutation (C-T) present ~2bp upstream and substitution of C-A allele. However, no significant correlation for novel mutation was found for tillering and panicle branches in studied rice accessions. Taken together present results suggested novel insight into the binding of miR156 to detected mutation found in 3rd exon of the OsSPL14 gene. Nevertheless, L-77, L-46, Dilrosh, L-48, and L-20 could be used as potential breeding resource for improving panicle architecture contributing yield improvement of rice crop. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper is an attempt to evaluate consociational political strategies, grand coalition and segmental autonomy, in the political and democratic history of Pakistan from 1947 to Signing of Charter of Democracy in 2006. We challenge conventional wisdom and argue that it was not only centralized nature of Pakistani state which created hurdles for flourishing democracy and politics of accommodation, adjustment and respect. Rather, lack of consociational political strategies on the part of political elites also contributed to developing politics of contention. Through investigation of political history of Pakistan, the paper argues that failure of political elites to develop consociational political strategies had negative impacts on issues related to segmental autonomy, proportional representation and supremacy of parliament which are the core principles of Arend Lijphart's consociational theory. While investigating role of Judiciary, the paper argues that as per consociational theory, superior judiciary has failed to play a-political and constitutional role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper brings in view the functions of the judiciary where it challenged the sovereignty of the Parliament with focus on the government affairs from 2008-2013. It happened twice when the judiciary stepped out of its bounds; first, the conviction of Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani in the contempt of court case, and the other is Memogate scandal. Both, constitutionally and legally, fall in the domain of Parliament. In the post-18th Amendment scenario, it is only the prerogative of Parliament in power to de-seat a sitting prime minister. However, in the absence of 58-2 (b) and despite the fact the prime minister enjoyed majority in Parliament, the apex court's decision to dethrone prime minister was an interference in the core of parliament's powers. Secondly, the Memogate scandal was to be resolved on the floor of Parliament. These two important aspects are discussed in the following pages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]